LITTLE BOCK, ARKANSAS, WEDNESDAY MORNING, SEPTEMBER 27, 1854.
OLD SERIES, Vol. XI.>
NEW SERIES, Vol. II.f
NO. 50.
Till: MISSES McALMONTS’
4 CADEMY lor youngladies will re-open
J\ on Monday the 4th of September, and close on
the 4th of July, 1855.
TERMS.
Primary Class, $10 00
■ Second Class—Including Natural Philosophy, Mo
dern History of England and’ of the
?' United States. Geography, Grammar,
v, Rhetoric. Analysis, Arithmetic, and
,,,! Composition, $12 50
d'drst Class —Including Mental Philosophy, Moral
Science, Logic, Elements of Criticism,
Ancient History and Geography. Bo
tan v, Geology, Chemistry, Astronomy,
higher Rhetoric, Composition, Algc
bry, Geometry and Tngonometay,
$15 00
Piano Music—extra.20 00
French, “ 00
Italian, “ 00
Latin. “ 5 00
Embroidery, “ 10 00
Penciling, ’ “ 5 00
Oil Painting “ o0
Monochromatic, “ 5 00
Sept. 6,1854
NOTICE.
A MEETING of the Board of Swamp Land Com
_ missioners for the State of Arkansas will be held
at Helena pursuant to adjournment on the first Mon
day in October next. W. E. BUTTS,
August 80, 'of ft See. B. S. L. Com.
NOVELS JUST RECEIVED.
f’l'MIE Lamplighter—Vathek;
1 The Foresters, by Dumas;
Sweeny Todd, the Radian Barber;
M isuniello. the fisherman of Naples;
Lady Lee's Widowhood;
“Woman and her Master by the author of Minnie
Grev, etc.
The Star Chamber, by Ainsworth;
The Planter's Northern Bride;
Linny Lockwood;
•Mm. oris a Cousin in tlie hand worth two Counts
in the bush;
The Koyul Favorite, the Mysteries of the Court of
Charles 2nd;
The Women of Israel, 2 vols.,|by Grace Aguilar;
Life and its Aims;
Two Loads, or the right and the wrong;
Tiials of a house keeper;
1. and adventures, of a country merchant; at the
ho k store. JOHN E. REARDON.
Scot. If. 1R54
<< OF At N G AND RENOVATINGT
111, undersigned offers his services to the public
I as a Scourer and Renovator of Broad-cloths, Silks,
Kid Gloves, etc., etc.
< h.ly patronize me and the most perfect satisfaction
is pr .missed. Main and Bock street above Mr. Dot
ter's jeweler store. L. GOUNART.
August 0. 1S54. 3m
AUCTION ROO.11—J. D. FITZGERALD,
Auctioneer,
A
T S. Johnson’s store next door to S. Joseph’s old
stand. Main street. Little Kook. Ark.
Particular attention paid to selling Merchandize,
Furniture. Horses, etc., at Auction on private sale.—
A share of public patronage is solicited.
T. Rll A DRURY,
llon-f and Sign Fainter and Glazier;
j M! i A T<>li of Fancy Woods mid Marble; Paper
1 Hanger, etc. Paintshop adjoining his residence
on Mulbcriy street. Little Bock. July 26.1854. ly
(OUIIISSION AND FORWARDING.
r|MlK undersigned would respectfully remind the
Jl c 'iiimunit_\ that lie is still doing a Commission
Forwarding business at I)EV'ALL'S BLUFF. ON
It i 11 i E Kl\ ER. the most convenient and available
point by far. for the merchants and citizens of Little
Rock and vicinity. I am provided with a safe and
commodious ware-house, and can generally procure
the over-land transportation of merchandize, etc., in
good order and on the shortest notice.
lo travelers I would say. come this wav; it is the
nearest and best and 1 am always provided with su
perior accommodations for man and horse.
August 1854. 8m P. H. WHEAT.
TWENTY-FIVE DOLLARS REWARD.
Ojl’KaV ED or stolen from the undersigned, living
Uj on Amos Bayou in Desha county, Ark., about the
first of June last, one bay horse, six years old. one
bin •. loot white, a small sore in the forehead, plain
saddle marks about 1** hands high, works well. Also
■ ne dark sorrel mare, about 16W hands high, blind
in the right eye. tirst rate plow nag, but not good to
work anywhere else, has a white mark across the
rump, about half way between the coupling and root
of tlie tail, about 8 inches long and % in> hes wide,
lias a scare on the right fore foot at the top of the
hoot, branded with the letter .S. on one shoulder, 1
think the right, but am not certain.
1 will give the above reward for any information
so that 1 can get them.
Address David Ripley, Napoleon, or J. B. Rose or
Wni. Tavlor. Amos Bavou.
August 2i. IS54. I2in .TAS. JL ROSE.
I'D E MEDICAL DEPARTMENT OF T1IE
UNIVERSITY of the STATE of MO.
THE regular Lectures of the Medical Department
.L of the Missouri University will commence on
'be 1st of November, 1654, and will continue until the
1st • f March, 1655.
A course of preliminary lectures will be delivered
!'.v the Professors of the Institution, free of any extra
•barge, on subjects intimately connected with their re
'[»e< ive departments, beginning on tlie 1st of October
and ending on the 1st of November.
Clinical lectures will also be delisered either at the
1 i'y Hospital or the City Disjjonsury, every day dur
ing r he month of October, as well as during the en
tiiv regular session. Admittance to the clinical lec
tures free of extra charge.
Medical Faculty.
JOHN S. MOORE, M. D., Professor of Theory and
1 ’raetice.
JOSEPH X. M’DOWELL, M. D., Professsr of Sur
gery and Surgical Anatomy.
ABNER HOPTON, M. J)., Professor of Chemistry
and Pharmacy.
JOHN BARNES. M. I).. Professor of Materia Medic;:.
Thera]teuties and Medical Botany.
E. HEM ING. M. D., Professor of Pathology and
Clinical Medicine.
J. K. A ELEN. M. 1)., Professor of Obstetrics and
Disease.-, ol Women and Children.
PAYTON SPENCE, M. D., Professor of Physiology
and Comparative Anatomy.
.I<H1N T. IIOIJGKN. M. D., Professor of Anatomy,
General and So :■ ial.
1. DRAKE M’DOWELL. M. D.. Demonstrator.
1* t.‘<‘ s.
Fees fur a full course of Lectures $105. Fee for the
Dip!' mu #20; for admission to the Dissecing room
and Demonstrations $10; Matriculation fee $5.
G'>od boarding can be obtained within a short dis
tance of the College, for from $2 to $3 per week.
Students and others, desiring further information,
will pleas ; address the Dean of the Faculty.
jos. n. McDowell, m. d.,
Dean of the Medical Faculty.
August 80, 1854 6m
WESTERN MILITARY INSTITUTE.
Tyree Springs^.Sumner County, Tennessee.
CTAHK FIRST TERM of the next Annual Session of
I. this ('.Jk-ge commence;* on the 1st Monday in
Si:iTKMb> it next: the second term on the 3rd Monday
in the following January.
Charges for tuition, servants’ attendance, field mu
sic and use of arms £30.00; surgeon's fee $3,00 per
tenu of 20 weeks. ' The boarding, washing, fuel,
i "jins, and the use of furniture, towels and bedding
(< a<di cadet furnishing his own blankets) have been
contracted for. payable by cadet to contractor at $<57,
0 » per term; or $00,00 when the cadet provides his
ewn furniture, making a total, in the former case, of
§100.00, and in the latter, of $93,00 per term. Pay
ments must l>c made for each term in advance. No
d luction will he made for absence, except in case ot
protracted illness or death. Students are received at
any time during the term, hooks, uniform, and
other necessary articles will be furnished at the Insti
tu:' at -N ashville prices for cash; but no credit will be
allowed.
for further information address
h. K. JOHNSON, Superintendent, or
RICHARD OWEN, Commandant,
August 30, ’54 5t* Tyree Springs. Teen.
Runaway Negro.
delivered to the contractors ol
^ f the Arkansas Penitentiary, on Friday,
March 31st. 1854, bv the Sheriff of Deshacoun
a negro man who calls himself HENRY, be
longing to Wm. Feeccson, Moulden. Russell countv,
Alabama.
said negro man is five feet seven y inches high,
Juts a sour on the back of his right hand, medium size,
11 httle capulent, cock eyed, and stammers when talk
^iig. weighs 1C3 lb, says he is 30 years of age.
the owner is hereby requested to prove property
wml pay charges, or the said negro will be dealt with
•aec'irdjng to law. GEORGE & ROBINS,
__ 11 ’54 GrtitracUw.
Bacon ! Bacon !!
Q ECE1NED and on hand
-I-t 3.000 lbs Clear Sides:
l.ono lbs p]ain Hams;
0o0 lbs Sugar Cured Hams;
bard, etc., etc., and for side by
J,‘lv 19. 1S54.
M. OSBORN.
THE TRUE DEMOCRAT
IS PUBLISHED EVERY WEDNESDAY BY
JOHNSON & YERKES.
Terms of Subscription.
I one copy, one year, in advance,.
; In six months.
I At the expiration of the year...
; t ramus ©3’ Mnn,
Transient advertisements will be inserted for.1 per square
I (ten lines or less,) for the first insertion and 50 cents for each
subsequent insertion.
Merchants advertising by the year will be charged .30.
Professional cards and other advertisements, not exceeding
one square, $10 per annum. ”
. 2 00
. 2 50
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JOB WORK.
Our facilities for doing all descriptions of Job Work can
not be surpassed by any printing establishment in the country.
| We have procured, at a cost of over sixteen hundred do'l
i lars, one of Isaac Adams’mammoth printing machines, which
enables us to do book and pamphlet work in a superior style
and at very low prices. J
!___
i
Agents for the True Democrat.
ARKANSAS.
, Franklin and Scott counties;
L. M. STROUD, Carrol! county;
VV M. E. SMITH, Washington countv;
CvARLEN SILY EY, Jackson county.
A. J. HAYS, Ashley county;
!!* )V *pJ|niIl?pJr,iv0,!nt °live> Izard county,
i ' r,v'’ vim f?ii 4 w V, as,lln&ton’ Hempstead county;
^IkLHAM, franklin county;
VAViAPa AivPR| Bate.ville, Independence county;
LINDSAY- Powhattan; ”
^uAL„RA^.1iOLl*H> Desha county;
lullin' n‘',HTCHEL, Gainsville, Green county;
i lmA» , Pocahontas, Randolph county;’
Boliver, Poinsett county;
R.OOt H. IlOWELL, Lover, Pope county;
’i'll l > . “*R^A^’ ‘"0,,t'cello, Drew county;
?,*„ ^ HIGGS, BostniaGer at Richwoodi, Izard county;
, n ndK) A.N. VALKENBURGII, Warren, Bradley eo;
■ RELN R JONES, Esn., Smithville, Lawrence county;
L B. VENABLE, Van Buren county;
JOHN H AVIS, Bradley countv;
L. H. JACKSON, Mount Penson, Jackson county;
VV M. A. CRAWFORD, Saline county;
J. VV . McCONAUGHEY, Searcy, White county;
A. J. BROOKS, Bloomer, Sebastian county;
JAMES M. MONTGOMERY, Lewisville, Lafayettec.r;
t apt. VV . LAN DLRS, Sulphur Rock, Independence co;
VV . B. YOUNG, Lover, Pope county;
1110*6 F. AUSTIN, Yellville, Marion county;
J. VV . BERNARL, Norrostown, Pope county;
•{A’S) P- BERRV, P. M., Huntsville, Madison eounjv;
JA’S N. JOHNSON, I*. M., Friendship, Saline county;
C. L. SWEET, Sweetville, Crittenden county;
1 HO’S MILL;, Polk county;
JOHN W. FULLERTON, Hot Spriujs;
JOHN VV. WILDER, Valley Grove; °
ROBT ATKINSON, Leek’s Store, Ouachita county;
Hr. L. L. .MARTIN, Long View, Ashley county;
N. L. BAKER, Fulton county;
JACOB PATE, p. M., Pleasant Plains, Independence co.
R. L. CA RGI EE, Con wav county.
VV M. C. N< )RTON, Relf’s Bluff, Drew county.
The Fusion of Parties.
It has always lteen our most earnest wish to
j avoid, and, as far as lay in our power, avert the
i tendency which w'e have witnessed with bit
ter regrets, to a political organization merely
upon a geographical basts. No one who has a
regard lor his country could look on the coming
struggle with indiflerence. The elements are
j at work, and the thing it, to be. It can be post
poned no longer. Certain dogmas have been
infused into political tenets which admit of no
apology, and exercise a perfect depotism over
men’s minds. The determination seems to
| prevail, to forego no eliort to “crush out’’ the |
i institution of slavery, even from the States
| where it has been recognized by the Constitu- ;
j tion.
The Washington Star of the 22d inst., thus !
i sounds the alarm:
It will lie well for the South, as soon as pos
sible, to appreciate the fact that the next six i
months is to witness the organization of the
most extensive, unscrupulous and excited anti
slavery party in every non-slave holding State,
J so far existing in this country, whose aim is to
be the entire destruction of the institution of j
negro slavery under this government. Mr. <
Seward is to lie its chief, and his lieutenants are
to be those in every Northern Slate most cla- ,
! morous for place and famous for successful da
magogueism. The scheme is, in fact, a grand
I conspiracy for the elevation of men to high pla- ,
ces, by playing upon the most dangerous pas- j
sions and prejudices of those in wh< se charac
ters as politicians, jealousy, ignorance and self
i sufficiency are the leading elements.
The wily character of Seward, his unscru
pulous selfishness and boundless ambition are
well-known. He has been drilling his forces
with untiring energy, and they move with
, the promptness and precision of disciplined ve
terans.
We hope to see him again foiled, as he was
when he used Gen. Scott as ac.tts’s-paw, while
he was the power that pulled the wires. No
thing but the firm and unwavering patriotism of
the democratic party can withstand the shock
which is now in course of preparation. They
should be united, and Irom their adversaries
take counsel, and discard all the minor difle
rences which embarrass and divide their action.
We direct their attention for a moment to the
rollowiag paragraph from the Louisv ille Jour
nal, which certainly ought to begood authority |
for the Whigs:
The whigs will assemble in convention at
Cyracuse on the 20th of September. They are |
anti-Nebraska, but combine various shades of
opinion in reference to that measure. Some ;
are for the repeal of the law, but the majority
will probably be governed by a practical and
more rational view of the subject. The whigs
are opposed to a fusion with agitators, aboli
tionists, and all their co-laborers.
From this, one would Imagine that the whigs
repudiated a fusion with the aboiitionists alto
gether. But we doubt if such be the fact.—
For a long time efforts have been made to pre
pare the whig mind for this unnatural alliance.
The Journal does not express itself with its
accustomed felicity and distinctness. The
whigs are anti-Nebraska, but are opposed to a
fusion? What does it say of the anti-Nebras
ka convention?
I he anti-Nebraska gathering came off on the
16th, but its dogings are not yet down in the
small bills. This is a collecting of the odds
and ends of all creation who are opposed to
the Nebraska bill, and who are disposed to kick
up a fuss generally by striving to repeal the
Nebraska bill, the*Fugitive Slave Law, recon
struct the constitution, and elect such a Gover
nor, Congressmen, etc., as will pledge them
selves to the advocacy of the largest liberty
and the most glaring absurdities. Here will be
found democrats of all stripes, Freesoil and
abolition whigs, Socialists, Fourierites, Spiritu
alists, and the disciples of most of the vagaries
which now afflict society.
It seems to us that the whigs and anti-Ne
braskans are standing pretty much shoulder to
shoulder. What they may effect remains to
be seen. A repeal of the Nebraska bill will be
an up-hill business, and we hardly think it can
be accomplished. It would scarcely receive
the sanction of the President, even if the mea
sure should not fail in Congress, where we are
satisfied it can never obtain the requisite vote to
pass it over the veto.
In this State there has been an attempt at a
complete fusion of these fag-ends of parties;
but we think it will be a failure. The Louis
ville Journal is about right, that “the whigs
are opposed to a fusion with agitators, aboli
tionists and all their co-laborers.” And the
Freesoilers (such on principle) are quite as
averse to a fusion with the whigs.
The tactics of the Know-Nothings leave us
in the dark as to their determination; but it
may be inferred that they will fuse with any
party which promotes the largest share of spoils.
—Gin. Enquirer.
0^/" The Italian refugees in New York, thir
teen of them, have advertised for employment
at mechanical occupations.
Anti-Slavery Coalition Meeting.
This meeting took place at the Park on the
8th of August. All sorts of issues, fagends,
fragments, fractions of parties, oneideaed gen
tleman of no party, and men of no principle
jumbled together. In noticing the proceedings
the N. Y. Herald says:
A list of some seventy-five delegates, of all
sorts <Jf political, poetical, ecclesiastical and so
cialistic antecedents, was then proposed—Yan
Buren Buffolo platform soft-shell democrats,
Seward whigs, Old Olay whigs, Taylor whigs,
Scott whigs, Castle Garden Union Safety Com
mittee whigs, Abolitionist Maine Law men, and
Know Nothings, all mixed up together, like
green corn, string beans and tomatoes in a dish
of succotash, and the question was upon adopt
ing this astounding list as the New York city
and county delegates to the Saratoga conven
tion. When the question was propounded, the
people was confounded, the reporters were as
tounded, and there was everything to fear that
the delegates were grounded. Such a mingling
of incongruities as J. Phillips Phoenix, J. G.
Snodgrass, W. P. Havemeyer, Henry J. Ray
mond, Joseph Hoxie, Sheppard Knapp, Benja
min F. Butler, A. C. Kingsland, and Chauncey
onaner, was, lor the moment, inconceivable, in
comprehensible and incredible; and the sover
eign people stood aghast. But soon, appreciat
ing the drift of the grand idea, they very na
turally protested'against the omission of such
men as Thurlow Weed, Horace Greely, and
Thomas K. Downing, (black man.) The “voice
ol the people” called for fair play; but the list
of delegates was declared to be adopted as it
stood, tiie President, Mr. Wedgewood, declin
ing to wedge in either Weed, Greely, or Down
ing. Thus the programme of the day was cut
and dried and adopted, by an inside clique,
against the wishes of the independent Union
and law and order loving people, who were
present under the general invitation to the public.
The Herald considers the affair a palpable
failure. It observes:
'I bus it will appear, that notwithstanding the
novelty of the occasion, the favorable condition
of the weather, the eligible locality, the con
venient time ol day, the thorough notification
given to the public, the importance of the Ne
braska question, the extraordinary amalgama
tion of merchants, parsons and politicians, which
the Saratoga programme had brought about,
and the dislocation of all the old political par
ties of past days, that this combined anti-slavery
mass meeting in the Park was out and out *a
fizzle and a farce.
It must be remembered the object of the
meeting was to apjioint delegates to agreatcon- j
vention to come off at Saratoga.
Pete Whetstone and the Mail Boy.
Pete Whetstone, ot Arkansas, was one day tra
veling on horseback through the interior of the
State, and called one evening to stay all night
at a little log house near the road, where enter
tainment and a post office were kept. Two
other strangers were there, and the mail rider
rode up. about dark. Supper being over, the
mail carrier and the three gentlemen weie invit
ed into a small room, furnished with a good lire
and two l>eds, which were to accommodate the
four persons tor the night. I he mail carrier was
a little shabby, dirty, lousy-looking wretch, with
whom none of the gentlemen liked the idea of
sleeping. Pete Whetstone eyed him closely as
he asked:
“ Where do you sleep to-night, my lad?”
“ Pll thleep with you, I reckon,” “ lisped the
youth, “or with one o’ them other fellers, I don’t
care which.”
The other two gentlemen took the hint and
occupied one of the beds together, immediately,
leaving the other bed and the confab to be en
joyed by Pete and the mail boy together as best
they could. Pete and the l»oy both commenced
hauling off their duds, and Pete getting in bed
first, and wishing to get rid of sleeping with the
l>oy, remarked very earnestly:
“ My friend, Pll tell you beforehand, Pve
goth the itch, and you’d better not get in here
with me, for the disease is catching.”
The boy, who was just getting into bed too,
drwled out very coolly.
“Wal, I reckon that don’t make a bit o’ dif
ference—I’ve had it now for nerely these theven
years.” and into bed he pitched along with Pete,
who pitchd out in as great a hurry as if
he had waked up a hornet’s nest in the bed._
The other two gentlemen roared, and the mail
boy, who had got peaceable possession of a bed
to himself, drawled out—“Why you must be a
thet o’ darned fules,—mam and dad’s got the
catch a heap wurth than I is, and they thelpt
in that bed last night when they were here at
the quilting.” •
The other two strangers were now in a worse
predicament than Pete had been, and bouncing
from their nest as though the house had been
on lire, stripped, shook off their clothes, put
them on again, ordered their horses, and though
it was nearly ten o’clock, they all three left,
and rode several miles to the next town befoje
they slept, leaving the impertubable mail carrier
to the bliss of scratching aud sleeping alone.—
Southern Wafch Tower.
Going Back Again.—We see it stated that
Capt. Hollins is ordered to Greytown again with
the Cyane. The American Consul, Mr. Fa
bens, goes out with him to make a full investi
gation into the amount of damages done to the
citizens of the United States by the bombard
ment of the town, and also to take testimony
and report ui>on the value of the entire proper
ty destroyed.
Large Fire.
New York, September 8.—A fire broke out
yesterday, destroying the large engine house of
the New York Central Railroad with its con
tents, consisting of seven locomotives and sev
eral cars, and also a large quantity of lumber
and flour, and 500 cords of wood. Loss very
heavy.
03” The New York Times comments as fol
ows on the' fact that Win. Miller has been im
prisoned for debt in England the last thirty -
nine years.
“ This poor fellow entered his prison when
another sovereign was on the English throne.
The black walls closed on him when the rail
way, the electric telegraph, and the daguerreo
type were unknown in England. What a
strange revulsion of feeling he must have ex
perienced when he stepped from his cell into
the express train that was to carry him to Lon
don! For more than half of his life he had
been dead to the world, seeing no face but his
jeoler’s, hearing no voice but that of the super
iaiendent on his diurnal rounds. Spiders and
rats were perhaps his only company, and through
the grated window he could see just enough of
the blue sky to tell him that there was a world
outside. ***** If this is not slavery,
and slavery of the worst kind, we should like
to know what is! What negro on a cotton or
sugar plantation in the southern States would
change with William Miller? 0, no! the sun
ny freedom of the corn-fields, and the pleasant
dances in the log-cabin, and the saccharine
meals of sugar cane, are, with all their draw
backs, preferable to that awful penance of thir
ty-nine years passed in a dark, unwholesome
cell, and on prison fare.”
The British people live in a glass house, and
should not throw stones
Form the Fortsmith Herald
The new Territories of Cha-La-Kee,
Muscogee and Cha-Ta.
We are indebted to the Hon. R. W. Johnson
for the report of the committee, in the U. S
Senate, on the “bill to establish and organise
the Territories of Cha-la-kee, Muscogee, and
Cha-ta.” We have read tliis report, together
with the bill, carefully. The report explains
the inteution of the bill, and expresses strongly
and honestly the wrongs that have been heap
ed upon the Indians in by-gone years. We in
tended to have published this report, so as to
enlighten our readers upon this much neglect
ed, but important and interesting subject; but,
owing to its great length, we are compelled to
make but a few extracts, hoping they may suf
fice. We have seldom, read a public docu
ment that has so much interested us, and has
so fully expressed our views and wishes. We
invite the carelul attention of our red brethren
on our western frontier, to the perusal of the
report, which is to be to them a matter of the
deepest moment; for upon their decision, we
are clearly of the opinion, depends the earthly
salvation, the well-being and prosperity of the
present generation, and the security, elevation
and enlightenment of their posterity. It will
not now do to look at this matter with that pre
judice which has been the result of past wrongs,
committed by the whites upon the Indians;
but let by-gones be forgotton, and only look at
the advantages or disadvantages which are to
result trom the reception or rejection of the
provisions of this bill. The liberal proposi
tions made in it—the bill—we did not expect
to see, knowing the prejudices of the whites,
and the view that has generally been taken bv
them of the rights of the Indians. No Indian
can read the report without admiring the senti
ments contained in it, and cannot easily resists
the kind invitation to fraternize with the peo
ple and States of this Union. If the Indians
shall reject the offer held out to them, to be
come a part and parcel of the confederation of
the independent States of the Union, with all
the benefits, rights and immunities as citizeus,
it will evidently be from misguided and blind
| prejudice—preferring to remain in a state of
I pupilage and dependence, rather than to be ele
j vated to the full stature and independence of
i manfuxxl—continuing as wards with a guardian,
rather than become men, and have the entire
and untrammeled control of their own affairs.
Such, we say,must be the inevitable consc
I quence if they reject the offer, llow strange
! will such conduct appear when contrasted with
j that of the Indians of the Sandwich Islands, at
present enjoying all the immunities of an inde
pendent people, yet knocking at the door of
Congress, and begging to be received as a mem
ber of this Union. We cannot believe that,
after mature deliberation, with a careful peru
sal of the territorial bill and the able report
upon it, by the intelligent part of the Indians,
that such a course will be pursued. And we
would advise such as are intelligent among
them, and who understand their present situa
tion, to be candid and honest with those whose
minds cannot yet comprehend the proposed
charge, and explain fully the advantages—for
we can see nothing else in the proposition—
which will accrue to them, and their children
which are soon to take their places, and follow
in their footsteps. There are very few Indians
of what are termed full-blood, that we are ac
quainted with—and we know luindredsof them
—that hang or cling to their old manners or
customs. Indeed, so far from this, among the
Cherokees, with whom we are better acquaint
ed, these things have almost entirely pessed
away and become obliterated. Their present
habits have become nearly the same as those
of the whites, whose example in most things
they endeavor to imitate. The chase, as a
means of living, has been abandoned; the all
night dance, the ball-play, conjuring, &c., have
long since, as national customs, passed away,
and serve only as old Indian absurdities, for the
old to amuse the young with their recital
whileseated around their cabin fires, during the
long nights of fall and winter. We say these
things do not take up the time and thoughts of
the lull-blood; but they are anxiously looking
ahead and rejoicing at the march of improve- j
mem me young are maxing m education, and
all that pertains to civilization. It' the full
blood could be made to understand that all of
his rights, as heretofore, will be secured to him
and his children; that they are to enjoy with
out restraint all the rights as American citi
j zens; to be placed side by side with his white
l brother, and in every respect his equal; to have
l secured to him his lands and all of his person
; al property; to have equal privileges in courts
of law; to be protected by his own legislature
from intrusion upon his lands by the whites;
; the eligibility of himself and children to any of
the offices of government—we think he would
not object, hor would he, in our humble opin
ion, manifest that prejudice to the bill that we
have seen so apparent in those of his more fa
vored brethren who boast of Indian blood, with
very little of it coursing in their veins. So far
sis our knowledge extends, we have found
stronger prejudices against the institutions of
the whites among the mixed bloods, than
among the full-bloods. But we don’t now wish
or desire to enter into matters of this kind; but
we would rather devote our time and the col
umns of our paper to the allaying of all preju
dice, and all feeling; and endeavor, by all the
j power we possess, to induce our friends and
i neighbors to accept of a territorial government,
| under the kind and gentle provisions contained
in Mr. Johnson’s bill. If we can in anyway
aid in accomplishing this object, and be the
means of elevating the Indian character to the
enjoyment of all the rights as citizens of our
Union, we shall feel well repaid for all of our
labors, and shall rejoice over its consumation, as
one of the most important movements for the
good of the Indian that has ever been made by
the people of this Union.
The great fear of the Indian in becoming
connected with the whites, has been that the
whites would take their lands and cast them off;
but no such fear can now be urged, as the bill
secures the lands and their exclusive occupan
cy to the Indians, and they can only be settled
I upon and disposed of, by an act of the legisla
ture of the nation or territory to which they be
long. Thus the lands of the Indians will be
as exclusively their own, and as completely tin
der their control, as were the lands of Texas
when she came into the Union. The general
government is to pay all of the expenses of the
territories, and they will then have all of their
funds which they now expend in keeping up
their present governments, to appropriate to the
education of their children, and making such
improvements of their public property as will
be of service to them and redound to their hon
! or. The funds they now have, together with
what they will be able to add to them, will
place them in the scale of education, far alx>ve
i the neighboring States.
We never expected so liberal an offer to be
made to the Indians, as that contained in the
bill, and only wonder that they hesitate at all
in accepting it. It appears from the report that
it is made from considerations of justice, and
from a desire to atone for past injustice.
We often hear the Indians speaking against
forming any other connection with the govern
ment than the one that now exists. This, un
doubtedly, is the result of wrong impressions
and erroneous views. Their present connec
tion is precarious, and altogether at the mercy
and will of the general government. The In
dians, in all their business relations with her
are dependent upon her tardy movements for
justice—she being, in all cases, the arbiter.—
The intelligent and reflecting Indian must see
their present dependent and unpleasant situation
and must deprecate the gloomy prospect before
them, should the several nations determine not
to accept of the boon tendered them by the
Senate of the United States. What will be
their situation in a few more years, and what
will be the condition of the rising generation?
The three tribes embraced in this bill are now
the most intelligent and powerful of any of the
Indians in the limits of the United States, and
have, in a great measure, become sufficiently
civilized in agriculture aud education to be
benefitted by becoming territories — thereby
forming a closer and more substantial and last
ing connection with the States of the Union
than they have ever before enjoyed.
We have pursued this subject further than
we at first intended; but as it is so important, a
matter to the Indians, involving their future
prosperity—and also of immense interest to the
people of our State, if the Indians should estab
lish on our western border three new territories,
which are eventually to become States—we
could not avoid giving our views. We hope,
however, that they may be of service, and aid
in bringing about a light state of feeling among
our red brothers over the line. We therefore
request a perusal of the following eloquent ex
tracts which we make from the report:
“ The history of ourj intercourse with the In
dians contain too many things which we can
not help but regret, and which call loudly upon
us for atonement and remuneration. Too of
ten have treaties, upon the letter of which
our government has sternly and mercilessly in
sisted, been made by a few chiefs onlv, not
authorized to cede the lands of the nation.
It has been rare, indeed, that for any such
reason we have relinquished our grasp on their
fields and hunting grounds. In one instance,
we took millions of acres by a naked confisca
tion from our Indian friends and allies, at the
close of a war waged against them and oursel
ves, and in which they had fought bravely bv
the side of our troops in every battle; and we
have ever afterward turned a deaf ear to their
humble prayers for compensation.
“No doubt the injuries done the red man
have often been born of an inexorable necessity
—the necessity of progress and expansion.—
With as, as with all other growing nation,
might has often been right, and necessity has
justified oppression. It has too often been ta
citly considered—as, indeed, it hath been on
behalf of a sovereign State gravely argued—
that treaties between a civilized and a barbar
ous nation do not bind the former to as strict an
observance of entire good fait and honor, as
those to which civilized communities only are
parties.
"We will not enter upon a recital ot the
wrongs done the original proprietors of this
continent, or even the once powerful and popu
lous nations, for the remnants of which this bill
is intended to provide. It is sufficient to sav
that once undisputed owners of the lands now
forming the States of North and South Caroli
na, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, Ten
nessoee, and part of Virginia, they have been
forced to recede before our determined and re
sistless advance, until driven over the Missis
sippi, they have found a'resting place far to the
westward, with a state of this Union lying be
tween them and the great river. The Choc
taws and Chickasaw* have always boasted, and
with truth, that they have never shed the blood
of a white man; but as long as peaceful oppo
sition was effectual, they clung desperately to
the lands on which they were born, and where
the sky and the woods were familiar to them.
The Cherokees, the Creeks, and the Semiuoles
fought for their country, against hope, that need
ed no success to enable it. Anxious to propi
tiate us, and hoping that gratitude might for
once overpower self-interest, the Cherokees,
Creeks, Choctaws, and the Chickasaws have
often enlisted as our auxiliaries, and fought for
us with constancy and courage. Their blood,
shed in our cause, has stained every Indian bat
tle-ground in the south-west.
‘‘But they found all efforts unavailing.—
They have yielded to the stern decree of desti
ny, ami engaged in a now struggle, in which we
can be their allies against the barbarism and ig
norance of a nomadic life. They now study
the arts of peace. They are rapidly advancing
in the education, enlightmcnt, morality, and
the science of self-government, and in these
efforts this bill proposes to give them aid.
“ The leading principle of the bill is, that
nothing is proposed to be done in reference to
these Indians without their own consent. The
question of authority and power over them is
waived. In the opinion of the committee, it is
wise not to seek to impose a particular form of
government upon them. The relations that exist
between the government of the United States
and those of the red race, who have no other
interest in the soil than a mere usufruct, are not
the same as those existing between it and those
of that race who hold their lands in fee simple
bv patent, grant or treaty. It may be an inte
resting question to inquire what power Congress
had to make regulations for tracts of country
which are not Territory of the United States.
It is at least clear that whatever is to be done
for the people now in question, is to be done by
persuasion and not by force. It is not proposed
to impose upon them new laws or a new system
of municipal government The constitution
and laws of a people, to have any actual vitality
and force, must be the result of the necessities
and fixed habits of acting and thinking of that
people. All law that is worthy to be called
law, and that is' heartily and sincerely obeyed
as law, is but the directly expressed opinion of
the particular people by, or for whom, it is en
acted. We cannot civilize a people by giving
them good laws, no matter how wisely enacted;
but to be effectual, those laws must be the result
and product oUtheir own civilization. They are
the fruit—civilization is the tree.
“ The first question suggested to the commit
tee in regard to this bill was, what were its ob
ject and purpose, and whether that object and
that purpose were right, just, proper, and credi
table to the nation. The next was, whether
the provisions of the bill were calculated to at
tain them.
“We imagine that no one can mistake the
duty of the government of the United States
in regard to these Indian tribes. The national
honor is too deeply involved to admit of any
misunderstanding upon that point. Humanity,
mercy, justice, a regard for the opinion of Christ
endom and of our own posterity, unerringly
indicate our duty in this respect. No man will
be so bold as to deny that it is our duty to pro
tect and save, to the utmost extent of our pow
er, these fragments of once mighty nations,
which have, almost unaided, done so much for
themselves and whose destruction would be a
national dishonor.
“ While our sympathies are profusely poured
forth for every people that writhes under the
iron heel of the oppressor—while we are ready
to offer material aid to every nation that strug
gles to be free—while we cheer on the Hunga
rian and the Italian to do battle with the rulers
who deny the free exercise of the common
rights of humanity, we ought not to forget that
we have in our midst organized communities of
men, born as free and independent as ourselves,
to whom despotism and a foreign yoke is as
hateful as it would be to us, who have framed
for themselves free institutions and laws com
paring favorably with our own; who have their
courts of justice, their legislative bodies, their
institutions of learning, and whom yet we hold
in vassalage; to whom we deny the protection
of the constitution of the United States; the
privilege of suing in our courts; the right of
testifying in any ease in which a white man -is
concerned. Why should the Hungarian, the
Italian, tho Cuban, receive more of our sympa
thy than those who were the original owners
of this broad continent; who struggled bravely
for their rights and their possessions, as long,
and longer, than the struggle was availing, and
who now lie prostrate and mute before our feet,
imploring us to save them from entire annihila
tion?
“ The great object of the bill is so to do this
act of duty and justice- No one who has any
regard for the faith and honor of the nation, no
one who believes that the iniquities of a peo
ple, as well as those of individuals, draw after
them punishment and disaster as a necessary re
sult and consequence, can have failed to note
with alarm and concern, that it has already been
announced by those holding high places in the
councils of the nation, that the most solemn
treaties, pledging the national faith—the most
solemn grants, conveying absolute title—the
most formal promises that the Indians west of
the Mississippi shall never be included in any
State or territory, nor the laws of any State or
territory lx; extended over them, are to be but
like threads of flax in the tire, before the irre
sistible onward rush of native and foreign emi
gration. The conclusion that the Indians must
be destroyed and annihilated to make room for
us to expand in, no matter what solemn obliga
tions may4be violated thereby, is as coolly an
nounced, as if the Indians were not made like
us in the image the creator; as if those could
expect his mercy, who, themselves, show none
to the weak and unprotected.
“ 1 his clearly indicates that it is absolutely
indispensable for some new system to be adopt
ed in regard to those of our Indian tribes that
I have made some advance in civilization. That
I these tribes cannot long exist as isolated and in
I dependent communities have become obvious.
J When the stronger has coveted the possessions
of the weaker, it has never been difficult, in any
age ot the world, to find a pretext for rapine and
robbery. The history of the wars between the
white and red men is written bv the former.—
The encroachments, the wrongs, the outrages,
which, committed on the frontier, have often
goaded the savage to resistance and desperation,
arc not chronicled by the pens, held by white
fingers, that write the annals of Indian wars.
“ The object, therefore, now to be attained, is
to persuade these Indians to open tiieir country
to emigration and settlement—to cease to hold
their lands in common—to divide them out in
severalty, giving to all their people the right of
free sale and disposition—to intermingle with,
and become an integral part of, the people of
the United States—to merge their useless na
tionalities in that of the American republic, and
to look forward with confidence to the time when
they will constitute a portion of the Union, and
add another starto its flag. This, and thisalone,
will preserve them, and such result will be the
highest eulogy that history can pronounce upon
free government. It will demand and deserve
the admirat'on of the world. i
“ This bill invites the people for whom it pro
vides to open their country to settlement and
emigration, leaving it for them to determine
when and how it will be proper to do so. Know
ing how sensitive they are, and ought to be, upon
this subject—knowing how they dread an influx
of white men, speedily to out-number them,
and to dash them againt the eastern slopes of
the Rocky mountains, unless their rights are so
guarantied and secured that they cannot be in
vaded—the bill has wisely provided that their
absolute right to their lands shall not be inter
fered with—that it shall be for them alone to
say who shall settle on their lands, and who
shall be citizens and voters in their territories—
their laws shall continue in full force—that they
may punish intruders upon their lands—that
they may hold them in common, or have them
surveyed and divide them out, as they may
see it. We well know that the Indian feeling
is timeo tlanaos et dona fereut.es, for they have had
little cause to put trust in promises or profes
sions. Their wounds are yet too fresh. Thev
shrink instinctively when our fiuger approaches
them. They do not need to go back into past
centuries to find examples of panic faith.
“ But it is to be hoped that, when they see us
in earnest; when they find that justice, mercy,
a generous liberality and a jealous regard for our
national honor really outweigh our hankering
for more land; when they are made citizens of
the United States, and the broad shield of the
constitution is extended over them; when our
courts are opened to them, and they have a
standing there; when their voices can be heard
on the floor of the House of Representatives,
to make known their wrongs and demand jus
tice; when railroads reach their borders, and
their magnificent lauds become too valuable for
their common people longer to let them lie idle
and uncultivated as common property, then
they will naturally, controlled, by self-interest,
divide out those lands, and allow them to be
sold, and emigration to come within their bor
ders. The day for over-reaching them will
then be over. Schools, academics, and colleges
well endowed and prosperous, will fit their
| youth to perform the duties and share the hon
| ors of American citizens, and the great problem
as to their fate and future will be solved.
“ The provisions of the bill have been care
fully framed for the attainment of this object.
In no degree interfering with the quantity of
the executive power, it proposes to the Indians
to vest it in a governor for each territory, elect
ed by themselves and commissioned by the
President—the only change being in the per
son, the name of the office, and the source of
the commission. By authorising the superad
dition of certain powers under the government
of the United States, and paying them salaries
from the national treasury, sufficient is done to
make these officers regard themselves, by de
grees, as officers of the United States, and fre
quent elections will soon remove the last vestige
of the oligarchial system of chieftainship—per
haps the greatest obstacle to Indian advance
ment—and so far go to change their ancient
usages and customs.
“The legislative power in each nation is to
remain as at present. The Cherokee and the
Choctaws and Chickasaws having already legis
latures, composed of two branches, regularly or
ganized under a written constitution, it is pro
posed that the expenses of those legislatures
shall be paid by the United States for a limit
ed number of days and members; and, to in
duce the Creeks and Sominoles to adopt our
system of government, it is proposed that such 1
payment shall be made in their case, when, and i
not until, they substitute a legislature, with two I
branches; for their present general councils
composed of all the chiefs and warriors.
“ To the same end, it is provided that all laws j
hereafter enacted shall be written; that in select
ing jurors, preference shall be given to those
who can speak the English language; and that
the proceedings of the district courts shall be
had and recorded in the same; the effect of
which provisions will be to induce the youth
of those nations to acquire a knowledge of our
language, in order to be fully competent to ex
ercise all the rights of freemen.
“ The bill declares all the Indians within the
territories so to be organized to be citizens of
the United States,, and extends over them the
protection of the constitution and laws of the
United States. We are aware that this may at
fust blush seem hasty and premature; but a
I
moment’8 reflection will convince any one that
it is the indispensable first step, if the country
occupied by them is to be erected into one or
more territories, either now or hereafter. No
white man can settle upon their land without
their consent; and it cannot be imagined that a
race so intelligent and shrewd as they, will ever
give such consent, in order that they may again
see among them a population superior in rights
to themselves, assuming the reins of govern
ment, creating a State, extending new laws over
them, disposing of their lands, revenues, and
funds at their pleasure, and at the same time
denying them all civil rights and privileges.—
They are not likely to invite white men to come
among them and be their masters.
“We have already, by treaty, annexed to
ourselves and made citizens of the United
States thousands of persons, in New Mexico
and California, of pure or mixed Indian blood.
The nations provided for by this bill are as in
telligent and as capable of self-government as
they, to say the least. They will not come
among us, citizens though they may be, to set
tle and reside; and we shall not be compelled
to go among them. They will have no vote in
our national affairs, no voice in the deliberations
of any State. Their citizenship will benefit
them and injure no one. They will unhesitat
ingly refuse their assent to this bill, unless they
are made citizens of the United States. They
ought to do so. Nothing less than this will sa
tisfy or assure them that they will not again be
driven westward or exterminated, if they open
their country to emigration, or accept any bill
giving tnem tne iorm or name ot a territory.—
Nothing else will convince them that they not
only have rights, but that, possessing the status
of American citizens, the courts will maintain
and protect those rights to the amplest extent.
It will be only when they are placed upon a
footing of perfect equality, in every respoct,
with the white man, that they will no longer
dread, and justly dread, his appearance among
them as the harbinger of evil and ruin.
“ To deserve this inestimable gift, the bill
demands that, becoming citizens of a Christian
country, and protected by a constitution made
by and for a Christian people, they shall pass
laws, if they have them not alaeady, making
marriage a contract for life, not dissoluble at
the pleasure of the parties, but only by the
judgment of a judicial tribunal, for causes pre
viously declared by a general law. We thus
tempt there to take a long step in the march
of civilization.”
Wile Lost—Scene in a Steamboat—An
Actual Occurrence.
“ Which is the captain of this boat?” inquir
ed a tall athletic, as he came up from the gen
tlemen’s cabin, with great precipitancy.
“ That gentleman yonder,” said a bystander.
“Arc you the captain, sir?”
“Yes, sir.”
“Where is my wife?”
“Indeed I don’tknow, sir—I’ve not seen her,
that I know.”
“Now captain this is too bad. I come on
board this l>oat last night and paid you six dol
lar., passage for myself and wife—and I should
like to know where my wife has been put?”
“ Have you been in the lady’s cabin?”
“ Yes—but she’s not there.”
“ Shall I have the pleasureof the lady’s name
sir?”
“Mrs. Mirah Smith, wife of Jerome V. Smith,
your humble servant.”
“Mary, (to the chambermaid) is Mrs. Mirah
Smith in the lady’s cabin?”
“ No sir—I’ve inquired, and she’s not there.”
“ There—I told you so,” said Mr. Smith in
much uneasiness.
“ Captain,” said a wag standing by, “ suppose
John should ring the bell all through the boat
and say—Mrs. Mirah Smith who came on board
last night cannot be found.”
“ That’s a good Idea,” echoed ahuudred voi
ces at once.
So John—a cream-colored Leon, with an eye
like Iago’s—sethis bell agoing, crying aloud at
every interim—“Lost Mrs. Mirah Smith.”—
Any person who knows where she is will please
hand her up to the Captain’s office for the be
nelit of her disconsolate husband.”
John bawled through the boat somewhat to
the amusement of the passengers, and finally
reached the upper deck, when, in passing the
state-rooms, in a sort of desperation for Ids
want of success, he raised his voice to the sten
torian pitch of a Knox —Ijost Mrs. Mirah
Smith—when the fair lady rushed out of K.,
evidently disquieted in her slumbers, with—
“ Who says I’m lost?” Here I am—where’s
Jerome?
It is needless to say that this gave a very
pleasant turn to the whole affair—and the cap
tain (good soul) escaped the charge of stealing
a man’s wife.—Philadelphia Saturday Courier.
Killing Made Easy.—Tho New York Tri
bune says that important experiments with new
artillery have just been made in England, in
the presence of military and naval commanders.
The practice commenced with a 68-pounder
gun, ten feet long, weighing 95 cwt., on Lan
caster’s principle of the bore, being oval instead
of round, which gives the largest guns all the
advantages possessed by the best rifle, when
shot or shells of a particular description are
used. Excellent practice, it is stated, can be
made with rifles at considerable ranges, but until
the experiments with Lancaster’s oval guns or
egg-shaped shells, correct aim could not be
taken at the astonishing distance of 5,000 yards,
the range of the practice with Lancaster’s in
vention. The long period which elapsed dur
ing the flight of the destructive projectile,
weighing upward of 88 pounds, owing to its
elongated form, caused, according to the ac
count given, a feeling of great suspense, but
when it fell at a distance of 5,000 yards, and
in no instance did the shells fall wide or short
of the target, the spot where it fell and burst
presented the appearance of the eruption of a
volcano, the sand being raised to a great height
in the air. Experiments were also carried on
with Moorsom’s shells at 3,000 yards, and the
practice with them and with shot is described
as very good. Several other guns have been
made of smaller bores, on Lancaster’s princi
ple, for tho purj>oseof carrying on experiments
with them.
Like’s Vicissitudes.—In the year 1830,
Col. Zachary Taylor wrote a letter to Gen.
McNeil, who had then been appointed Survey
or of the port of Boston, as fallows:
“ I ara fully aware that it is almost impossi
ble for us to pursue any profession—particular
ly that of arras—for fifteen or twenty years
without forming strong attachment to it in va
rious ways, and of course, must abandon them
with considerable roluctanoe; but there are cir
cumstances which should reconcile us to doing
so, and to justify us, not only in our own eyes,
butthatof the community. Could I get a civil
appointment as respectable, with half the emol
ument attached to it ils there is to the one you
have received, and where I could be located
so as to superintend the education of my child
ren, I would resign forthwith; for after serving
twenty-two years and upwards in the army, all
of which time on duty, with the exception of
a few months, without being stationed two
years together at any one post during that time,
I begin to think that I need repose, but as I do
not possess influence to procure a civil appoirit
| ment of an y grade, I consider my doom fixed.”