Newspaper Page Text
P fits vour taste! !' Meets the fondest wishes of any man who (lu/'i likeS tC> smoke because it has the right flavor Ljf, V ';: aroma and coolness. It's the most cheer »h«p« and parch! l\\\\\ an ° color of unsalable brands When you fire up your first vo Ti, o of smoke you'll decide that you proce " protecU u " tl never did taste tobacco that M hits your fancy like - FRINGE SFP ALBERT the national joy smoke For it exceeds in goodness and satisfaction the kindest word we ever printed about itl Men, we tell you this tobacco will be a revelation to you. So, take this information at 100%, get out the old jimmy pipe from its hiding place or locate the makin's papers Yourwishee will be gratified at the nearest store that sells tobacco, for Prince Albert is in universal demand. It can be bought all over the states and all over the world! Toppy red bags, Sc; tidy red tins, 10c; handsome pound and half-pound tin humidors—and-—that R. J. REYNOLDS TOBACCO CO., Wimton-Snlon, N. C. ]Vten Who Care Wear A Regal Why? Because they get shoe insurance T heßegal-Shoe-Shop STYLE, "PLUS" QUALITY AND SUPREMACY, AT $3.50 TO $5.00 Safe Deposit Building 220 East Fourth Street, Olympia The Bookstore offers ®ClUticsoM& TfIAOS MARK VALENTINE NOVELTIES lc to 25c each. VALENTINE PLACE CARDS From 10c per box. VALENTINE TALLY CARDS 2ijc per dozen. VALENTINE HEARTS 10c box. VALENTINE NAPKINS 10c per packet of 18. VALENTINE SEALS 10c box. VALENTINE CUT-OUTS 10c box. VALENTINE POSTCARDS 6 for 6c. CREPE PAPERS, CARDBOARD The Bookstore OLYMPIA Phone 1 Mall orders shipped same day. OEHMIE POUCV 01 'V U* MPIED PROSECUTING ATTORNEYS OF STATE REACH AGREEMENT ON 30 DISPUTED POINTS. Uniform basis upon which to en force disputed provisions of the pro hibition law was reached in a two days' conference of 22 of the prose cuting attorneys of the state with the attorney general's department here this week, the only one of the main points left unsettled being the ques tion whether a person may have in his possession both the legal limit of whiskey and beer at the same time. The officials disagreed on this point and said it would have to be deter mined by a test suit. The prosecuting attorneys, how ever, \ overruled Attorney General Tanner on his decision that a person could get a permit for the limit of both beer and whiskey at the same time, and held that the word "or" in the law means "or" and not "and," as the attorney general had held. This means that the policy which Thurston and many other counties have been following, on the advice of the attor ney general, of issuing permits for the legal limit of both beer and whisky, will be discontinued. The Points Decided. Altogether some 30 questions were disposed of by the attorneys, a defi nite policy being reached on most of them though on several each official was instructed to use his discretion. They decided that: Intoxicating liquors cannot be sold ocean-going ships, or for shipment to Alaska. Druggists and physicians must ob tain permits. A clergyman cannot have more than the legal limit of wine for sac ramental purposes. Habitual drunkards cannot obtain permits. Applicants for permits must reside THE WASHINGTON STANDARD, FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 4 191f. in the county where they are Issued, though a permit may be issued for shipment outside the county. Only homeopathic and allopathic physicians can issue prescriptions, os teopaths and veterinarians being barred. Liquor houses advertising soft drinks and cigars will be prosecuted if possible, though those who adver tise through the mails cannot be prosecuted without the help of fed eral authorities. Holders of state liquor licenses are entitled to permits. Mere Possession a Crime. Mere possession of more than the legal limit of liquors is a crime. Alcohol intended for mechanical or medicinal purposes and raw alcohol are classed as intoxicants and may not be sold in outside territory. Permits are necessary for each package in a shipment. State institutions must obtain per mits. Liquors may be sold to hospitals, according to the discretion of the offi cials. Turkish baths cannot buy alcohol for rubbing purposes. Patent medicines containing alco hol but not intended for a beverage may be advertised. WETS AND DRYS DENOUNCE RAIDS ON PRIVATE HOMES Latter Charge Former With Attempts to Put Prohibition Law Into Disrepute. I While the "wets" allege violation of the "sanctity of the home" in the recent raids In Seattle by Sheriff Bob Hodge, who entered private homes and confiscated large quantities of liquor, the "drys" are also condemn ing such a policy, and the citizens whose homes were entered have brought suit to test the validity of that feature of the prohibition law. Openly charging that the brewer ies and liquor Interests were behind the recent raids on private homes in search of contraband liquor. Dr. M. A. Matthews, pastor of the First Presbyterian church of Seattle and one of the leaders in the "dry" cam paign, strongly condemned in his ser mon Sunday the policy of entering the residences of citizens to seize personal stocks of liquor that were not being offered for sale. Dr. Matthews declared that the ul timate result of such a policy would be to make the prohibition law odious to the people and would bring about its repeal. This, he declared, was the object of those responsible for raids recently occurring. He characterized the policy as unfair and unwise. Seattle is the only city in the state in which such raids have been car ried out and the results of the suits WILSON'S RENOMINATION DEPENDS ON PEOPLE LETTER WRITTEN BEFORE HIS INAUGURATION BUT JUST RECENTLY PUBLISHED, REVEALS PRESIDENT'S VIEWS ON SINGLE-TERM PLANK OF PLATFORM. President Wilson undoubtedly will be the candidate of the Democratic party in the coming national cam paign, but the Democratic party will have to terder it to him—he will not actively seek, or use his position to build an organization to force his nomination, as Roosevelt, for ex ample, forced the nomination of Taft. by the Republicans in 1008. If the people want Wilson to run again, he will, If they do not he will not force himself on them. This is Preisdent Wilson's position with reference to his re-nomination, according to reports from the na tional capital. Louis Seibold, polit ical writer for the New York World, says that efforts by leaders of his party to obtain from the president some expression regarding his own views concerning the matter have met with no success other than to elicit the assurance that the presi dent is of the same mind regarding presidential successions today as he was on February 5, 1913, 27 days be fore he was inaugurated. On that day he addressed a letter to A. Mitchell Palmer, then vice chairman of the Democratic national committee, commenting on the joint resolution then before congress amending the federal constitution by providing for a single presidential term of six years. There is the very highest author ity for the statement that the views expressed therein by the president j have not Undergone any change, Sei j bold adds. The leaders of his party, urging him to make some announce ment regarding his plans, have dis covered this fact on more than one ; occasion. He has persistently re fused to "play" politics, to say or do ; anything that would indicate a de sire on his part for a re-nomination. To one of his most ardent sup porters who urged him to announce I his candidacy for a second term re cently, the president replied by indi- I eating the passage in the letter referred to, which reads: "I absolutely pledge myself to re sort to nothing but public opinion to i decide that question. The president ought to be absolutely 'deprived of every other means of deciding it. He i can be. I shall use to the utmost | every proper influence within my reach to see that he is, before the term to which I have been elected is out. That side of the matter need disturb no one." I The full text of the letter, written while he was still governor of New- Jersey but not published until just recently, is: "My Dear Palmer: Thank you warmly for your letter of February 3. It was characteristically considerate of you to ask my views with regard to the joint resolution which has just come over from the house to the senate with regard to the presiden tial term. "I have not hitherto said anything about this question, because I had not observed that there was any evidence that the public was very much inter ested in it. I must have been mis taken in this, else the senate wrtuld hardly have acted so promptly upon it. Spoke Without Reserve. "It is a matter which concerns the character and conduct of the great office upon the duties of which I am about to enter. I feel, therefore, that in the present circumstances I should not be acting consistently with my ideals with regard to the rule of entire frankness and plain speaking that ought to exist between public servants and the public whom they serve if I did not speak out about it without reserve of any kind, and without thought of the personal em barrassment. "The question is simply this; Shall our presidents be free, so far as the law is concerned, to seek a second term of four years, or shall they be limited by constitutional amendment to a single term of four years, or to a single term extended to six years? "I can approach the question from a perfectly Impersonal point of view, because I shall most cheerfully abide by the judgment of my party and the public as to whether I shall be a can didate for the presidency again in 1016. I absolutely pledge myself to resort to nothing but public opinion to decide that question. "The president ought to be abso lutely deprived of every other means of deciding it. He can be. I shall , are being watched by the people of the entire state. In each Instance the liquor confiscated was purchased prior to January 1, before the "dry" law became operative and when there was no limitation on the amount of liquor a person could have. use to the utmost every proper in fluence within my reach to see that lie is, before the term to which I have been elected is out. That side of the matter need disturb no one. "And yet, if he is deprived of every other means of deciding the question, what becomes of the argument for a constitutional limitation to a single term? The argument is not that it is clearly known now just how long each president should remain in office. Four years is too long a term for a president who is not the true spokesman of the people, who is im posed upon and does not lead. It is too short a term for a president who is doing or attempting a great work of reform and who has not had time to finish it. "To change the term to six years would be to increase the likelihood of its being too long, without any assur ance that it would, in happy cases, be long enough. A fixed constitutional limitation to a single term of office is highly arbitrary and unsatisfactory from every point of view. "The argument for it rests upon temporary conditions which can eas ily be removed by law. Presidents, it is said, are effective for one-half of their term only because they de vote their attention during the last two years of the term to building up the influences, and above all the or ganization, by which they hope and purpose to secure a second nomina tion and election. "It is their illicit power, not their legitimate influence with the coun try, that the advocates of a constitu tional change profess to be afraid of, and I heartily sympathize with them. It is intolerable that any president should be permitted to determine who should succeed him—himself or an other—by patronage or coercion, or by any sort of control of the ma chinery by which delegates to the nominating convention are chosen. "There ought never to be another presidential nominating convention; and there need never be another. Several of the states have success fully solved that difficulty with re gard to the choice of their governors, and federal law can solve it in the same way with regard to the choice of presidents. The nominations should be made directly by the people at the polls. "Conventions should determine nothing but party platforms and should be made up of the men who would be expected, if elected, to carry those platforms Into effect. It is not necessary to attend to the people's business by constitutional amend ment if you will only actually put the business into the people'B own hands. "I think It may safely be assumed that that will he done within the next four years; for it can be done by statute; it need not wait for consti tutional change. That being done, the question of the presidential term can be discussed on its merits. Presidency la Abnormal. "It must be clear to everybody who has studied our political development at all that the character of the presi dency Is passing through a transi tional stage. We know what the office is now and what use must be made of it; but we do not know what It Is going to work out Into; and until we do know, we shall not know what constitutional change, if any Is need ed, it would be best tc make. "I must speak with absolute free dom and candor in this matter, or not speak at all; 'and it seems to me that the present position of the presidency in our actual system, as we use it, is quite abnormal and must lead even tually to something very different. "He is expected by the nation to be the leader of his party as well as the chief executive officer dt the govern ment, and the country will take no excuses from him. He must play the part and play it successfully, or lose the country's confidence. He must be prime minister, as much concerned with the guidance of legislation as with the just and orderly execution of law; and he is the spokesman of the nation In everything, even the most momentous and most delicate dealings of the government with for eign nations. "Why in such circumstances should he be responsible to no one for four long years? All the people's legisla tive spokesmen in the house of rep resentatives and one-third of their representatives In the senate are! brought to book every two years; j why not the president, if he is to be; the leader of the party and the i spokesman of policy? "Soner or later, it would seem, he i must be made answerable to opinion | in a somewhat more informal and in timate fashion —answerable, it may be, to the houses whom he seeks to lead, either personally or through a ! PAGE FIVF cabinet, as well as to the people for whom they speak. But thai is a mat ter fo be worked out—a*? it inevitably will be, in some natural American way which we cannot yet even pre dict. "The present fact is that the pres ident is held responsible! for what happens in Washington in every largo matter, find so long as he is com manded to lead he is surely entitled to a. certain amount of power—all the power he can get from the support and convictions and opinions of his fellow countrymen; and he ought to be suffered to use that power against his opponents until his work is done. It will be very difficult for him to abuse it. He holds it upon suffer ance, at the pleasure of public opin ion. Every one else, his opponents, eluded, has access to opinion, as he has. He must keep the confidence of the country by earning it, for he can keep it in no other way. Make It Two Terms. "Put the present customary limita tion of two terms into the constitu tion, if you do not trust the people to take care of themselves, but make it two terms (not one, because four years is often too long) and give the president a chance to win the full service by proving himself fit for It. "Tf you wish to learn the result of constitutional ineligibility to re-elec tion, ask any former governor of New Jersey, for example, what the effect is in actual experience. He will tell you how cynically and with what complacence the politicians banded against him waited for the inevitable end of his term, to take their chances with his successor. "Constitutions place and can place no limitations upon their power. They may control what governors they can as long as they please, as long as they can keep their outside power and in fluence together. They smile at the coming and going of governors as some men in Washington have smiled at the coming and going of presi dents, as upon things ephemeral, which passed and were soon enough got rid of if you but sat tight and waited. "As things stand now the people might more likely be cheated than served by further limitations of the president's eligibility. His fighting power in their behalf would be im mensely weakened. No one will fear a president except those whom he can make fear the elections. "We singularly belie our own prin ciples by seeking to determine by fixed constitutional provision what the people shall determine for them selves and are perfectly competent to determine for themselves. We cast a doubt upon the whole theory of popular government. "I believe that we should fatally embarrass ourselves if we made the constitutional phange proposed. If we want our presidents to fight onr battles Tor us, we should give them the means, the legitimate means, the means their opponents will always have. Strip them of everything else but the right to appeal to the people, but leave them that; suffer them to be leaders; absolutely prevent them from being bosses. "We would otherwise appear to be going in two opposite directions. We are seeking in every way to extend the power of the people, but in the ; matter of the presidency we fear and | distrust the people and seek to bind them hand and foot by rigid consti tutional provision. My own mind is not agile enough to go both ways. "I am very well aware that my po sition on this Question will be construed, but that is a matter of perfect indifference to me. The truth is much more important than my rep utation for modesty and. lack of per sonal ambition. My reputation will take care of itself, but constitutional questions and questions of policy will not take care of themselves wlthont frank and fearless discussion. Not Urging Own Be-electton. "I am not speaking for my own re election; I am speaking to redeem my promise that I would say what I really think on every public question and take my chances in the court of public opinion." The circumstances in which the let ter was written are interesting, Sei bold adds. Congress had before it a resolution introduced by Senator Cummins (Rep.) of'.lowa, and him self an aspirant for the nomination of his party at its coming national convention. The resolution was obviously In spired by the declaration in the Dem ocratic national platform limiting the president to one term, written into It by William Jennings Bryan, the chairman of the committee on reso lutions. Mr. Bryan urged the adop tion of the resolution in a letter to the senate committee on privileges and elections, and the measure was passed in the upper house. It was sent to the house and eventually thrown into the discard. The president's letter was made known to the leaders of congress and undoubtedly exercised considerable influence in staying the passage of the one-term resolution.