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T E TREE DEMOCRAT.
:=======!^ --= ~ ■ - =============================================== _____ ia S«ratjj, Jforeip anir domestic fetes, Internal Improvements, literature, ^grienltnre, Commerce, (Station, Science, etc. —— -- --—. - _ SSrSa,^_LITTLE ROCK, ARKANSAS, TUESDAY MORNING, APRIL 25,1854. ~ ~ McCLEAN’S VtLCANIC OIL LINIMENT. THE miraculw cures that this celebrated medicine has ptformed, after all other remedies had failed, warrantthe proprietor in asserting that it is the only Linimenthat will cure Chronic onnflam matory KheuinatisiJ Paralysis, stiffness or weakness in the Joints, Muse* or Ligaments, contracted cles, Bruises, Spraii Neuralgia, Tooth-ache, Ear ache, or any pain, [f will remove any swelling, tu mor. piles, hard ltlps, caked breast, sore nipples, bites of musquitoesjjr any inflammation. And it will eleanJpurify and lieal the foulest ulcer sores ou the legs 01 kins, no difference how long they have existed. It 'il also soothe and heal burns, scalds, fresh cuts, 'Winds, etc., sooner than any other remedy. ‘ Over afillion of Bottles Have been sold in H8. and the demand is increas ingfdaily. and we hi* never heard of a case wherein it has failed to cure ay external disease, when proper ly applied. . ‘ V ho then will suif from pains, sores or swellings, when a safe and stirifinedy is so easily obtained. Read the folio win Artiflcate which is liicoiiistabte Piool, of what we have asated: J. H. McLEAN—k: I feci it a duty I owe to the public, to make kn<rii the following, hoping they muy learn by mv exjfience. and discard a worthless stuff, which has been ressed into notice by fulse certi fleates and long advelsements. For six months 1 "I confined to my room a crip ple from rheumatisn My knee was swollen tre mendously, producintlie most severe pains. The muscles were so con 14 ted that 1 could not straighten my leg at all. 1 appid the Mustang Liniment for f«.ur weeks, but it doj no more good than any other grease. 1 obtained at used your Volcanic Oil Lini ment; in three wcekslrelaxed the muscles, and cured me permanently. iAMERICUS CASED AY, Saline county, 111. 1 saw Air. Caseday hen lie was afflicted, as stated, and he is now well. WILLIAM M. ELLIOTT, Pinckneyville. Reader, if the aboj is not sufficient to convince vou of the wonderfujefficacy of the Volcanic Oil J liniment, call and exiiino the thousands which we i have in our possessiorrom all parts of the country, 1 and if you will purche a supply from us. and it does n<*t give satisfaction, je money will be returned to i the purchaser. For Horses no other Animals. McLean's celebratejiniment is the only safe and ' reliable remedy for tl cure of Spavin, King Bone, I Wind Galls. Splint.* Unnatural lumps. Nodes or ' Swellings. It will i#er fail to cure Big Head, Poll evil. Fistula. Old Kming Sores, or Sweeny, if pro perly applied. For wains, bruises, scratches, crack ed hoofs, chafes, sadi nr collar galls, cuts or wounds, it is au infallible ready. Apply as directed and a cure is certain in evy instance. Directions aeeonnny each bottle in English and German. This liniment isiow put up in 25 cent, 50 cent, J and #1 bottles. Tl 50 cent size contains three times | the quantity of thdfc cent size, and so on in proper- j tion. For sale by .T. iHfcLEAN, sole proprietor, comer 2d and PineVtreetsSt. Louis, Mo. Also for sale in ille Kock. Ark., by Dr. J. W. TAPPE. Nov 1 ’53 ly ’ -1 Office of the Caw Fulton Railroad Co. Little Ick, Akk's., March 22d. 1S54. To the Stockholder# the C. and F. R. R. Go: jJUBLIC Notice, hereby given, that there will be i a meeting of (e Stockholders of this Company, I held at their offieOn the city of Little Kock. on j Monday, the fifteen dav of 5lav next, for the choice ! of thirteen Directi and for the transaction of such other business as properly come before them. Votes can be gifi only by Stockholders, in person, ! or by proxies, autfrized by writing who have held j their snares for atast thirty days previous to the ; <lav of election, j The charter of »e Company provides, that no per- j son but a bona fii Stockholder, in his own right of at least fifty shag which he shall have held thirty days previous tofie election, shall be President or j Director. No Sliarehold!will be entitled to vote by proxy, unless the instraent appointing him as proxy shall have been prevBsly delivered to the Secretary of the Company, or ofcr person authorized by the Board of Directors to act By ojtr of the Executive Committo. ROSWELL BEEBE, President. }’. S.—Age* of the C. A F. R. R. Co., appointed j Bto solicit stocwubscription. are requested to make i (§«ut complete turns from their books, of all stock ; subscriptions ice their last returns, in time to insure I -.their receipt be before the election of Directors, as without such idence, or the Subscription Books on file in the Corjany's Office, the names of Stoekliol jjt!' cannot baitisfaetorily ascertained. H April 11, 5tf26. R. B. '/'I Cairo <C Fulton R. R. Co., ) Litti Kock, Ark.. Mawh 22d, 1S54. j THE Direvtd of the C. 6c F. I R. Co., arc hereby notified tU there will be a meeting of thcDiiec torsof tills- Copany, at their Office in the City'of j Little Rock, Saturday, at lo o’clock A. 51., the \Zth ' dan < f Aral/ Ttt, and you aro requested to attend at th at time. RO§WELL BEEBE, President. P 51 arch 30, t>4. 5w. GRRT MUSIC EMPORIUM. TUST pulished.---At Lee Sc Walker’s, 188 Chestnutfreet, Philadelphia. N . l>i. Bii and Blossoms, the last number out of the Pui ur collection of Variations on Sacred Airs. TantalizU Polka. Sleigh Bg- Polka. By W. II. Keffer. Lks TuhlIn Polka Mazurka. Wellcrstcin. Belle Aiiance Sciiottisch. G. Anton. Young Akica's Polka. By Lewis Reimer. Kind Wow- Thus. Baker. The Haph Homes or Earth. Tlios. Baker. 5IatchlesIvate. ,1. Hainan. Oh! The As when Love is Dreaming. W. G. Ewing. ! Cora Lee II. B. Brown. Gentle WR mng. J. Hainan. '1'iie Milk's Song. Author of Ben Bolt. Rescue (Jckstep. Fond Huffs at Home. R. Thomas. New mill published and received daily. Also, 1 constantly i hand,superior Pianos, Guitars. Violins, j Flutes, am Hie very best Italian strings of their own importation Orders promptly attended to. Cata- j logues scntjrv mail. April llji • MORE NEW GOODS! RECEDED and for sale by Jacob Ilaw kill slat liis old stand four doors west of the j Anthony louse, the following articles: Fine Ohfnpaigne Brandy, Guava Jelly; “ Coliae “ Preserved Ginger; “ Ohfry “ Citron; “ Rafterry “ Preserved Pine Apple; llollamKin; Club House Gin, Fine Pad Juice Port Wine, Pale Sherry wine; Old soutlfdde Madeira Wine, Claret wine; f'ordialsjissorted, Lemon Syrup; Champamis assorted choice brands; True Syit|'. Champaign Cider, Vinegar; Old Boubon Whisky, Candies assorted; AssortedPie Fruit, Fresh Strawberries; Preserve! Green Gages, Apple Mannalade; “ Pears, assorted Jellies and Jams; “ Damsons; Yeast Powders; “ .Cherries, Essences, assorted; “ Peaches, Bi Carb. Soda; “ Currants, Tartaric Acid; Almon<3. Grenable Walnuts, Castanas; Tomatfjnd Walnut Ketchup, Mustard; White tpper. assorted Spices, Pepper Sauce; Lucca <|1, Spanish Olives, Table Salt; Pickles®.-sorted, Baltimore Oysters, Sardines; Mackail, Herring, Cod Fish. Spiced Salmon; A large lot of Cigars, Fresh Lobsters; Goldei Era Tobacco, Sperm and Star Candles; Clay's, “ Mocho Coffee; Jeffrie# “ besides other superior brands; Assort*! Fancy Soap, Stoneware; Crushifl, Pulverized and Brown Sugar; Powd*\ Lead and Shot; Extrafcirge 0. S. Feather Dusters; Assortd Wood and Willow ware; Lemifhns assorted sizes; Glass and Earthenware, etc., etc. And 41 other articles usually found in an establish ment of this kind. - April! 1 *54 J. LEVY, Ki;0*S constantly on hand a general as . srjtmont of Boots, Shoes, Hats, Caps, Clothing, and a gtat variety of Dry Goods and Groceries at Ms stor* m Badgett’s new brick building, on East Mam sttet, between Messrs. D. B. Mandel and J. H. Ri'fjison, which he offers very low foreash.— :;I1ifci00k ^ goods before purchasing LittUBock, April 11 54 THE TRUE DEMOCHAT IS PUBLISHED EVERT TUESDAY MOBBING} BY JOHNSON & YERKES. Terns of Subscription. For one copy, one year, in advance,.$ 2 50 For three copies, one year “ . 700 For five copies, one year, “ . 11 00 For ten copies, one year, « . 20 00 TIE1B5HS (DIF AIDTIBmTOITO, Transient advertisements will be inserted for $1 per square, (ten lines or less,) for the first insertion and 50 cents for each subsequent insertion. Merchants advertising by the year will be charged 130. Professional cards and other advertisements, not exceeding one square, 910 per annum. job Work. Our facilities for doing all descriptions of Job Work can not be surpassed by any printing establishment in the country. We have procured, at a cost of over sixteen hundred dol lars, one of Isaac Adams’ mammoth printing machines, which enables us to do book and pamphlet work in a superior style and at very low prices. Agents for the True Democrat V. 11. PALMER, the American Newspaper Agent, is the authorized Agent for this paper in the cities of Boston, New York, and Philadelphia, and is duly empowered to take advertisements and subscriptions at the rates reqnired by us. His receipts will be regarded as payments. His Offices are— BOSTON, Scollay’s Building; NEW YORK, Tribune Build ing; PHILADELPHIA, N. W. corner Third and Chesnut streets. w. H. MCDONALD, New York city. !?. E. COHEN, Philadelphia, Pa. L. YV. CARR, ARKANSAS. D. YV. JEFFREY, Mount Olive, Izard county. R. L. PHILLIPS, YVashington, Hempstead county; J._T. MILEHAM, Franklin county; YVm. M. BoYVERS, Fayetteville; GIDEON TUCKER, Batesville, Independence county; JOHN A. LINDSAY, Powhattan; ELI HU RANDOLPH, Dcsba counts'; JOHN M. M1TCHEL, Gainsville, Green connty; Y\ YI. R. CAIN, Pocahontas, Randolph county; LEYV'IS SUTFIN, Boliver, Poinsett county; ROOF H. IlOYY'ELL, Dover, Pope county; J. S. JORDAN, Monticello, Drew county; lHO’S RIGGS, Postmaster at Richwoods, Izard county; WM. M. VAN VALKENBURGH, Warren, Bradley co; GREEN R. JONES, Esq., Smithville, Lawrence county; L. 15. Y ENABLE, Van Buren county; JOHN IIAY’IS, Bradley county; C. H. JACKSON, Mount Penson, Jackson county; WM. A. CRAYY’FORD, Saline connty; J. YV. McCONAUGHEY, Searcy, White county; A. J. BROOKS, Bloomer, Sebastian county; JAMES M. .MONTGOMERY, Lewisville, Lafayette co; Capt. YYT. LANDERS, Sulphur Rock, Independence co; J. Y\". YVILDER, traveling agent to solicit subscriptions; YV. B. YOUNG, Dover, Pope countv; 'I IIO’S F. AUSTIN, Yellville, Marion county; J. Y\ . BERNARD, Norrostown, Pope county; JA’S R. BERRY, P. M., Huntsville, Madison county; JA’S N. JOHNSON, P. M., Friendship, Saline county; C. L. SYY'EET, Sweetville, Crittenden county; THO’S MILLS, Polk county; JOHN Y\'. FULLERTON, Hot Springs; RUB’T ATKINSON, Leek’s Store, Ouachita county; Dr. L. L. MARTIN, Long View, Ashley county; N. L. BAKER, Fulton county; J^UOiMPATE^p^ll^|*lea>an^Plain*^ndependenceco. From the Helena Democratic Star. Memphis and the Call Session. Tlip question of a “call session” of our Le gislature has employed much unnecessary tem per, too much unbecoming personality, and by far too much printers’ ink. The discussion on the subject — if indeed miserable sophistry, coarse invective, and unbecoming declamation, can be called discussion—arose in the bitterness of petty sectionalisms; and having at first worn no vesture of principle, has lately in the aban donment of blind ill-temper, let fall even its dressing-gown of flimsey pretext. The Gazette on one side and the True Democrat on the other, fighting as bravely as the dying Ceaser with his writing-pen, have presented the ques tion on the points of their weapons with the summons of Shakspeare’s partisans. Under which King, Barsanio? Speak or die! and as a natural consequence, the editorial rank and-file of the State at large have been com pelled to take sides in the w//u2-mill tilting of these metropolitan Quixotes. Sitting in our easy chair, calm as ones “ Grandsire cut in the Alabaster,” we have looked from afar off at this pretty quarrel; and from this ground of cool indillerence shall, after smoking a meditative “ Haiannah,” make a general sketch of the ra tionale of this warfare. In the address issued by that gentleman pre vious to his election, Governor Conway holds the following language: “ Having an ardent desire for the progress and improvement of this State, in accordance with the spirit of the age, for the details of plans and the enactment of laws to embody and car ry out the wishes of the people in relation there to, if elected Governor, I shall look to the Gene ral Assembly, coming fresh from the people of every county in the State, as the constitutional and most competent expositors of their will.” This is sound doctrine; and as one of the public pledges under which he had been elect ed must be regarded by Gov. Conway as his rule of conduct. Under the prerogation of his office, we find the Governor in his message (Nov. 27th, 1852,) make the following suggestion to the Legislature then assembled at Little Rock: ! “If the bill which passed the House of Re- ! presentatives, at the last session of Congress, ■ should become a law, granting lands to aid in j constructing a railroad from a point in Missouri, opposite the mouth of the Ohio river, by Lit tle Rock, to Fulton on Red river in this State; and to aid in constructiug branches—one from j Little Rock to Fort Smith, and the other from | Little Rock to some point on the Mississippi j river, before the route could be surveyed, and the lands selected on this branch of the road, it would be necessary to know the terminus on the Mississippi river. I, therefore, recommend that a law be passed, designating the route and the terminus as nearly as shall be deemed prac ticable.” 1 he Legislature refused to adopt the recom mendation to locate the Mississippi branch of the Cairo and Fulton railroad; and in accordance with the foregoing pledge made in his address to the people, and also in accordance with the true republican doctrine of the case, Gov. Con way is bound not only as a man of honor, but as an honest agent for the people, to regard this relusal of the Legislature to endorse the sup ?ml)°.r*'ance of the immediate location of t ic ^lississippi branch as the constitutional and cairipdeitt exposition of the popular will. On the l..th oi Jan., 1853, the Legislature adjourned; and fully aware that in three weeks thereafter the Cairo grant would have become law, their rejection of the Governor's recommendation was made knowingly; and as no other authen tic expression of the public sentiment has been made in the case, the action of the legislature leads irresistably to the conclusion that the im mediate location of the Mississippi branch of the Cairo and Fulton railroad was not at that time a subject of State emergency. Subsequently to the adjournment of the Le gislature, a new cause is alleged to have arisen in the case. The city of Memphis after hav ing failed in the most strenuous efforts to defeat the Cairo and Fulton road in Congress, had the cool effrontery to attempt by a delegation sent to the Governor to obtain. th& assembliug of the Legislature for the purpose of influencing the location of the Mississippi branch. The action of Memphis on this matter has been the first act in this u call session” comedy. As we pre fer in all such disputes to speak by the record, we subjoin here an authentic copy of the do cumants recorded on this subject in the office of the Mayor of Memphis: [A Copy.] To the Hon. Mayor and Aldermen of the city of Memphis: Gentlemen—The undersigned commissio ners under the Memphis and Little Bock rail road company, most respectfully request of your hon. body a subscription of $350,000 to aid in the construction of said road from Memphis to Little Bock. [Signed] B. C. Brinkley, D. W. Leatherman, Thomas Peters, Sam. P. Walker, Sam’l Tate, James A. Carnes. Memphis, March 25, 1853. The commissioners of the Memphis and Lit tle Bock railroad company having applied to the Mayor and Aldermen of the city of Mem phis for a subscription of $350,000 to aid in the construction of said road from Memphis to Lit tle Bock, and the citizens of Memphis viewing that road as one of the highest importance to the present and future prosperity of the city, Be it therefore “ Resolved” by the Mayor and Aldermen of the city of Memphis, That the city Marshal shall open and hold an election at the United States hotel and at the Gavoso house in this city on Saturday the 30th day of April next to ascertain the wishes of the citizens up on this subject, and if a majority of the votes there given be for subscription, the Mayor shall subscribe that sum to said railroad company, and shall issue the bonds of the city payable 30 years after date with coupon bonds for inte rest. But this subscription shall be made on the following conditions, to-wit: 1st. That the State of Arkansas shfill adopt this road as the “branch road” from Little Bock to the Mississippi river, and give to it al ternate sections of land as provided by act of Congress, approved February 9th, 1853, enti tled an act granting the right of way, and mak ing a grant of land to the States of Arkansas and Missouri to aid in the construction of rail roads, etc. 2nd. That the money here subscribed shall be expended in building said road, commencing at a point opposite Memphis, and continuing westward in the most direct line towards Little Bock, mile by mile, and that not more than $50,000 shall be expended in grading said road or preparing it for the iron, and tlud only when a like sum of $50,000 shall have been subscrib ed by individuals which must be collected and expended in equal payments with the $50,000 city subscription. 3rd. That the balance of the city subscrip tion, to-wit: the sum of $300,000, or the pro ceeds of the city bonds for that sum shall be used only in ironing and equipping the road; the iron to be furnished in five mile sections and laid down as the grading and superstructure pro gresses from the Mississippi river westward. 4th. That the said railroad company will build a “ depot” on this side of the Mississip pi river west of Front Bow, central to the pre sent bounds of the city, and to its commercial and other interests, and shall deliver passengers and freight on this side of the river on as low j terms as any other company or persons would i do under a fair and open competition, and that the citv bonds shall be taken at par bv said com pany. The resolutions were passed as read, by a vote of eight to one, March 25th, 1853. On the 30th day of April, 1853, the city Mar shal held an election as required by the forego ing resolution, and the result was— For the subscription - - 779 Against subscription - - 56 Majority for subscription - 725 Whereas, one of the conditions on which the recently authorized subscription of $350,000 to the Memphis and Little Rock railroad can be made available, is, that the Arkansas Legisla ture adopt this as the branch road from Little Rock to the Mississippi river, so that it may get the benefit of a portion of the public land do- ; nated to the State of Arkansas,“by the last Con gress, to aid in building railroads. And where as, from recent information it is believed that the early commencement of this road will do much towards securing its adoption, as a part of or a link in the great “ Pacific railroad.” Therefore be it Resolved, That the Mayor appoint a committee of three to visit the Go vernor of Arkansas, and request him to con vene the Legislature of that State, at as early a day as the interest of the State will justify, to deliberate and act on the subject. Passed May the 3rd, 1853. In conformity to the above resolution, I do j hereby appoint the Hon. Jas. C. Jones, Col. j James M. Williamson, and Col. E. H. Porter to : constitute said committee. Done at Mayor’s office in the [L. S.] city of Memphis, May 3rd, 1853. (Signed) A. B. TAYLOR, Mayor. The Legislature oF 1852-3 having as shown rejected the suggestion oF immediate action on the subject of the Cairo and Fulton railroad, the question of the Governor’s course resolves itself into the enquiry whether or not the foregoing action of the corporation of Memphis consti tutes a sufficient cause why Governor Conway ought to have disregarded the previous expres sion of the popular will as indicated plainly in the course pursued by their regularly constitut ed organ—the Legislature. Before coming di rectly to this issue it is necessary to set their proper value on the several heads of the Mem phis proposition. 1st. That the railroad company build a depot in Memphis central to its commercial and other interests. No matter how this may be glossed over, the plain purpose of such a condition as well as the practical result of its adoption is the location of the whole business of the road ipse facto in Memphis. The Gov. may have thought that the result of this will be just as was in tended, viz: the killing-off of the hope of Hope field. 2nd. That the road shall be constructed in regular progression westward from Memphis no matter where the subscription may come from] and that of the whole amount offered to be sub scribed by Memphis only $40,000 could be cal led up, this being permissable only when a like sum should be outlayed by individuals; the ba lance of the subscription being withheld for ■ironing and equipping westward from Memphis. 4?he Memphis Land Company it is well known [were the originators of this whole movement: jtheir object clearly was to secure not only the i (whole of the private subscriptions, but also the proceeds of the public lands in carrying the road from Memphis as far as the means would permit through their locations, the expectation being probably that the money would give out where their engineer terminated his survey, at the St. Francois. It may haite occurred to the Gov. that it would be only fair that the citizens of Prairie and Pulaski be at liberty to expend their money on grading and a portion of the Sroceeds of the public lands in ironing, the road etween Little Rock and the crossing of the nearest navigable stream—White river. This might, we repeat, have given the Governor some suspicion of the boon offered by Memphis. 3rd. That the city of Memphis, on condi tion of the donation of upwards of half-a-mil lion acres of public lands, would subscribe 350 of her one thousand dollar bonds, to be receiv ed at par, to the stock of the Little Rock rail road, this subscription being guarded and sur rounded by all sorts of legerdemain restrictions. In reference to this part of the proposition it may have occurred to the Governor that the mock election on the subject of the Little Rock railroad subscription was a mere practical joke of the worthy Aldermen of Memphis—-there being no law in existence to give the election le gal force. Perhaps we say the Governor was quite aware that the subscription of Memphis, having been illegal, was an adroit ruse. The Governor may have, further, known that the bonds of Memphis, which were to be received (modest proviso!) at par, were not even if issu ed legally, worth in the money market the cost of printing them. The Governor may have acci dentally heard of the make-shifts by which Memphis has been enabled to pay the interest on her outstanding bonds; may have heard that the 200 she paid up to the Memphis and Char leston railroad, like a wet percussion-cap, would not go off; may have heard that after being re fused per se, they were only made available to release certain embargoed shipments of rails by the kindly endorsement of that substantial banker, James Robb; and that with the addi tional load of her lavish subscriptions and in debtness Memphis bonds are now utterly un marketable. The Governor may have known all this; and may have, notwithstanding that he is the mere Dohamey of an outside barbarism, regarded this whole proposition of the conscripti Patres of Memphis with a quiet smile. So much for the general features of this Mem phis boon. In all the advantages offered by Memphis none of them are conditioned as to time: in this particular then there exists no ne cessity for hurrying the action of the Legisla ture. There is, however, one reason assigned why the Governor should have consented to a call-session, viz: that “ from recent informa tion it is believed that the early commence ment of this road will do much towards secur ing its adoption as a part or link in the great Pa cific railroad.” Niva la tromparie! Recent in formation eh? What was this “recent infor mation”? Who furnished it? Who knows anything about it? Oh! je comprends: it is a secret known to only the Aldermen of Mem phis, and to be handed down we presume like the secret of the Silver Bells among the Monks of Gottingen—to their successors forever! The thing is to be neither told in Gath uor publish ed in Ascelon; but the Governor of the State of Arkansas must on the faith thereof, oh most immaculate Aiuermen oi Memphis: call the Legislature together at an expense to the peo ple whose interests he has sworn to protect, of from ten to fifteen thousand dollars! But this recent information has grown out of the sweet ness of calfage unto the insipidity of a year ling-humbug, It travels around like an epide mic—indeed it is a sort of Pacific railroad vali oloid. The infection was first brought to Mem phis by the Hon. F. P. Stanton; it subsequent ly broke out with the yellow fever at Vicksburg; and now with the exception of an occasional appearance in St. Louis seems permanently set tled we apprehend—under the influence it may be assumed of local cause—at the city of Cairo. Memphis has made up her mind that she is quite safe from a visit of this Pacific railroad fever, and consequently indulges in diatribes against its great and liberal disseminator, the redoubtable Robert J. Walker. What new cause, then, we ask presents itself in the action of Memphis to justify the Gover nor in a call-session? Is it in the recent alledg ed “recent information” of the Aldermen?— That is now seen to be either a delusion or a cheat. Is it in the subscription of Memphis? That is well known to have been valueless both legally and financially. What theu is the rea son why the Governor should have convened the Legislature to act on a subject which when in regular session they refused to act on? There is none—none whatever. On the general question of call-sessions the constitution seems to present some very signi ficant restrictions. One of the clauses "of that instrument says: that the Governor “ may, by proclamation, on extraordinary occasions, con vene the general assembly.” We contend that there has been no “ extraordinary occasion” de manding an extra session—none whatever.— Another clause in the constitution says: “ That mother or greater amount of revenue shall at any time be levied than is required for the necessary ex penses °f the government, unless by a concurrance of two-thirds of both houses of the general assem bly.” Can any honest man alledge that the ex penses of the call-session clamored for by the people of Memphis could be classed with the “necessary expenses of government,” and not being subject to such a classification, and there being no “ extraordinary occasion” requiring an extra session, would the Governor of the State have been justified in incurring outlays that could be only met by a breach of the constitu tion? iiut assuming that the Governor had con sented to this call session, what could have been done in the matter of the land grant? The lands donated to the State could not have been ascertained until the several roads had been de finitely located; and this definitive location could not have been made until the comple tion of reliable and intelligent surveys. Who knows the sections donated to the State until the location of the road? and who knows the location of the road until the completion of the surveys? All then that could have been done by the Legislature would be to order surveys, and appropriate part of the internal improvement fund to pay for them. The State has no other fund out of which they could have been paid for.— That such surveys would not have been ordered, and paid for out of that fund, is a fair infe rence from the fact that the same Legislature had in 1852-3 refused to adopt the recommen dations to that effect in the message of Gover nor Conway; that such surveys could not have been ordered and paid for out of the ordinary revenue derived from taxation without a direct infringement of the constitution, is clearly shown in the restriction that the only revenue to be raised from the people shall be that necessary for the expenses of government; and that such surveys ought not to have been made by the State is a very fair assumption from the fact that her whole interest in the land grant must pass away into the hands of private companies. What reason then, can, in all fairness and truth, be urged for a call session? None—none whatever. Governor Conway was and is right in resisting all clamor on the subject: his course in the case marks him decidedly as an honest man, a faithful agent of the high trust reposed in him, a public servant who has had the cou rage and conscientiousness to do his duty. The purity and firmness shown by Governor Con way in this matter will strengthen, every hour, his hold on the confidence of the people; and we look forward in full faith to the day when this popular confidence, so honorbly earned will place on his brow another chaplet. Editorial Eloquence.—A Vermont paper with just pride, says: “ There is but one city in the State, and not a soldier, we have no police, and not a murder has been committed in this State within the last ten years. We have no museums, nor crystal palaces, but we have homes, that are the centre of the world to their inmates, for \^hich the father works, votes and talks—where the mother controls, labors, and loves—where she rears men, I scholars and patriots. - ^————■ The Nebraska Question. A REPLY TO MRS. HARRIET BEECHER STOWE, ON THE NEBRASKA QUESTION, BY MRS. A. P. PETTIT. Washington City, March 13, 1854. I find an article in the Boston Congregation alist of the 17th ultimo, which purports to have been written by you, for which article I, in be half of the women of the free States, am truly sorry—sorry for its unblushing misstatements and the fanatical spirit with which it is temper ed; yet I am not surprised that such statements should have emanated from such a source.— There are certain attributes of woman, among which are virtue and truth, and from which she cannot depart as long as she continues wo man. I have alleged that you are guilty of an “un blushing misstatement,” and, were it not unbe coming a woman, would say that you are gross ly ignorant of the provisions of the bill organi zing the Te rritory of Nebraska, or had uttered a malicious falsehood—false in fact, malicious in its intentions. You charge that the South are urging the agitation of slavery, and are attempting to fast en it upon the free territory of the United States. You charge treason upon the United States Senate, and allege that they desire to foist slavery upon free territory. I repeat, your allegations are false, your charges are malicious. The South have not sought agitation, the Senate have not designed to establish slaverv within the Territories; but, on the other hand, the South have justly contended for a great Ame rican principle, based upon constitutional right, and the patriotism of the North has as justly responded to a recognition of that great principle, To sustain the truth of my assertions, I refer to the latter clause of the 14th section of the bill passed by the Senate on the morning of the 4th instant, which provides “ That the constitu tion, and all laws of the United States which are not locally inapplicable, shall have the same force and effect within the said Territory of Nebraska as elsewhere within the United States, except the eighth section of the act preparatory to the admission of Missouri into the Union, approved March 6th, 1820; which, being in consistent with the principle of non-interven tion by Congress with slavery in the States and Territories, as recognised by the legislation of 1850, (commonly called the compromise mea sures,) is hereby declared inoperative and void; it being the true intent and meaning of this act not to legislate slavery into any Territory or State, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave i the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the constitution of the Uni ted States: Provided, That nothing herein con tained shall be construed to revive or put in force any law or regulation which may have ex isted ; prior to the act of 6th March, 1820, either protecting, establishing, prohibiting, or abolishing slaverv.” I Ills section, then, expressly declares, “ it being the true intent and meaning of this act not to legislate slavery into any Territory or State, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and re gulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the constitution of the Unit ed States.” And yet, in the face of this provi sion, you charge that the Senate of the United States is about to establish slavery in the free Territories. Are you aware, madam, that all the territory acquired from France in the Loui siana purchase was slave territory? Are you further aware that this Nebraska Territory was a part of the Louisiana purchase, and that slavery was prohibited in this Territory bv the 8th section of the act of the 6th March, 1820? Do you know that the constitutionality of that section is much questioned by able legal men, both of the North and South? Do you know that still a greater number, from all sections of the Union, both whigs and democrats, question its propriety at this time, especially since there has been almost a universal acquiescence in the great Compromise of 1850? Do you not know that the South, in contending for the great con stitutional right of self-government, abandon their right under the law of Spain, which es tablished slavery in all of this territory? You cannot but believe that the South are sincere, but the Senate are in earnest, when they say this act shall not “ legislate slavery into this Territory.” But if a doubt can remain, even with a fanatic, the proviso must forever set the matter at rest, which says: “Provided, That nothing herein contained shall be construed to revive or put in force any law or regulation which may have existed prior to the act of the 6th March, 1820, either protecting, establishing, pro hibiting, or abolishing slavery.” When you deny the right of the people to govern themselves; when you question their intelligence, their integrity of purpose, and their patriotism, you strike at the very foundation of American liberty; you deny the most sacred right guarantied by our constitution—you deny the sovereignty of the people. You repudiate the constitution when you deny any of its guar antied rights. You assume to believe in a “ higher law”—the law of your conscience, a' law of despotism and of tyranny, a law with out any established rule of action, a law de pendent entirely upon the acquiescence of your own conscience. You assume to hold the ob servance of any law not compatible with the *• higher law” as a violation of conscience, and a violation of your duty to your Creator. Of what fatal tendencies has such a theory? What government could exist upon such a baseless fabric? It were a government based upon a moonbeam—aye, even less, upon the shape of a shadow; as various as are the con sciences of men would be your laws, without power to enforce them, since each would only be bound by the law recognised by his con science. It were worse than madness to pro pose such a law. I will ask you, in all candor, who desires agi tation? Who have agitated this question of slavery? Who have published inflammatory addresses? You well know your only answer can be, “ the abolitionists” —those miserable fanatics, who only draw upon their sickly sen timentality, and exist upon its internal excite ments. You do not suffer one ray of reason to come athwart your thoughts; one unvarnished fact cannot be uttered by your lips; what you want in fact, you supply in imagination; you exhaust the superlatives, and revel in the er roneous creations of your own brain. As an apology for your action, you refer to our revo lutionary struggle, and ask, “Did not liberty in those days feel the strong impulse of woman’s heart.” It did; and “liberty” responded to “ woman’s heart.” Men were made brave. Pro vidence smiled upon their noble deeds, and suc cess crowned their efforts—success, not only in war, but in peace. A constitution was produced, as sacred as the cause which gave it birth. Let the unequalled prosperity, and the present high position, of this beloved Union attest its value. Let patriotism dictate its sacredness. She who would seek to distroy this “ palladium of our political safety and prosperity”—this founda tion of American liberty—or would counsel opposition to its laws, must have a “ strong im pulse” repugnant to “liberty.” She must be long to strong-minded womanism; she should be the author of such a thing as “ Uncle Tom’s Cabin.” We must distrust every appeal that is calculated to array one portion of the Union against the other. We must hold those as ene mies who seek to create geographical distinc tions, for their can be no local interests para mount to the interests of all. It is a common union of the States, each entitled to the same protection, and each guarantied in the same po litical rights. I am no apologist for slavery, nor does it mat ter what my peculiar opinions may be upon that question; I am an American woman, and, as such, feel the impulse of a woman proud of her country and her institutions; and I hold the woman who would traduce or defame or seek to disgrace her country belongs to the same cate gory and sinks to the same deep infamy as the man who should be guilty of a like action.— That great author Yattell well says, Book 1, chap. 11th, section 123: “ If every man is oblig ed to entertain a sincere love for his country, and to promote its welfare as far as in his power, it is a shameful and detestable crime to injure that very country. He who becomesjguilty of it violates his most sacred engagements, and sinks into base ingratitude; he dishonors himself by the blackest perfidy, since he abuses the con fidence of his fellow-citizens, and treats as ene mies those who had a right to expect his assis tance and services. We see traitors to their country only among those men wrho are solely sensible to base interest, who only seek their own immediate advantage, and whose hearts are incapable of every sentiment of affection for others. They are, therefore, justly detested by mankind in general as the most infamous of all villains.” Having fully answered your charges upon the South and upon the United States Senate, and shown them to be false and malicious, I charge back upon Jvou that you have published an ad dress, false in its statements, in which you have attempted to create local prejudices, engender faction, and impiously invoked your Creator to arouse religious as well as political fanaticism. I arraign you in the name of the women of our country, whose sex you have outraged in attempting to mislead and impose upon them theories repugnant to liberty, and in violation of their dearest rights. I charge you with having written and published a book full of “ putrid and diseased thoughts,” with the express inten tion of exciting factions, proselyting fanatics, arousing opposition to the laws, and destroying the happiness and narmony of this Union. I charge you of having uttered treasonable speeches to foreigners, our avowed enemies; that you have defamed and sought to bring disgrace upon the country of your birth and invoked the wrath of Heaven upon her institutions. In all of which I charge you have committed overt acts of treason, and deserve to be held up to the scorn and contempt of womankind. I find in the same paper a letter by the Rev. Henry Ward Beecher, your brother, in which he is represented to have said, “ 0, that I could see slavery standing in her own soil, compelled to live upon it, to draw her life from it—that would cure the evil.” How different the lan guage, and how different the spirit that dictated such language, from that which is uttered by the “Father of his Country” in his Farweil Adress! ue says: ine oiortn; m an unrestrained in tercourse with the South, protected by the equal laws of a common government, finds in the productions of the latter great additional resources of maritime and commercial enter prise, and precious materials of manufacturing industry. The South, in the same intercourse, benefiting by the agency of the North, sees its agriculture grow, and its commerce expand. * * * * 1 have already intimated to you the danger of parties in the State, with particular reference to the founding of them on geographi cal discriminations. Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party generally. * * * * It serves always to distract the public councils, and enfeeble the public administration. It agitates the community with ill-founded jealousies and false alarms, kindles the animosity of one part against another, foments, occasionally, riot and insurrection.” Gen. Washington believed that the South was one of the spokes in this greatgovernmen tal wheel; and that the North would be as much crippled in her resources without the South as the South would be without the North. Mr. Beecher says: “The North furnishes the South her agricultural implements, her shoes, furniture, and cloths; they spin hercotton, weave it, make it into shirts, collars, etc., and send it down for them to wear; and the difference be tween a raw cotton bale and a fine starched shirt is just the difference between the North and the South.” This I deny. The only difference that exists is in the diseased hallucination of Mr. Beecher’s own mind; or, at most, the dif ference between a northern fanatic, who would trample upon the constitution and laws of his country, and the man who adheres strictly to them. If the South should close her maritime and commercial intercourse against the North, how would the North get the cotton to spin, weave, and make shirts of? And yet his fanatical zeal in behalf of what he terms humanity induces him to say. “ 0! that I could see slavery stand ing on her own soil, compelled to live upon it, to draw her life from it.” I thinkHhe reverend gentleman’s remarks on the Nebraska bill were premature; and when he sees and examines the bill as it passed the Senate, he will have the manliness to do the supporters of the bill jus tice, by confessing publicly that he had not seen it, and consequently he was mistaken in its me rits. It is of quite as much importance to the public that he should retract his opinions and expressions of the Nebraska bill as he did upon “ Hot Corn,” saying they were premature; that he had not read the book. The bill as it now stands is all that a true patriot could desire or demand; and I believe the reverend gentleman is disposed to be patri otic, for “There is a Divinity that shapes our ends, Rough-hew them how we will.” The reverend gentleman asks: “Is that slave ry right which ignores marriage and every do mestic tie, and strikes a red-hot and damning blow into the family and into all its clustering ties and hopes?” In answer to this question, I refer the reverend gentleman to a book he has been garbling at least twenty years for the ad vancement of morals and religion, as has been supposed by some, but doubted by others. To the reference—Ex., chap. 21, v. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, and 20, 21, which says: “ Now, these are the judgments which thou shalt set before them: “If thou buy an Hebrew servant, six years he shall serve; and in the seventh he shall go out free for nothing. “If he came in by himself, he shall go out by himself: if he were married, then his wife shall go out with him. “ If his master have given him a wife, and she have borne him sons or daughters, the wife and her children shall be her master’s, and he shall go out by himself. / “ And if the servant shall plainly say, I love my master, my wife, and my children; I will not go out free; then his master shall bring him nnto the judges; he shall also bring him to the door, or unto the door-post; and his master shall _A_ -- bore his ear through with an awl, an' serve him forever. \ “And if a man smite his servant or nis*. with a rod, and he die under his hand, he shall be surely punished. Notwithstanding, if he continue a day or two, he shall not be punished —for he is his money.” I think this a sufficient reply to the reverend gentleman’s interrogatory. He says: “ See the venerable Mr. Hoar mobbed in Charleston. For such an insult South Carolina never made an apology.” No, sir, no; nor will she ever. The State that produces such men as the “ Hero of New Orleans,” Calhoun, McDuffe—aye, and I may say Butler—never has nor never will pro duce sons to apologize to a traitor—a traitor to his country and his God. I have assumed the responsibility of answer ing for the South. It is the land of my birth— the home of my childhood. I love her sons and daughters, her institutions, and her “sunny clime.” The ashes of those who gave me being repose in peace and silence in her soil. I love and cherish her. As the mother loves and che rishes her first-born, so love I my native land. “ Breathes there the man with soul so dead, Who never to himself hath said, This is my own, my native land?” The pebbled brook, the clustered vine, the mellow fruits, the waving fields, the garden walks, the majestic oak, and the “ old planta tion,” are yet dear to me. vv nne in my cnnunoou, i necame an aaopt eil daughter of a new but growing State in the West; with her growth I have grown. Her in stitutions, her sons, and her daughters, may have equal, but they acknowledge no superiors. They are as liberal, high minded, noble, and in telligent as any on earth, and I am proud of her as my adopted State and the birth-place of my son, and from her I have imbibed no senti ment or feeling incompatible with a pure love and reverence for the whole Union. I will state, for the information of the rever end gentleman, that some of the Senators whom he chooses to denounce publicly as traitors, voted for a bill, a few days after the passage of the Nebraska bill, which will prove of immense benefit to himself and his northern fanatical brethren. It is an appropriation of public land forthe establishment of insane asy lums. I have no doubt some of the Senators were induced to support the .bill with special reference to himself and the insanity of others which may be superinduced by his hypocritical ! onslaught upon the Nebraska bill. According to the statistics shown bv an hono rable Senator when this bill was under discus sion, I think the North will be much benefited by the appropriation. The statistics show the number in the North of this unfortunate chiss (the insane) to be much greater in propotion to the population than in the South and West. This state of facts can be truly ascribed to the fanatical teachings of such reverend gentleman as Mr. B. If the South had not given her aid, the fanafics of the North would not have been thus benefited, and the bill would have been lost. The reverend gentleman says “that is just the spirit (meaning the spirit which refused to apologize to the North) that will force Nebras ka upon the Union, as purposed by Mr. Doug las; and when she has come in as a sister State, her jewels will be dragon’s teeth, and as they drop from the string on which they hang, for every tooth there will spring up an armed man.” If the imaginary army which the reverend gentleman has here raised exists, except in his own brain, it must be composed of such fana ticts as himself, political divines of the North, spirit rappers, and strong-minded women. Per haps this army would be mustered into service by the Rev. Theodore Parker, and governed by his articles of faith as their articles of war, in scribed upon their banners, which are as fol lows: “ 1 do not believe there was ever a mira cle, or ever will be; everywhere I find law the constant mode of operation of the infinite God. I do not believe in the miraculous inspi ration of the Old Testament or the New Tes tament. I do not believe that the Old Testa ment was God’s first work, northe New Testa ment his last. The Scriptures are no finality to me. Inspiration is a perpetual fact. I do not believe the mirculous origin of the Hebrew church, or the Christian church; nor the mira culous character of Jesus. I take not the Bible for my master, nor yet the church; nor even Jesus of Nazereth for my master. I feel not at all bound to believe what the church says is true, nor what any writer in the Old or New Testament declares true; and I am ready to believe that Jesus taught, as I think, eternal torment, the existence of a devil, and that he himself should ere long come back in the clouds os heaven. I do not accept these things on his authority. I try all things by the human faculties.” Opposed to an army of such discordant ele ments, with such articles of war, would be the lovers of our country—those who obey her laws—those who are patriots and true Chris tians at heart, and whose evrev fibre of the soul is interwoven with the institutions of their country. Who can doubt but that the result of this ccnilict would be the overthrow of this incongruous army, and perhaps be the means to once more restore these miserable fanatics to reason and common sense? A. P. PETTIT. To Mrs. Harriet Beecher Stowe. The Martha Washington Case in Con gress.—The following is the resolution intro duced into the House of Representatives by Mr. Bliss, a representative from Tennessee, re garidngthe Martha Washington matters:_ Resolved, That the Secretary of the Treasury be requested to communicate to the House any information in his possession, touching the ex pediency of an appropriation by Congress to defray the expenses already incurred in prose cuting the persons charged with burning of the steamer Martha Washington, on the Mississippi river, in January, 1852, and to furnish the means for prosecuting said parties to the con viction of the crimes of arson and murder, in the county of Phillips, where they are now in prison, awaiting their trial for the said crimes alleged to have been committed by them by the burning of the steamboat. 03" While Sam Houston was making his speech in the Senate against the Nebraska bill, he excited some merriment by having cups of tea brought to him. The ladies in the gallery laughed at his manner of pouring the tea from the cup into the saucer, and at the deliberation with which he seized the opportunity of occa sional interruptions in his speech, to quietly en joy his beverage. It is more than intimated that one or two other Senators spoke under the influence of something stronger than tea. 03" The following lines are the sentiment cf one of our imbibers of the mint. “ When li quor is in, wit is out.” Leaves have their time to fall, And so likewise have I; The reason, too, ’s the same—it Comes of our getting dry. But here’s the difference ’twixt leaves and me, I falls “ more harder” and more frequent-lee.