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VOLUME XL-NUMBER 45. §TANDARD ISSUED EVERY FRIDAY EVENIN6 BY JOHN MILLER MURPHY, K<litoi and Proprietor **uhi*cri|>tl»n Hates. Per yi-.tr, ill advance $2 00 Six months, in advance 1 00 Ail vert lain*; Kale. One square (lncli) per vear 512 00 " " |>er quarter .. 400 O.ie square,one insertion 1 00 " " subsequent insertions.. 50 Advertisim:. four squares or upward bv the year, at liberal rates. I,'Vgil notices will lie charged to the attorney orolHcer authorizing their inser tion. Advertisements sent from a distance, and trmsient notices must tie accompan ied bv the cash. Ann iiinceinents ol marriages, births and deaths inserted free. Obituary notices, resolutions of respect and other articles which do not possess a general interest will be inserted at one h all the rates for business advertisements. —————— 11ECHERCHE GRILL PARLORS AND Oyster House. 326 MAIN STREET, - - - OLYMPIA Private Parlor, for Ladles and Families. Allourmeatß are grilled for broiled) on the latefit improved French Grill Irons, or cooked as usual to suit the cus tomer. S. J. BURROWS, Proprietor. Tilt POPULAR "TONY FACST" RESTAUR AUT Has lieen remodeled and after a suspen sion of several weeks is prepared, as in the past, to serve the Best Meal iQ the City. GIVE TJB A. TRIAL. C. HOLTHUSKN, Prop., 114 Kilih Street. Entrances 4 1,4 Ki,tb Strect " Entrances ; Ma , n street Charley's Saloon. C. VIETZER, Proprietor. Beat Brands of Wines, Liquors and Cigars Olympia Beer a Specialty 115 FOURTH STREET. Those who call once and sample the excel lence of hie goods, will " now and then" call again. OLYMPIA Equal to any Hotel of the Northwest Coast. CONVENIENT OF ACCESS For passengers by railwiys or steamers. A paradise for families and day board ers and a home for Commercial Travel ers. E. NELSON TUNIN, Proprietor. THE BALDWIN LODGING-HOUSE ON STUART CORNER SIXTH AND MAIN STREETS. NEWLY FURNISHED ROOMS -25 CENTS AND - Olympia, Wash.. March 23. 1800. tf O. 8. B. HENRY, G S.;DEPUTY SURVEYOR Residence t ftixth Street, Swan's Addl. "on to Olympia, Wasb. SURVEYING of all kinds promptly at tended to. The re-establishing of old uovermnent lines a specialty. Tow-sites surveyed and platted. Railroads located »nd levels run for drains. Rands exam nea and character re|Miriocl. Olvinpia.'ADril 18. XdhD. 1 A PARAMOUNT DUTY OF TWO EVILS LET US CHOOSE ' THE LEAST. Why the People Should Not Vote for John R. Rogers for Governor—A Duty Far Superior to Fealty to Party Forms—The Highest Po litical Duty Is to Repudiate all Forms of Fraud in Partisan Organization. Occasionally we hear it said that "the administration of Gov. Rogers has been exceedingly good," and also that " John R. Rogers has made the best Governor that Washington has ever had." The first statement is mis leading and the second is emphati cally untrue. For the successful ad ministration of State affairs the entire credit is due to State officers —Jen- kins, Chectham, Bridges, Young and Vance, and the Governor had practi cally nothing to do with it. So much for the first proposition, and as re gards the second, viz: that " Rogers has made the best Governor," we em phatically deny the truth of the state ment and will give ahundant facts to substantiate the denial. It is well for people who follow the promptings of patriotism in shaping the destiny of free government to study well the per sonal characteristics of their so-called rulers, and when they ask for re-elec tion, to verify by crucial facts their adaptability, or unfitness for an exten sion of official terms, based upon the best possible test, tbeir own acts. There is no better way of judging of the future than by the past, and in judging of the past official acts of John R. Rogers, what anybody can see to approve aside from the bare perform ance of routine work, is beyond the power of mortal man to discover. On the other hand there is much connect ed with his official conduct that, like Vice, presents so frightful a mien. "As to be bated needs bute to be seen," and it is to state a few of those facts and prove them by indisputable evidence, if required, that this article is written. We charge: 1. That John R. Rogers has grossly abused the veto power. Several in stances could be cited, but it is suffici ent to call attention to his veto of the legislative appropriations for the State Normal Schools at Cheney and New Whatcom, thereby setting up liis indi vidual judgment against that of the representatives of the people ns to what was wise public policy. His ve toes, it will be observed were not upon constitutional grounds, and were in consistent with his declarations, on the stump, against the exercise of the veto power. 2. He has also abused the pardoning power. He refused to extend pardon in many instances notwithstanding the recommendations of the Board of Pardons. Let us, on the other band, look at a case where lie extended par don. Without taking space for de tails and reproducing all the facts in the case of George T. Stevens, con victed of grand larceny and sentenced to ten years in the State Penitentiary, the action of the parties interested in obtaining the pardon of Stevens, and what transpired subsequently is not only suggestive and suspicious, but re flects very unfavorably upon the mo tives and purposes in granting the pardon. The successful efforts of But terfleld, Addlemau and Holmes—em ployes at the Penitentiary— to secure Stevens' pardon, supposing him to have knowledge of a rich gold deposit, as he represented, and immediately after the pardon, organization of the Loyal Mining Co. by Holmes, Butter field and Addleman (who were at once granted eight months leave of ab sence) and their departure with Ste vens, on the schooner Loyal, iu search of the gold deposit that Stevens claimed to know the location of, looks more than shady for Rogers. 3. Curing the session of the Legis lature, John R. Rogers " held up" bills to influence legislation. It can be shown that his henchmen, the con cluding days of the last session, be came so bold as to claim that they spoke by executive authority, that certain appropriations would not meet with the executive approval necessary to their validity, unless Rogers' "spite work" should be advanced by making effective the official veto on other measures. Hon. John Mcßeavey, Senator from Mason county, stated this to be the case and voted to please the executive, and immediately after wards the Skokomisb fishery appro priation became a law. This shows Rogers to be a dangerous man for Governor, and these facts shonld be sufficient to prevent any honest per son from voting for him for a second term. 4. He is notoriously untruthful and unreliable, and has proven utter ly false to his public and private pledges. Among the many pledges he has been false to, it is sufficient to cite one or two. When he was first nominated at Ellensburg, he declared that the very liberal salary allowed "Hew to tlie Line, Let th.e Cliips Fall "Where tliey Mhy." the Governor, was intended, by the framers of the Constitution, to cover the expenses of his ofl'ice, and should be paid out of his salary, and that if he was elected Governor and wanted the expensive luxuries of private sec retary, stenographer, etc,, he would, unlike his predecessor, pay for them himself, but, upon taking the office, he failed to keep his pledge to the people and became at once clamorous and insistent that the State should pay for what he called "expensive lux uries." Further, when he was nomi nated four years ago, he advocated ro tation in office and publicly pledged himself, if elected, not to be a candi date for a second term, and a man of honor would have respected his pledged word, but, on the other hand, he prostituted the high office of Gov ernor to securing a rcnomination— spending time and money, both pub lic and private, to attain his end, and at the recent Seattle Convention in connection and conspiracy with the Turner-Snively-Rogers gang, used the most unscrupulous and corrupt means, characteristic of "ward heelers," to ac complish his purpose—means so dis graceful that the convention itself condemned them by resolutions, in spite of Senator Turner's efforts to de feat their adoption. Such conduct shows that Rogers is dominated by, and is in collusion with, an infamous political ring and that he is an unfit, unreliable and unworthy candidate for the suffrage of any free and honest people. 5. Rogers, during his term, has frequently been in difficulties and quarrels with faithful and efficient officers of State public institutions, wholly on personal or political grounds, and for like reasons he has made hint* self persistently obnoxious and annoy* ing to the State officials—his col* leagues in office—who have been throughout their term, constantly, faithfully and efficiently discharging the duties of their respective offices. 6. In this connection we beg to call attention to the autocratio action of Gov. Rogers with regard to the "Board of Audit and Control." In 1897 the original " Board"" consisted of the Governor, State Auditor, State Treasurer, State Superintendent of Public Instruction and State Printer. Subsequently, because they would not consent to be his subservient tools, he (Rogers) removed them with the infamous and libelous charge of malfeasance or misconduct in office, knowing, ns he did, that the charge was false and malicious, and made wholly to promote his selfish ends. Is such a man fit to be elected Governor of this State? 7. The Seattle Times has said that no scandal attaches to Rogers during his administration. Let us see: Ist, John R. Rogers did, through his henchmen, levy and collect contribu tions from appointees for a " Rogers campaign," to secure his re-nomina tion and sent his appointees, whose salaries are paid by the people, over the State to promote that object. That the levy and collection was made can be proven by ex-Secretary of the " Board of Control," Mr.Chidester, whose resignation therefrom was based upon a knowledge of such nefarious methods for self-advance ment. 2d. We call attention to another scandal that well illustrates the character of the man. John R. Rogers has, as executive of the State, presented to the State Auditor, bills for his wife and daughter's transpor tation and dining car and hotel ex penses, while they were accompany ing him on his junketing trips about the State, which bills Auditor Cheet bam states were disallowed, where upon Rogers unsuccessfully ap proached Deputy Attorney-General Vance for aid in securing payment of the bills by the State, Mr. Vance saying, it was " bad politics and worse ethics." See Auditor Cheetham's letter in the Seattle P.-I. of Sept. 13. Nepotism by official appointment, is bad enough, but for Rogers to foist his family dependents upon the State pay-roll, without either of them per forming any legitimate service there fore, is not only indecent and dis graceful, but is in plain violation of his oath of office. 8. John R. Rogers has not only betrayed the party which elected him, but it is very generally believed, he made a corrupt bargain and alliance with George Turner at the time of the Senatorial contest in 1897 and the events which transpired at the recent fusion convention at Seattle, but con firms that belief. It is evident irom the foregoing—and much more might be cited—that Rogers, who is so ut terly utterly untruthful, unreliable, corrupt and selfish—a conceited, arrogant, dangerous crank, is both un fit and unworthy the votes of the people of this State. NOTK.— If anyone wants any corrober ative evidence of the truth of the forego ing statements, let him address WASH INGTON STANDARD, or Dr. David Mitchell, Olympia. f0" Voters must not forget the great national issues—lmperialism, OLYMPIA, WASHINGTON: FRIDAY EVENING, SEPT. 28, 1900. Militarism and Trusts—and see to it that they vote for Bryan and Steven eon and the two Democratic Congress men, as it is very important and desir able not only that Bryan be elected, but that we have a Congress in accord with his administration. Therefore, when you prepare your ballot at the polls, next November, see to it that you place an X after the names of the four Bryan electors, thus: George F. Cotterell, X. James McXeeley, X. N. ti. Blalock, x. J. G. Heim, X. Likewise after the names of the two Congressmen, thus: J. T. Ronald, X. F. C. Robertson, X. But we beg that you be very careful NOT In put an X after tke name of J. R. Roger*. RUSSIA'S QUEER ALPHABET. One Reason Why People of Other Nations Sel dom Learn Language. Chicago Chronicle. There are, perhaps, fewer learned men who are familiar with the Rus sian language than of that of any other people. This is largely due to the fact that at the very threshold of the Russian language one is confront ed by the alphabet, and a most form idable obstacle it is to linguistic study. Cadmus, with a prophetic sympathy for the modern schoolboy, stopped short at twenty-four letters when he invented Greek, but Cadmuskoffo vitchsky (as his Russian prototype is called) launches no fewer than thirty five on the guileless foreigner. Some of these, it is Uuc, have the same form as Roman characters, but as their sound is usually entirely dif ferent this similarity is rather an ad ditional stumbling block than a help. Others, again, tesemble our letters turned upside down or wrong side about or otherwise contorted. There is one lettor for which we conceived a profound respect, not un mixed with awe. It resembles the figure 111 on a clock dial and has the appalling sound of "chtch." When we came across a word containing this letter we gazed upon it in silent admiration. Any at tempt to pronounce it would, we felt, prove fatal to our incisors, and consid ering the high fees charged by good dentists we could not afford to run any risks. Another curious specimen, like a small b with a projecting snout on top, has absolutely no sound whatever and is defined as a "final mute." In spite of (or, porhaps, on account of) its silence it is greatly in evidence, no word of any size being considered com plete without it. Its only purpose, apart from that of an ornament, seems to be to warn the reader that the pre ceding word is in Russian and that he must not try to pronounce it accord ing to western rules. When a foreigner writes his name in Russian" he invariably tacks this "final mute" on to it. It is regarded as a subtle compliment to the Russian nation and doubtless has due weight with the secret police. • ' Roosevelt as an Orator. Teddy Roosevelt's speeches are the wonder of the age. When he gets on " the stump" and out of reach of Han na's voice he cuts loose and makes the fur fly. At Minneapolis a few weeks ago he spoke an hour, and Hanna was occupied two weeks in apologizing to one element and explaining to another. He made another speech in Saratoga the other day equally as rank. In that he declared that "every vote not cast for McKinley is a vote for repudiation and disorder." Hanna will be obliged to put him under discipline again. The New York Journal summarizes one of Mr. Roosevelt's speeches as follows, and as they are all alike the summary will do for either of them: We can lick anybody. I can lick anybody. I can lick Chinamen and Spaniards and boars and wolves and Democrats. I am glad I am running. " Trippe, trappe, tropjes." Hurrah for America. Hurrah for me. Hurrah for blood. Hurrah for fists. I can cinch ponies. I can brand cows. The time for thinking has gone by. This is the time for licking. I lick some one every day. Hear my teeth snap. Every one is sound. I could bite off a coyote's head. I saved the nation. I licked Spain. MY cowboys. MY ancestry. MY-MY-MY-I-I-I-ME-ME-ME. SEVEN suits for damages against the Tacoma Railway & Power Company were filed Saturday. The claims arise out of the Fourth of July accident, and range from $2,000 to $20,000 each. NATIONAL SUICIDE. POLITICAL ECONOMIST DEMON STRATES FOLLY OF WAR. Progress of Military Science Has Made Con quests Hazardous— Lessons From Strife in South Africa All the Powers of Europe Combined Cannot Subdue the Chinese—A Warning Against Imperialistic Ambition, Jean De Bloch, the financier and po litical economist of Warsaw, Russia, is recognized as probably the foremost writer and authority in the world on questions of military science. He has recently issued a pamphlet on " The Suicide of Nations," in which lie un dertakes to show that the progress of military science has been such as to make war an impossibility except at the cost of the lives of the nations that wage it. In this pamphlet he deals with warfare as it exists to-day— the terrible destructiveness of the en gines of strife on both land and sea— and shows that no army of invasion ean successfully cope with a foe prop erly intrenched upon its own ground. In a conflict between two nations nearly evenly matched from a military point of view he holds that the econ omic resonrces of the combatants would fail before cither army could defeat the other and that a serious war could only result in the complete destruction of one or the exhaustion of both belligerents. As to the mechanism of warfare, M. De Bloch affirms that the Transvaal war has proved what theorists had af firmed, that rifles are to-day ten times as powerful as those employed in the war of 1870. On critical occasions the bullets were described as falling like heavy hailstones on a sheet of water. On the other hand, the new artillery, by which it was hoped to overcome this increase of rifle fire, has disap pointed expectations and has been not only powerless, but has often been put out of action in a few minutes. It has been shown in the Transvaal that an infantry unsupported by artillery can not be driven from its position even by a numerically very superior enemy, and that sheltered defenders suffer only insignificant losses if they dis perse and cover themselves, only con centrating when fire has been sus pended for the purpose of an assault. Throughout history earthworks have been used, but earthworks which an enemy could safely approach within 200 or 300 paces were a very much less serious matter than defenses with a fire zone of 1,000 paces in frout of them, across which rifles can make ex act practice at the rate of from fitecn to twenty five shots per minute. In face of such a fire, assaults have be come a thing of the past; you simply cannot come on. I said so a year ago, not as my own opinion, but only con densing and popularizing the views of military men; now everyone sees that it is so. The English artillery and its oitlcers have been a good deal criticised and blamed, but the fault is not theirs; it is in the nature of things. But this fact the adherents of routine will not admit, because if they did it would be understood by all that the time lias come to settle national disputes by other means than arms, as war of the old kind has become impossible. M. Do Bloch insists lliat iucrcased effectiveness of rifle fire, especially with smokeless powder, would greatly limit the use of cavalry both in at tacks and in reconnoisances. We have seen in the Transvaal war that the English troops resembled blind men who have no guides except their staves. But what is still graver, the spade has changed tactics and in trenchments render greater sorvices than permanent fortifications. We have seen armies lying immobile for long periods, aud a war pursued for eight months without any decisive result, in spite of the great inequality of the forces. Above all, we have realized the perils of invasion. This also was known theoretically, and it has been estimated that the losses of an assailant body to-day, in spite of all the improvements in taciics, must be six or eight times those of a shel tered defender. The Transvaal war proves this to the full, and it proves also that with modern arms every tactical error becomes fatal and regi ments may be almost entirely de stroyed in a few minutes unless they surrender. Another danger illustrated is that of the officers being picked off accurately at great distances; and yet another, the difficulty of locating an enemy using smokeless powder. The greater power of small intrenched defensive forces goes far to destroy the old advantage of very rapid mobiliza tion, and in other ways to reduce the value of professional military skill. The art of making trenches has been rapidly improved, and it is found that wire netting constitutes a defense as formidable as easy to erect, since it is almost impossible to cut it under lire The shoulder-to-shoulder advance has to be abandored in favor of ail open order. The cutting of communica tions by small free bands of a mobile enemy lias bad the most serious in- tlucnce on the campaign. Even a feeble body, ambushed, becomes im mensely dangerous and aunoving. In discussing the Chinese situation M. De liloeh speaks of it as " a foolish thing." " I'ou go far away, and at in definite cos' take something which you find has no value for you. China has comparatively no value for us. For Great Britain there is a certain gain, but it is not worth all it is going to cost. Your trade with the 400,- 000,000 people of China is a small part of your whole trade, and, even then, a quarter of it consists of opium, and more of rice—a trade which does not l>encfit the English people. Ido not believe there will be any rapid growth of that trade. The whole annual im ports of China do not amount to two shillings per head of her inhabitants, the insignificance of which you may gauge by the fact that German im ports are by comparison sixty times as great. The chief part of Chinese im ports consist of cotton, opium, rice and petroleum. If you exclude opium, which cannot be properly said to yield a European profit, I do not believe that the whole profit on Chinese im ports (reckoning profits at from 5 to 10 per cent.) exceeds £33,000,000 — much less than £2,000,000 —a year. If that be so, the cost of increased Eu ropean armaments in the far cast, to say nothing of the destruction of war fare, has eaten up all the profit of Chi nese trade over and over again. "It may be said that it is not the present trade but the future possibili ties of China which excite the greedy anxiety of the outside world. Very little reflection will show that this is a mirage. The very character of Chi nese social organization and Chinese ideas—which no amount of railway and telegraph extension can rapidly or radically change—is against it. Ev erything there is of the simplest char acter; the many needs on which in ternational trade thrives simply do not exist. Of course, the resources of the country will be developed; but let us fully understand what this means. China is rich in coal and iron and other minerals. Labor is so cheap— only a tenth of what it costs in Eu rope or in America—that they will be able to produce everything there and send it to the markets of Europe at a price with which you cannot compete. If China could become a ground for colonization by the teeming peoples of Europe there might be some excuse for a territorial policy. But that is quite out of the question. China is already so thickly populated that only the extraordinary skill and industry of the people enable them to exist at all." In summing up and enunciating his conclusions, M. De Bloch says: "In the first place, if we want to prevent a repetition of this outbreak, we must put a stop to the policy of territorial expansion and military ter rorism and return to a reliance upon pacific commercial intercourse. If differences arise, the means of settling them is already being established at The Hague. You need not fear that Russia will have any unfair advantage; for many years to come her hands will be full with her own tasks and ef fective competition with other powers will be out of the question. As to the present crisis, punishment of offenses against international law should be clearly distinguished from political and territorial action in China by the other powers. I have suggested the dangers from a territorial policy. But the other powers might give no tice to the Chinese government, and, as far as possible, to the Chinese peo ple, that until order was restored in the Empire and proved malefactors punished, the outer world would hold no communication with them —would regard them as outside the comity of nations and the benefits of interna tional law. But to punish a whole people by a military expedition would be no security for justice, and certain ly no security for future peace, and that is the chief thing. For if the patriotic movement which has begun be not appeased, when the ruce strug gle takes wider dimensions you will have the gravest complications in In dia, Tonquin and throughout Asia. In 1830 the Russian ambassndor in Teheran was murdered, with forty men, and the embassy was burned amid horrible atrocities. The Em peror Nicholas said : 'lt is not a na tion that has done this,' and while a number of men were afterward cap tured and executed and an indemnity was exacted, no general revenge was taken. So it might be in China to day, and so it should be all the more that China will be an infinitely more difficult and dangerous problem to at tack in any other way." OCTOBER 0 will be jubilee day at Spo kane for the Democrats. They will hold a grand revival there on that date. HOW THEY LINE UP. SIGNS OF DEMOCRATIC LAND SLIDE THIS YEAR. Influential Newspapers in All Parts of the Country that Were Ardent in the Support of Mr. McKinley Four Years Ago are Now Help ing William J. Bryan-They Infallibly Indi cate the Drift of Popular Sentiment. S. F. Examiner. One of the most striking signs of the coming Democratic landslide in this country is the number of influen tial newspapers which formerly sup ported McKinley and which this year are giving their hearty support to Bryan. In New York, the World, which sup ported Palmer and Buckner four years ago, now espouses the cause of Bryan with telling force, while the Herald, and Evening Post, though favorable to McKinley on minor issues, are giving the Democratic ticket strong support on the paramount issue of imperial ism. And the Journal, which was a journalistic infant in 1396, is now grown to be one of the greatest news papers in the world and has never wa vered in its stanch support of Bryan. In Chicago, where the Democratic ticket had no newspaper support in 1896, there are now three great dailies, the Chronicle, the American and the Record, with a large circulation, are warmly indorsing the Democratic platform and taking up the fight against imperialism. In Baltimore, the Sun, which lays down the law and gospel for Maryland, was opposed to Bryan in 1896, but this year the Sun is giving the Demo cratic ticket and platform a loyal sup port, which insures Maryland's electo ral vote for Bryan and Stevenson. In Cleveland, the old Democratic or gan, the Plain-Dealer, which left the party in 1896, is back in the ranks again supporting Bryan with all its old time vigor. The Indianapolis Sentinel wandered off after strange gods in 1896, but this year it has returned to its old faith and is out for the Democratic ticket and platform. The Louisville Courier-Journal, whose defection to Palmer and Buck ner in 1690 gave such a set-back to the party in Kentucky, is also back in line and giving Bryan its vigorous support. In addition to these notable exam ples of the trend of popular opinion, there are many other influential pa pers, such as the Springfield (Mass.) Republican, the New Haven Register and others which, while not directly supporting Mr. Bryan, are vigorously espousing the cause of anti-imperial ism. In addition to this great accession to the Bryan movement there is the German press of the country, in which there is practically a revolution of opinion. Quotations from a few of the more prominent and influential of these papers will show the general at titude of the German press this year. New York Staats Zeitung (Inde pendent, circulation 56,000) —"The so-called German vote is at present awaiting developments, but it can be positively asserted that the Republi can candidates will not receive as many German votes as four years ago." Freie Press, Chicago (Independent, circulation 40,000)—" Mr. Bryan re ceived in 1896 about thirty per cent, of the German vote. This year he will get from sixty to eighty per cent, of that vote. Imperialism is tiie par amount issue with the Germans this year." Demokrat, Evansville, Ind. (Inde pendent, circulation 2,500) " Mr. Bryan will get the majority of the German vote on the issues of imperial ism and trusts. The Germans are tired of war and want peace and lib erty." Anzeiger and Herald, Grand Island, Neb. (Independent, circulation 2,500) —" Bryan will receive many more German votes than in 1896. Imperi alism and trusts are the issues." Freie Presse, San Antonio, Texas (Republican, circulation 1,000) —" The fear of imperialism will cause many to vote for Bryan who voted for McKin ley four years ago." Michigan Xolksblaat, Detroit, Mich. (Independent, circulation 5,500) " Over sixty per cent, of the Germans will vote for Bryan this year, because of their hatred of imperialism and trusts." The Democrat, Peoria, 111. (I)em., circulation 2,000)—" German Demo crats who voted for McKinley will not do it again." Volksfreund, Appleton, Wis. (Inde pendent, circulation 6,000) " The change this year will be largely in fa vor of Bryan." Kansas Telegraph, Topeka, Kansas (Independent, circulation 3,000) " The majority of the German voters who voted for McKinley four years ago will vote for Bryan this time. Anti-imperialism is the issue." WHOLE NUMBER 2,104. Missouri Staats Zeitung, Kansas City, Mo. (Independent, circulation 3,000) —" Bryan will get nine out of every ten German votes this year." The Denver Fidibus Herold, Denver, Col. (Independent, circulation 4,000) —" It is the honest belief of the writer that the attitude of the present ad ministration in the Boer-British war, McKinley's change of policy iu Puerto Itico and the imperialistic issue will influence the German-Americans to cast their vote for Bryan." lowa Staats Anzeiger, Des Moines, Tow*. (Independent, circulation 6,500) —" Bryan will get two-ihirds of the German votes of lowa." The Journal, Terre Haute, Ind. (In dependent, circulation 1,000) —" One third the population of Indiana con sists of Germans. It is our opinion that the Democratic caudidate will re ceive the large majority of the Ger man vote this fall. This will be a gain of about sixty per cent, over the last election." CABTOHZA. B«ars the >* lhß Kind You Haw Always BflgM ACCIDENT AND HEALTH INSURANCE. The Fidelity Mutual Aid Association WILL PAY YOU If disabled by an accident *3O to • 100 pt month, If yon 1 ote two limbe, 208 to 5,000, If yon lose yonr eye eight, *2OB to 55,00U, If yon lose one limb, *B3 to *2,000, If you are ill *40.00 per month. If killed, will pay your heirs. *2OB to *5,G00 If you die from notural cause. *IOO. IF INBUREO You cannot lose mil yonr Income when yon are Sick or Dlamble* by Acolkent. Absolute protection at a eoat oi SI.OO to $2.25 per month. The Fidelity mutual Aid aaaoclm. tlon is Pre-eminently the Largest and Strongest Adcldent and Healtk A a so cialist! in the United States. It has $6,000 00 cash deposita with the States of California and Missouri, which, together, with an ample Reserve Fund and large assets, make Its certificate an absolute] guarantee of the solid ity of its protection to its members. For particulars address J. I- M HHKTTERLKY, Be. retary and Central Manager. San Franclaco, Cal. 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