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Vermont watchman and State journal. (Montpelier, Vt.) 1836-1883, June 29, 1848, Image 2

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lUatcljmcm & State journal.
Thiusuii), June at), 1818.
Nominees of the Wills Convention.
Pti. T r.ilnMln whit I llftVO lOoflCn BOtil I am & Whg.
If elected I would not b- tho mere tVeiident of party I
n,iM nrwlonmr t.i nrt irtflplicndcilt of DlttlV domination, I
hould foci bound toadmlnliltii the gutvrnnivnt untrammelled
by party noli cm en. , .
HrtoiD. The Veto power. Tha power given ly tin con
utttutlnn to tho Rierutlvo to lt 'rpom hU vctn.li u high con.
rervut.iv power hut tit mv opinion huuld ne vet be excreted
rxcepl In cannti of clear viol.it mhi of tlio constitution, nr mnni
Tent (mile and want of consideration by Cong ru ft I mined, I
lmvfl thought Ihnt ft many ear pit the known upinlom and
uihc oftho lliecullve havo cxercUi-d undtie nnd Injurious
Influence upon the legislative department of llie government t
and for tlit eaue I hive thought our tynteni fn d inner of un
deriroing n greit ehanjro from U true theory. Tlio personal
opinions of the iiid vidual win nuiy li-ippn to onujiy hu
Kserti'.lvo 1 hair, ought not to contiul the action nf fonsreM
upon qutrrtlouAor Doinli Folic) t nor ought hi objections
to ha interposed thero nufnUomt of(;oiilhutiimnl p'wcrlmve
hern iett.ed hy thn vnrioit depnitmenti of th tovernniCfil,
and iicqulcCP(l In hy the p'-opln.
Tiitno Upon tho aubjirt nf the lirlfl! the currency, the
improvement ofour ureal Mjhwayi, river, lakes and Imibors
thn will of th IVpple, ti cxpir'nrd throujli their rcprencnta
tlvei, ought tobe tefpeclod and carried out hy ihe Incentive.
FovaiH Tim Mexican ar. I nincerelv rf jdce &t thn
proipect of peace. My life htf been dvoted to tmni. jel I
I wok upon war at alt limes and under all circumstance: as n
national ctttaniil', to bo avoided If compatible will: tlio na
ttuntl honor. The prift'ptrt nf our government. well an
It true yi'hcy t opjuiscd lo the subjugation uf oihcr nation
and t!m di'nitniherment of oilier eouitiiea by efttOHttt. In
thn lanju-so of the groat VVmhlngtofi, Why i'tould wr quit
our own tort tnd on foreign ground. In the Moxlcin wmi
our nationnl honor hn hu'-n i indicated j anil In dictating tdf in
ofpeaco wo mjv well nflorJ to lis foibuariug nnd eien max
ti an I mo us to u fullen Ion, Z. TAYLOR.
The extension nir the cnnltnmit hevnnd the Hi (irand nf
Ihe ordinance, nt'1'87, U an olijfct too high and pennsnont to
Lo 'mftlcd hy I'rcpiilentinl etue tltneuivutt Signal,
I t r you will pHrdon tn for tint a briefly replying to you,
wltktt I d'lwiihu hiah opinion and approval of the lenti
ntinti and ilvua tin!ruct'd ju cur tdiiorial. Z. Ttitjlvr's
tivtietr to the tttiti-r vf lAe Signal.
Since the promulgnlion of tliu proceedings of
tlio Baltimore ami Philadelphia Conventions, this
has been a serious question uith considerate
Whigs; and not with Whigs alone. It is now,
more than ever in our day, a time of trial with
honest men of nil parties with men ol no parly
principles ut all. Tin: Abolitionists upree nei
ther in their platform of action nor in their mode
of action; the so called Democracy has its In
dependents and Ihrnlntrncrs ; many oftho Whigs
ore eurnestly crying " What shall uc do?" and
in this agitation among parlies old and new,
it is not to bo doubted that those who lmvo not
been closely identified wi'h either, are intently
looking for the sign of the times. It is, howev
er, with the Whigs that wo have most to do ; and
especially such as hive chosen lo deliberate up
on the present crisis. We, too, have delibera
ted we trust with some rcgaid to the responsi
bility imposed by our connection with a public
prets, a responsibility rendered peculiarly weigh
ty by the importance of the qucs'ion to be do
teiminpd. Wo have practically answered the
question for ourselves by placing thn names of
MORIO at the head of our columns: but it isdue
to our readers to ttatc, in part at least, the
grounds for deciding that this is uhat ive ought lo
'fill! ItUr.E Off" DUTY.
As to the mode ot aniviug at this conclusion.
Tlio Whig party, by its representatives, had de
cided that Taylor and Fillmore should bo the
blandard bearers in this cn.itest. Tho real ques
tion, then, ith any man who had any doubts-at
all, was practically whether to go with his par
ty or agtiiitsl it. How could an hnnrst man de
cido that question ? In onr judgment he must
lay aside every hindrance to an impartial decis
ion, such as party allegiance, preconceived opin
ions, personal feelings, and pridn of consistency
he must look not to the things which are be
hind, but to present exigencies of the limes and
to tho fututo results of his action remembering
that his political ulligiance and best services are
duo to his country, to his party only so far as
that purty itself aims to servo the best interests
of tho country. Like tho mariner who has Ioft
his reckoning and is driven ho knows not where
upon a dangerous sea, he must take a now ob
Ecrvation ; he must find his position ; he must con
sult his chart and clearly understand every dan
ger tnatbrsets him on cither side ; ho must watch
his compass, and find his true course; and if the
winds above and the under currents below are
advciso, or his vessel is disabled, or his fuvnriie
and long trusted captain is overboard ho must
just bu content to take the only means of safety
which Providence hm left him, and do his very
best to bring the ship and cargo safe to port.
Our duty is to servo our country in the best
way we can. If wo cannot do a3 we would, we
must do tho best we can. If wo cannot save all
our principles, we must bcc if we can by any
means save some. Rashly to refuse to do any
thiug, or to do that which will palpably result
in evil, merely becauso wo cannot act according
to our preconceived and cherished notions, is to
bo ucflcherou-i lo our trust. This, wo think, is
the truo rule for determining the question of du
ty. MerojJticklers for party may deride it: it is
a higher ttandard of principle and patriotism
than Ih eirs. Professed t-ticklcrs for principle
may derido it - men who think they cannot vole
tor idaveholders, or military chieftains, or any
body who does not come fully up to their stand
nrd of political principles and personal character
men who never yield ono whhof their notions,
or vary an iota Irom their accustomed conrso in
any emergency -and 60, in their very firm adhe
rence to principle, they permit themselves and
their principles to go down to destruction togeth
er. It was this erroneous view of duty which
led thousands lo withhold their votes from Mr.
Clay in 1814, tho fruits of which have been al
ready felt in tho annexation of Texas, tho Mex
ican War, an enormous Naiional Debt, a wretch
ed Treaty torced from an unwilling Senate, and
a consequent Slavery question overshadowing
every other in tho politics of tho nation, and
threatening tho peaco and tho very existence of
tho Union itself. Can any man doubt ilnt it
would have been wise in the ami. slavery Whigs
of 1844 to yield much of personal policy, or
principle even, if so they aro pleased to call it?
Aro not iho Bad results of their courso irresistible
ovidences that it cannot again be innocently pur
sued ? Wo advocate no laxity of principle, how
ever : rather what wo do insist upon is, that eve
ry man should carefully determine what is the
grand aim, thu leading principle and purpose of
his political action : to that let him bo over true
as tho neodlo to tlio polo-to that let him yield
evory uuii u.i n nu :
rything of minor Importance givo placo to so-)
euro thai let him bend all his energies, and tako
advantago of all tho circumstances that surround
htm. Whcta the only purely consistent being in
tho universe, whoso action is all founded upon
unerring and iinuiutablo principle, uaes oven tho
wrath and wickedness of men to accomplish His
good purposes, it may not bo unwiso for us to
look well to tlio indications of Providenco to
examine carefully tho condition in which lie per
mits us to bo placed, and to bo always ready to
use, in the dischargo ofour duties, tho very best
means which aro permitted. Wo surely would
not predict what the design of Iho Supremo .Ru
ler of tho Universe is concerning our land; but
wo trust it is a chosen land, and our people a
chosen pcnplo ; and wore tho war, which was
undertaken for the extension of Slavery, nnd
which has now inado Zacmahv Taylor tho
W;iig candidate for President, made by his elec
tion to overturn tho instigators of it and defeat
its purposes wcro wo to find inn military chief
lain our best guarantee for a policy of Peace, and
in a slaveholder, the defeat of all tho projects
for tho extension of Slavery wo apprehend that
men, who aio accustomed to trace the finger of
God in the history of nations, would not be slow
to rccognizo hcio a remarkable exhibition of re
tributive justice -another ins'ance in which Ho
has made the wrath of man to praiso him. Wo
say not that it will be so ; it may be so ; let u?,
therefore, bo caicful and content to do tho host
wo can. To come to the point, then : if we find
that lo support (Jen. Taylor is on tho wholo de
cidedly the bist wo can do, it is unquestionably
our duty to support him ; and wo must take him
as he is, with nil his faults, nnd support him
cheerfully, heartily and energetically. On the
other hand, wo submit, tint if we can belter sorvo
our coun'ry in tins limo of trial by any other
course Hint it tho path of duty, and we ought
unhesitatingly to tako it
How stands tho matter? We havoon the one
hand Gen. Cass, tho nominee of tho loeofneo.
Ho adopts fully, and will undoubtedly carry out
to tho fullest uxtcnt, tho doctrines of the mass
of that parly. On the TarifT, Internal Improve
ments, theSub-Treasuiy, the Public Lands, Sin
very, the War power, and fi.ieign policy, inclu
ding tho extension of territory by conquest, ho
fully endorses and sustains the courso of the
administration of Poll:, of which he has been an
unscrupulous supporter; ho also, with the Ual'i
more Convention, makes the Veto power a car
dinal point in the platform of modern democracy,
and thus virtually pledges its uso in tho defeat
of every decision oy tho representatives of the
people in Congress, which is not in accordance
with his own will, or with the declared w ill of
the irresponsible party convention lately assem
bled at Baltimore! We, however, regard thn
extension oj Unitary by conquest, nnd tho ques
tion of the establishment or permission of Slavery
in Ihe ttrrilory thus ucqtiirtd, to be by all odds
the leading questions in tho coming contest.
How, then, stands Gen Cas9 upon this point?
This is what most concerns the people to know,
ere they tako any course which is to bear upon
his election or defeat. We take him at his own
In his letter of Dec. 23, 1847, written to A.O,
P. Nicholson, of Nashville, Tennessee, General
Cass says:
" You ask whether I am in favor of the acqui
sition ol Mexican territory, and what are my
sentimi nts in legiird to inn Wilmot proviso-'"
"I think, then, that no pence
should be crnnted to Mexico, until a reasonable
indemnity is obtained for the injuiies that shf
lus done us. The Itrritiirinl txltnt of the indun
mty is, in tho first instance, a snbj.cl ol ixecutive
cunsulerntion. There tlio Constitution lias placed
it. and there I am willing to leave it."
Gen. Cass therefore sanctioned the doctrine of
acquiring territory in the late Mexican War, and
his rule is tho Exf.cutivf. will in iho first in
stance: a very comfortable doctrine should he
happen to bo the Executive. Adopting both the
doctrine tint tho Evecutive may make War as
did Polk, and that the Executive is first to decide
how much territory to take, there would be no
limit to hU ambition or pocr in the case. The
doctrines of this letter he has also avowed in va
rious speeches in tho Senate, and in ono proveJ
that he is not at all scrupulous on the subject, by
tho remarkable declaration that " lie nvghl swot'
low Ihe ivhote of Mexico without bcini; hurt by it."
Without now referring to his speeches, we will
barely remind tho reader that at the late Haiti
more Convention, Senator IIanm oan, Chairman
the Committee on foreign Affairs, predicted
tint "this Republic of thirty Slates was soon to
bo enlarged by New Mexico, Oregon, Calilornia,
and some other Stubs j" not perlnps Yucatan
but "perhaps a far richer Slate, Cuba, and he
begged permission to add Jamaica, too." Sig
nificant prediction of tho policy ol the Cass par
ty let it not bo forgotten.
As to the Wilmot proviso. Gen. Cass in his
Nicholson letter says:
" Briefly, then, am opposed lo Ihe excicise of
any jurisdiction by Uungress over int. mailer ; anu
l am in tavnr oi inning-10 me people o; any ici
ritoru. u hi'h mail be bertaller acquired, the right I
regulate it for themselves under the general prin
cinlcs of the Constitution. Because
" I. I do io( see in the Conslili-linn ami grant
of the requisite power to LongM, IfC.
This is but a very sinull part of tho letter, but
it is the main part. Ho is opposed to any action
by Congress, because Congress lias no constitution'
al power: tho very cao for a I'elo, tho vyry ex
cuso for all vetoes; and as an avowed admirer of
the Veto power, Gen. Cnss may safely bo relied
upon to put an extinguisher on the Wilmot pro
viso in any shapo that it may bo presented to
him. He is for leaving the question to the terrilo
rial government : that was left to Texas, and o
tcrnal slavery was tho result its constitution
forever forbids abolition !
We now turn to Gen. TxYLiin. We mus
accept him as he is. Tho Whig National
Convention has piado no platform for him to oc
cupy ; it has mado no declaration of principles,
1 hat llie members of that Convention have prin
ciples, no body doubts ; that tho Whig party his
principles, dearly cherished and long contended
for, nobody doubts; they liavo been "known
and read of all men." Hut no fur as tho next
President of the United States is concerned,
that convention deemed it their duty to Ink
Gen. Taylor just as he is. What w ho? Thii
must, be determined from Ids own declarations,
and tho declarations of his intimate personal
friends and all theso, if wo tako him to bo an
honest man, must be construed consistently with
Ins numerous, and sometimes apparently contra
dlctory letters. Well, then, by this rulo, wo
must describe him as "a Whig, but not an u.tra
v hig;' Ids viowauf nublic uolicv aro essential
ly Whig for instance, on tho Protective policy,
Internal improvements, the Veto, Executive Pow
er and Patrou.ifiq, iho Extension of territory by
Conquest, Foreign relations generally, and War
in particular. In tho contest of 1SI4, therefore,
and in tho present contest, had tho Whig candi
date been Henry Clay, Daniel Webster, John
McLean or John M, Clayton, Gen. Taylor would
havo supported cither in preference to Gen. Cnss.
Such was thn sum of tho authorized declaration
of tho Louisiana delegation, and it was the
crowning act which satisfied us of his political
principles. Hut ho is not an " ultra Whig," and
ho will tiof It a party President. Letter after
letter is to this effect, addressed alike to Whigs,
Locos, Nallvo Americans, ond doubtless to Ab
olitionists also, if any hive chosen to inquire of
him. How is this reconcilable with tho fact
that ho m Me ll'hig candidate') It is simply be
cause tho Whir-a haVo chosen to tako him at his
word, and run him on his own principles. This
is the reason that no resolutions woro ndopicd,
and nono entertained except an approval of tho
Allison loiter. Wo have seen, however, that his
own views nro essentially Whig how then w
ho to bo a no party President r Ho is to be so
truly and simply by following out this declara
tion in tlio Allison letter :
Second The veto nowcr. The power civen
by the coustltion to the Executive to interpose
his veto is a hiiih conservntivo power ; but in
my opinion ohould never be exercised except in
cases ill clear violnllon o! Iho constitution, or
innnifist linsto and want of consideration by
Concrete . Indeed, I have tlimmhi that lor many
ycarc past, the known opinions and wishes oftho
Executive have exercised undue and injurious
tmliionco upon the lies;nhitivo ilopirtinPtit ot tho
government : nnd for llns cause I have thought
our sycleni was in danger of undergoing a great
clin nut- irom Us true theory. I lis porsolnil oplti
ions nl llie iuiliviiiu.il who may happen to occu
py the Executive clnir, ouuht not to control the
actum ot Congn.-r upon questions of domestic
i)'Mi:y , nor uu"iu ins opinions io no inicrpusuo
where questions of conslitutinii il power Imvo
been bellied by thu various ilep.irtmenls of eov
criimetiluud acquiesced in by the people.
And again :
'Jhird Upon Ihe subject oftho Tariff, the
currency, thu improvement of our great high
ways, rivers, lanes uuu harunrs, tho will ot the
people, us expressed tliroiiL'h their representa
lives in Coui'ress, cuii'ht to bu respected and
carrieu out oy the Executive.
At a single blow does ho break the trammels
of party : he is to respect the will of the people as
expressed by their representatives in Congrtss, on
all questions of domestic policy, and on nil such
old disputed constitutional points as hive been
settled by the government and acquiesced in hy,
tho people. It remains for your Van Burcn
your Polks and your Casses to put tho spirit of
democracy to the blush by swearing supremo
allegiance to u few self-constituted party dicta
tors in a Baltimore Convention, and to defy the
co-ordinate branches ot Ihe Government by
threatening vetoes in advance. But Taylor ic-
spects thr. will of Ihe people bows lo the popular
voice constitutionally expressed. 7Vmu ho is n
no party President. Thus ho leaves us, tho peo
ple, lo express our opinions and represent our
interests, with the full assurance that in all that
relates to our well being, the will of tho majori
ty, according to the forms and true spirit of thu
Constitution, shall be the law. In tliis, together
with his avowed sentiments, Gen. Taylor adopts
ns his patterns tho administrations of Wasiii.no
ton and Mapiso.v. In this avowal as to tho Ve
to Power, that modern demociacy which makes
the will of Baltimore Conventions, or of tnn Ex
ecutive, tho supreme law, ho puts to utter shame;
and ho altogether out-whigs those whigs who
have thought of checking Executive poucr by
thu ono term piinciple and the abolition of the
Veto. Uy n single bound, he restores the truu
ductrit.o of the Constiiution- lays the axe atilm
root of Executive power, and infuses anow into
our political system the original genuine spirit
of republicanism, which has well nigh been root
ed out by the force of the veto and tho appliance
of Executive threats or Executive bribe lo the
icprescntattvci of the pop!e. Wo confess that
when thu no party declarations of Gen. Taylor
first camo to light, we were inclined to believe
that he honestly did not wish to bo President,
and adopted this method to dissatisfy nil parties,
or lliat he intended to bid for the support of ci
ther; and when tho Allison letter came, our first
thought was that he had abandoned his no party
ground for iho favor of the Whys, But a re
view has led us to a better opinion : wo take him
as a Whig but wo tako him pledged only to be
an honest constitutional President of the United
Slates: and ihe more we regard him in this
light, the more ready are wu lo see him elected
and put to the test. Our government has been
quite revolutionized within twenty years by the
combined influence of political demagogues and
the Veto power. The genuine spun of democ
racy, of republic uiisin, has been almost driven
out of our political system. Within four yearn,
indeed, have wescenase!f-coii3iiluted Baltimore
Convention practically elect n man for Presi
dent of whom tho people never dreamed; we
hive seen it mark out tho policy of,a,fouryuars'
odmimstratinn ; wo have seen a war originated
by tho Executive of this Convention without any
antecedent signification of tho popular will, and
begun without the authority or even the know
edge of the constitutional war-making power ;
we have seen an immense National Debt crca
ted which the people never anticipated, and of
which they now hardly know tho amount; wo
have seen an c'ntircly now feature of nation
ol policy evolved, in cnlaigiitgtho Union by thn
conquest of foreign territory ; we have seen tlio
will of tho representatives of tho peoplo defied
by the veto; and were tho curtain to bu uplifted
nnd tho secrets of thn men in power revealed,
wo Invo no doubt that it would be 6een that rep
resentatives of the people have either boon bribed
by Executive patronago or uwed by Executive
power. Nor is it in tho Government alone
that this revolution in our political system has
been seen and felt Tho power of deinagoguism,
through tho irresponsible caucus, has extended
to the people themselves in tho length and breadth
of tho land, and has controlled them tnoro nr less
in their political action. Witness tho process :
Tho demagogues make tho caticus-and tho cau
cus nominates tho President, and fixes the creed
tho editors, who have post ollices and federal
pap in prospect, second tho motion ; anon arc
candidates for 'Congress and for the State Leg
islaturo and for every ofh'ce from Governor down
to hogreevo, all cut according to the Presiden
tial fashion ond tho Jreemen, sw. rn to ho faith
ful to tho constitution and to their country, lmvo
barely a sort of Hobson's choico loft: they may
pecket their oaths, their consciences, and their
principles, ond voto for the principles and candi
dates of thn caucus, or throw their votes away.
This is characteristic of modorn democracy
nay, moro or less of whigism and abolitionism,
and every other political ism ; but Is it old fa(,h
ionod republicanism ? Is it not destroying all
responsibility -overturning all tho nicely ndjus
ted checks and balances of our govenimcnt
and morging all political power in the caucus, or
tho tool of the caucus, tho President? Wo aro
not permitted to have our own man: then we aro
thankful that tho U hlg National Convention bus
given us a candidate without a party creed a
-uj. npi., t0 u0 the President of
tho whole nation, ond who can ho supported by
Whig or Democrat, Abolitionist or Nattvci
without tho sacrificu of a singla political opinion.
This was substantially tho course of Gen. lUn-
iiiso.n, and wo approved it then tho American
people approved it What if each Presidential
candidate woro now to stand on this platform?
Evidently, in tho choico of President, tho peoplo
would bo left frco to choose according to their
judgment of tho fitness and character of tho men,
unbiassed by party prejudices, and uncontrolled
by party plans : yet, too, they would bo perfect
ly fice to carry out Iheir pnlllicalpi i nr.! pits through
their teprcscntntives. Noy, more: llioso repre
sentatives themselves would bo perfectly frco
from Executive control. Freedom in tho free
men, in tho elections, in thn representatives; re
sponsibilityof tho freeman to his country, of
the representative to his constituents, of tho
President to tho nation. This was tho original
theory of our government Subverted by King
Caucus and the Veto, it has been left to Zachary
Taylor, military chieftain though ho is, to pro
claim tlio most feasiblo way in which it can bo
But how stands Gen. Taylor on tho all-important
nnd pressing questions of the day ? He is a
slaveholder but like Washington, and Jefferson,
and Clay, represented to bo opposed to tho sys
tem and opposed to its extension. Of the lat
ter we aro assured by his own declaration :
r "The principles of our government, as
well ns its true policy are opposed to thn subju
gation of oilier nations, and the dismemberment
of oilier countries hv conquest. In the language
of the grenl VVnshinglon, ' W hy should wcquil
our on to stand on foreign ground ?'"
His previous course ond known opinions arc
in harmony with this, for he was opposed to tho
annexation ol Texas. This extract wos written
on tho 22d of April, after the Mexican treaty
had been ratified by our Senate, but before tho
ratification by Mexico. Tho Mexican territory
had not then been annexed ; Gen. Taylor was
doubtless opposed to it annexation, and if any
disposition of this territory can bo made short of
annexation, such as permitting it to become a
now independent Yankceiied republic, between
ourselves and Mexico, it might meet his consent.
But upon this wo have no right to count: this
territory is after a fashion annexed it is ours,
wo having not only sacrificed several thousand
of lives for it but passed receipts with Mexico,
paid her fifteen millions to boot, nnd saddled our
selves wilh a debt of one m.'Miai.t) and kkiii-Tv-nvr.
iii Lions I Wondrous fruit ofono Bal
timore caucus but not the worst fruit: Shall
itiirsi.avi: TKnuiroitv ? Tint is tho direst
fruit of all cnuso of woes we cannot count
How stands Gen. Taylor? We know not his
preferences or personal opinions distinctly h"
may have, and is likely to have. Southern views ;
but this vie do know : whatever arc his preferen
ces or opinions, he is pledged against Ihe Vila
on this subject. Wo refer to the second head of
tho Alisoa letter already quoted. Read it again.
Let ns bo sure, though. Is not this " a clear
case of violation nf tli3 constitution," which
Gen. Taylor may consistently enough veto ? By
no means. On tho contrary, any act of Congress
establishing or winking at tho establishment of
slavery in this territory, where it did not exist at
the time of annexation, would bo clearly without
the authority of the Constitution, contrary to its
spirit, contrary to the whole spirit of our gov
ernment, and therefore a case eminently worthy
of the exercise of tho odious Veto, But does
not Gen. Taylor roardtho Wilmot pmvijo, alias
the ordinance of '87, as unconstitutional ? Not
at all : he is bound to assent to all questions
once settled by tho decisions of the government
with the ucquiesenco of the people. The princi
ple ot tho Wilmot proviso has thus boon settled,
at sundry limes. But we have still clearer evi
dence. In tho spring of I8J7, the editor oftho
Cincinnati Sigunl'chosc to shadow forth what
io presumed to be the loading features in the
policy of a no party President, and sent it to
Gen. Taylor for his opinion. In that article iho
ordinance of '87 (Wilmot proviso) was distinctly
alluded lo in tho following terms:
" The extension over the conli'ienl beyond the
Rio Grande of the ordinnm e of 187, is anolieil
l"0 high nnd permanent to be bnjjlcd by Presiden
tial vetoes. All that v-a ask of the highest officer
under thu constitution is lohold his hand, to bow
to tho will of tiio people as promulgated in log-
islattvo forms, and restrain the executive action
in its appropriate channel. Give us an honest
administration of the government and un end to
all cabals of a cabinet all intcrfeionce I'miii tho
White House designed to sway or thwart the
action of tho American People. If such sim
plicity aim integrity should guide the adminis
tration of General Taylor, iho North and West
would yield to it it warm support nnd approval."
On tho 18th of May, 1847, Gen Taylor replied
in the following unequivocal manner :
"With iheso remarks, I trust you will pardon
mo for thus biiefly replying to you, vhieh I do
with a high approval of the sentiments and views
embraced in your editorial.''
Both in their gonoril views then, and on tho
most momentous and urgent questions of ths
day, Cass nnd Taylor aro antagonists. Gen.
CaBS arms himself with a veto, to thwart the will
of the people, to override tho decisions nf Con
gress, and set up as supreme law the will of cor
rupt party leaders whoso supolo tool ho has con
sented to be. What would it avail, then, vvuio
ihe peoplo of this nation lo rise in iheir might
and elect a Congress bound to adopt anew iho
glorious ordinance of '87, if Lewis Cass shall sit
in tho Exocutiyc Chair? a Northern man and
two years ago an avowed proviso man, but now
a traitor to freedom and himself-stripped of tho
power to assent to tlio Wilmot Proviso and
bound to Veto it, by afiirnung that it is uncon
stitutional ! But ronW wo have a Congress sound
on this question if Lewis Cass is to bo elec
ted ? It is doubtful whether a Free Soil ma
jority in tho House could bo carriod in that c-
vent : tho satno causes that would elect Cass,
an avowed Slavocratic dough -faco us ho is,
would be likely to carry tho Houso also. At
least it would carry the Vice President, ti sla-
vocrat by birth and education, and by far tho no
bler man of the two. How then would wo
stand ? By tho annexation of Texas, tho Slav
ocrury has bi.lanced the power in Ihe Senate ;
thero arc thirty Senators from tlio frco States
und thirty from tho Blavc-aud tho Bultunoro
caucus has decreed the casting vote io Ihe Sluvoc
racy! Wo say, therefore, that with Iho election
of Cass and Butler all is lost clearly, un
questionably, now and foiever. Though the
Houso might bo carried, iho Scnato would prob
ably bo against us ; and wcro both branches
sound, iho Exccutivo stands bound lo crush tho
last hope of freedom by tho tyranical Veto.
On the other hand Gen. Taylor is plcdgod
against the Veto. lie is to stand on neutral
ground as President oftho United States, bound
only to respect tho will of tho pooplo. lie
loaves tho people of all parties perfectly freo to
make up tho iasuo on thi momentous Slavery
question, and to decide it for themselves, hit
us look nt this matter fairly and treat il it as a
pinctlcal thing. Tho frco North has a largo bal
nnco of power in tho Houso ; wo arc in the ma
jority there : Let us tako Gen Taylor at his
word let the signal bo passed from Maine to
Iowa, from tho Northern lakes to tho lowest
limit of frco soil, that no man of any party, fa
vorable to tho establishment by federal power,
or to the existence by federal consent, of Slave
ry in territory now freo, shall bo elected to tho
next Congress. As tho South may bo a unit on
this question so let us bo. To achieve this re
sult, let us cheerfully sacrifice largely of party
spirit If we tho Whigs can elect our own
men, sound on that question, let us do to. Let
oilier parties do the same. If wo cannot, let us
ask tho aid of our fellow citizens of other par
ties, wherever wo ore the plurality nnd have a
right to ask ; and wherever either of the oppo
sing parties is in the plurality and presents a
rchablo man on this point, let us cheerfully ac
cord our hearty good will and cficctivo aid. Wo
may in this modu certainly wo cannot in any
other secure a clear majority of Freo Soil men
in tho Houso, without Southern aid. How then
would it bo in the Sonatc? Again wo say, that
body is equally divided - -but bo it remembered
that tho Whig National Convention has commit
ted tho casting voto of tho Senate to Millard
Fillmore, u truo son oftho North, worthy to be
trusted in any eincrgoncy. Thu Southern
Whigs have accorded us a fair field fortius con-
test, rhey give ih thn opportunity to elect our
on men to Congress, to represent the Nor'h on
this question; they give us tho casting voto in
tho Senate, to which wo mo clenrly entitled by
tho preponderance nf upulati n in thn frco
stattB; and beyond this, they oiler us it Pnsi
dent bound to stand on neutral ground and in
terfere with neither party through tho Veto.
As between Zacimiiy Tailor and Li:wis
Cass can wo therefore hesitate? 'Is there a
whole-souled Northern man of any party who
can soberly, scriuu-dy, candidly look ut ihe po
sition of the two on these important questions,
and ddubt fur a single moment wlrich is the man
to choose? Wo do not doubt Our first nnd
clearest duty is to do what we can lo dejcnl the
Veto power in Ihe person nf Lewis Cass ; for it is
utterly in vain to labor for Whig majorities, or
Wilmot Proviso inujoritirs, in either branch of
Congress, if the Executive is to defeat them ut
can vn: i0 BBWr.lt I
But can wo not do billtr evni Ih in this 7 Cun
we not only defeat Gen. Cuss, but Gen. Taylor
also, nnd elect a man over thorn both a man
firmly pledged to take the strongest ground n
gainst the admission of terriloiy or tho estab
lishment of Slavery ? Can we not all unite on
Martin Van Bur, or John P. Hale, or sonic-
body else? We have deliberated upon this
we have waited to s.eo "tho Kiinis of the times."
until satisfied that this cuinut pussibly bo
done. Suppose tho attempt were made, und
thai tho Whigs should give even a plausible co
lor to tho project by resolving en masse to go
against Gen. Taylor. The first step in all prob
ability would be a firm union of tho South upon
an ultra Southern man, or more likely upon Cass,
a Northern man of ultra Slavocratic doctrines.
Tlio same motives which would stimulate the
North to unito would actuate the South. Wo
think thero can bo no mistake about this. Tho
question then is resolved into this Can thoro be
so complete a fusion of all parties in the North
as to elect n President without tho aid of a sin
glo Southern electoral vole? To elect requires
145 votes the North has 1(13: we must there
fore bo able to carry all but 03 or we shall fail
Ohio or Pennsylvania alono would defeat us; if
we could carry ihcse, tho loss of Maine, Illinois
and Michigan would bo fatal ; if even iheso aro
saved, the loss ofN. II., Indiana, Wisconsin and
Iowa would bo fatal. Other combinations from
these slates would bo fatal ; and yet, wilh the
exception of Ohio, tho whole of theso states uro
now in tho hands of tho Cass party they have
hitherto succumbed to tho Slavocracy. As
suming then that the Whig party of the North
stands ns a nucleus around which the people
could gather with John McLean for instance
as a candidate -wo do not conceive it possible
to elect him by Northern votes alone. Let us
lowevcr take things as they really arc. Our
readers well know tint wu would have had the
Whig patty in this position : but it is o there.
Tho Whig Convention litis nut dared to place the
Whig party in that position it has judged that
it would not do, it has deu-ru ii.ed to offer us a
man whom both the North and South can con
sistently support, leaving the utmost latitude for
deciding this great question of Slavery, without
intermingling tho Presidential question with it
at all. Now what has been the response of thu
wrt.: ...ft 4 .
, mg party .- precious tew imvo waited, liko
ourselves, lo deliberate --itill fewer have jump
cd at a bound from the Whig fold, and aro now'
plirenzicdly looking hither and yon to find where
they may go. The great body of the whig
press and of tho whig party has already determ
ined to support Gen. Taylor. Excluding a por
tion in Massachusetts, in New York and on the
Western Reserve in Ohio, all tho rest, wilh in
dividual exceptions, have settled down upon that.
With tho democracy tho dissatisfaction is infi
nitely stronger in particular localities as for in
stance in Now York, whoro the party has been
rent by bitter personal feuds, and on the shores
of Illinois where the Veto of the harbor bill has
appealed strongly to tho lockets of tho people
ngainct tho party in power. But elsewhere, with
individual exceptions, tho main body of the par
ty adheres to Cass. If thero is an undercurrent,
it is not much lelt yet, und when oen and felt,
we are persuaded it will be found tending irre
sistibly lo Gen. Taylor. As in 1840 it am til
thousands to support Gen. Harriso.v, so in 18-18
it will bring strong and enthusiastic support to
Gen. Taylor.
There is no great party ns a point, strong in
numbers, oround which tlio disaffected may ral y
with a reasonable hopo of success. The aboli
tionists present the most available point in John
P. Hale; but they aro comparatively few they
aro even divided among themselves into no less
than three distinct bodies, tho Liberty party,
tho Liberty League, nnd tho ami voting men.
To elect Mr. Halo thero must therefore bo a gen
eral fusion of -tlio Whigs und Doinocruts into
tho Liberty party general, not only us to all the
Northern States, but in each particular state : for
if New York, Ohio, Massachusetts and Ver
mont Bhould consent, it would bo in vain with
our n goodly portion of tho rest. Nay not
merely in vain ; it would without a peradvonturc
ensure Ihe election of Lr.vtia Cass. Partiul ue
cess in such a echonio is but a total defeat : re
member 1844. But can wo count upon a fusion
of iho Whig und Democratic particd into tho ab
olilion parly? Is it possiblo at a blow-upon
tho instant as it were in tho four months now
left u i, lo break down all old party organizations,
to overcome old party prejudices to do this jo
universally through all the Northern states as to
secure an absoluto majority of tho olcctoral
voles ? I ho deeply disaffected Democracy of
Now York havo answered this question for them
selves i they havo mado a clean parly nomination
of President and Vict President ; they admit no
fusion with tho Whigs nono with tho third par
ty. Their action is plainly decisivo of the whole
question: thoy will not go to other parlies in
dividuals may go, hut other parties will not go
to them. Tho Whigs may divide tho North
may divide, but tlio stand oftho Utica Conven
tion is to us an unmistakable sign that thero can
bo no such union of tho dissevered fragments
of all parties us to givo even tho faintest pros
pect of success. Failing of that, theso divis
ions will but stongthen tho common enemy
which wo till fear hut hasten tho fatal result
which wo all most earnestly deprecate.
Wo turn then to tho position of Gen. Tay
lor ns the ono most likclv to avail us in tho de
feat of tho Slavocratic policy as embodied in
Gen. Cum the most likely to result in stopping
tho nation in its mad career through war and sla
very to disunion and destruction. Wu need not
sacrifice our party organizations, party princi
ples, nor even parly feelings to support him,
we need do this to but a very inconsiderable ex
tent in order lo secure, in tho inodo wo havo al
ready indicated, a suro working majority in tho
next Congress, adverse to tho wretched policy
which would extend Slavery at tho point of tho
sword, in our licliel this is tho best course the
Whigs can tako in the present aspect of the
esse; incomparably tho safest and best course.
And when wo say this, wo mean that is best not
merely for the whig party, but wo mean for all
parties and all men who of all things most earn
estly desire to put an end to tho tyranny, tho
wickedness, und the imminent danger to tho very
existence of the Union, which characterize tho
policy which has been for four years pressed by
our rulers, and, is unscrupulously promised for
four years to come by tho candidate of the Bal
timore Convention. If this is still to bo the pol
icy of our government, one well may shudder
for Ilia country when ho remembers that God is
just. Il'ar has been its first fruits since this pol
icy was first promulgated hy the Naliopal Dem
ocratic Convention of 1814 ; War must, from tlio
very nature of the case, continue to be its fruit
-and Slavery stalks in the path opened by fire
and tho sword, and will brood perhaps for cen
turies over territory where it had no existence
until planted by the arms and nourished by tho
blood of American soldiers. Against this a
bomiuation havo wo warrod as Whigs since the
first moment of danger ; and against this wo
mean to contend unto tho last. Wo cannot kno'v
iugly omit any actor sacrifice to prevent the fas
tening of this accursed policy upon nur govern
ment, without pai taking in tho guilt -of wicked
wars and of extending and perpetuating tho sys
tem nf American Slavery. Wo cannot refuse
to yield any or ull of our whig principles beside,
if necessary to prevent tho further prosecution of
this policy for they may bo laid aside without
irretrievable injury, in duo time Ihey will rise
with new power; Free Trade and every other
mad achievement of radicalism upon tho busi
ness of the country may be borno in due time
they will work thoirown cure: but this horrible
project of propagating Slavery and acquiring
territory by tho sword, in progressive in its course
every victory gives it new strength ; it is per
petual in its fruits every now state brings its
two members into the Senate to nullify tho voico
of remossiranco from the freo North aye, and
lo fix upon the whole land Ihe blight of a Sla
vocratic domestic policy. We must do what wo
can to prevent it. Our judgment is that the wi
sest courso is to concur in the support of Gen.
Taylor. Ours is tho last whig press in Vermont
to accept the nomination. We havo waited for
no factious purpose nor from wilfulness but
to satisfy our best judgment. Tho courso is
clear: wo enter upon it cheerfully.
Notice is hereby given that a delegato Con
vention of iho Whig party of the Slate of Ver
mont, will boholdcnnt Woodstock, on Wedncs-
day, the lUlh day of July next, for tho purpose
of nominating candidates for Governor, Lieut.
Governor and Treasurer of tho Stule for the
year ensuing, and also candidates for Presiden
tial Electors. It is desired that every town in
the Slate should be represented in the Conven
tion, by, at least, two dcleirntes.
Tl Mill. II rWU.ia'i', i
JUtl.N M311JAI.L.,
11. P. WALTON, JR.
Juno 24th, 1848.
The first Iluilrond in Vermont.
The passenger cars of the Vermont Central
Railroad run to Bethel on Monday last for the
first tunc. There was no celebration set down
in the bill, nevertheless several of the Boston
friends would come up, and a good number of
the people from the neighborhood would bo thero
to sec. Gentlemen cupablo of judging ex
pressed complete satisfaction with this trial of
iho road. If any body doubts nboul there being
a railroad in Vermont, and a first rate one, so far
as completed, let them go and sco fur them
selves. New. York Politics. A good friend of ours,
n resident of New-York, insists that wo must
innlio the aminde for ulloiving eight tenths of the
locos of New-York to the Barnburners. He is
u Hunker not very old though, and u clever
fellow to hoot ; but rather too clever for his own
side in claiming i fiat only one tenth is due to tho
Barnburners. Sinca both tactions uro to run
separuto tickets iliere will be a fino clianco of
(.coding the question: guess wo will wait awhile
and see tho votes counted.
Wonders ok Science. Morse's Telegraph,
Ray's Phonetic Telegraph (for transmission of
sound) and sundry other rciuarknhlo scientific
discoveries will bo exhibited nt tho Free Church
on .Monday evening next at ciht o'clock, by
Mr. J. It. liav, public lecturer on Natural Sci
ence. The Telegraphs of both sorts will bo put
into operation, so as to bo witnessed and under
stood by all. We know nothingnf Mr. Ruy, but
il he does what is hero promised in his behalf,
nono will go away uninterested.
Inci-ndiaiiies in stout. On Tuesday eve
ning two buildings in tho heart uf thu village
weto tct on tire by tho buys plnying with tire
balls. Another dangerous sport is thu explosion
of firo-cruckurs in the public streets. This will
never do, boys. Either go un lo the hillo where
no harm tun bo done, or give up tho sport en
nruly. If you endanger lives and property in
ihls fnbhion, you will compel older people to
play tho dangerous game ot grub-aiui-Uck-up
uilh you. Thut is rather solemn fun.
fXT" William J. Graves has been appointed
by Gov. Owsley, of Ky., to succeed Mr. Critten
den in tho V. S. Senate. Mr Clay declined.
Oiianue County. We aro compelled to
postpono tho proceedings of tho Convention to
our next.
Mr. Bagby, Senator Irom Alabama, has been
appointed Minuter lo Russia. Tho Governor of
.Michigan lias appointed i Mtzgerald, a sena
tor in place of Gen. Caw.
Martin Van Ruiven has been nominated by
tho Barnburners, and ho accepts.
The "Barnburners' Convention." Tho
Convention at Utica of tho New York Democrats
wfio main! ilin ,m..,i t r 1 1. i) i . -. r-
venliun, appears to have been numerous, influ
ential nnd ablo. Hun. Samuel Young presided,
nnd tho list of speakers contains the names of
many among tho ablest men of llie Democratic
party In Now York. Tho Convention nomina
ted Martin Fan Dunn (at tho Presidency, ond
although a letter from thnt gontleman wob read,
declining lo leavo his retirement for public life,
the nomination will probably bo pressed. Tho
following account of tho proceedings was tele
graphed to tho Now York papers:
Utica, N. Y., Juno 22.-Tho Convention wan
temporarily organized at 12 M. Thnm is Far
riuglon, ot Tioga county, wos appointed Chair
man, and Gilbert Dean, of Dutchess, and W. W.
Scrajiham, of Westchester, Secretaries. Tho
names ot delegates were called. Thero was
great npplauso vvhpn the name of John Vun Bu
ren was cnlled. Among tho delegates present,
aro Preston King, Samuel Young, &c. General
harmony prevailed. The nominations will cer
tainly bo made tomorrow.
Delegates from Ohio. Wisconsin. Connecticut.
anil Mtssachusctts wcro permitted to toko seals
and to participate in tho business of Ihe Conven
tion. On motion, tho chair appointed two dele
gates from each Judicial District, to report offi
cers for tho permanent organization of thu Con
vention. Also a deleato Irom each Judicial
District, to prepare on address and to draft rcao-
luiions expressive) of the sense of llie Conven
tion. On motion, the Convention adiourned till 4
P. M.
Tho Convention assembled at 4 P. M.. as ner
adjournment, when the Commiuco on Permanent
Organization reported for President of the Con
tlon, Hon. Samuel Young, of Saratoga, which
wan receivcu wuu ireuiciiuous enthusiasm ana
applause : right Vice Presidents wcro also cho
The President then proceeded to deliver a
speech glowing with great warmth and ardor;
no sum mm no was prouu ot Oelnir ca cil a
Barnburner, nnd hoped that none of his parly
would ever bu ashamed lo bear the name. He-
said that Thunder and Lightning wero often
times Barnburners.
ills speech throughout was hailed with im
mense cheering ond deafening plaudits.
Speeches were then delivo ed by Messrs.
Smith, Grosvoner, King, Van Buren and Butler,
in a most masterly manner, onu elided frequent
bursts of applause. Mr. Butler then proceeded
to rend a letter addressed to the Hon. Martin
Van Buren, and also his icply. Mr. Van Buren
in his reply declared himself in favor of a Freo
Territory, and heartily approves of the steps iho
Barnburners uro taking, and savs that he cannot
go either for Cass or Taylor. The letter was u
very able one. The Convention then adjourned
till tumorruw morning al 8 o'clock. It is thought
that the Convention will adjourn sine dio tomor
row afternoon, alter which a tremendous Alafs
Meeting will bo held.
Substance of the. lion. Martin Van Huren's Utter
lo the Barnbumtr's Convention.
Utica, Juno !-2-Tho substance of Mr. Van
Buren'a letter wus to tho following effect. Ho
unnounced his determination, previously express
ed in lti41, to retire from political life, tn bo un
changed. Ho declined a nomination. Ho re
viewed tho proceedings of tho Biltimore conven
tion, lie declares that nil tno Barnburners did
was perfectly right. He exhorts them to perse
vere and lo make a separate nomination. His
language was emphatic and filled with eirotion,
yetetrongund dignilio.l. He rcccommends firm
ness. Ills letter throughout is decided and em
phatic, und in favor of free Territory principles.
Ho quoted eleven acts of Congress in support
of Ins argument, cr.ibracinj tho administrations
of Washington, Jetreraon, iMunroe.the elder Ad
ams, Madison, Jcksou, and his own. He de
clared that ho could not voto for Gen. Cass or
Gen. Taylor. That tho extension ot slavery
mis a moral curse. His letter was received
with remarkable enthusiasm.
Tho Convention re-assembled at 8 o'clock
this morning. A telegraph ic despatch slates
that luuers lo thu President uf the Convention
wuro read ; among others, letters from Illinois,
numerously signed, closing as follows: "We
want Martin Van Buren for n candidate. Tho
slave power broke him down in 1844. Wo
break down that power in lt'48." Delegates aro
continually arriving from oilier States.
5 1-2 o'clock One of Ihe Connecticut dele
gated is speaking. No doubt of ihe nomination
of Martin Vun Buren.
9 1-2 o'clock A motion was made to nomi-naio-a
President and Vice President by vivaroce
voto. The motion was amended by recommend
ing the nomination of Van Buren by acclama
tion, which amendment was carried, and elicit
ed un unusual burst of applause. H. Dodge
of Wiscon-in, wae nominated lor Vice President
by acclamation.
r,om (ho New York Tribaue.
Hon. John J. Chittenden addressed a great
meoiing ot Pittsburgh, Pa. on Friday evening,
being on his way home to Kentucky, having re
signed his seal in the Senate to canvuss tho
Slute for Governor. Mr. Crittenden never could
moke a poor speech, and on this occasion lio
made a very good one in commendation of Gen.
Taylor. It does not prove General Taylor thu
best man for President, but il shows that he pos
sesses (as wo always supposed,) many sterling
qualities. Tho following synopsis (we have no
room for a fuller report) we tako from the Pitts
burgh Gazette:
This, Mr. Crittenden said, ho declared from
his own knowledge. Ho is a Whig, a good
Whig, a thorough Whig. 1 know him to be a
Whig, but not an ultra Whig. All his political
feelings ore identified with tho Whig party.
On the uprightness of Gen. Taylor's charac
ter, Mr. Crittenden dwelt with great earnestness,
as a trait which lib knew, and felt, and admired.
He said he was emphatically an honest man, ond
ho defied tho opponents of the old soldier lo bring
auiiht against him, impeaching his uprightness,
in al! his transactions during a public lito of for
ty years. His nppcaranco and mannerb bear tho
impress of such sterling honesty, that peculation,
meanness, and rascality are frightened from his
presence. General Twigs, who had been on
iubits of intimate personal intercourse with him,
said to the speaker, lately, that there was not a
man in the world who had been in the company
ol Uen. Taylor five minutes, who would daro
make an improper proposition to him. Dishones
ty Ileus from his presence.
His whulo military lifo gave evidence of this.
Ho never committed a blunder or lost a battle.
There is not another man in tho army who
would havo ioughl tho batllo of Bucna Vista but
General Taylor and not another would havo
won it Examine the whole hisiory of his ex
ploits, in ull their details, and you see the evi
dence of fur-reaching Bagacity, and great abil
Not mere scholastic learning lie never grad
ualed ut a college but his mind is richly stor
ed with that practical knowledge, which is ac
quired Irom both men and books. Ho is a deep
ly read man, hi all ancient and modern history
and in all matters relating to tin practical du
ties of life, civil and military. Ho is intimate
with Plutarch, said iho speaker, a Plutarch hero
himself, as bright as ever adorned tho page of
history. General Gibson, you all know and
love General Gibson, ono of your own Pcunsyl
vnnians, u man whoso reputation for truth und
honor was proverbial, and whoso word wus al
ways the end of controversy, bo implicitly wus it
relied upon, General Gibson told him that ho
and General Taylor had entered the army near
ly together, and had served together almost con
slantly, uctil he, Gibson, retired, and that during
that time, they had sat together on seventeen
Court Murliuls, many of them important nnd in
trtcato cases, and in overy single lustanco Z ich
ury Tavlor hud been appointed to draw uu tho
opinion of the Court a brilliant testimony to
his superior abilities, and ripe learning and prac
tical knowledge.
General Taylor is a plain, .unasiuminr;, unos-

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