Vermont watchman and State journal. [volume], March 28, 1850, Image 1

About Vermont watchman and State journal. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1836-1883

Image provided by: University of Vermont

                
BY E. P. WALTON & SON.
MONTPELIEIt, THURSDAY, MARCH 28, 1S50.
VOL. XLIV, NO.0 WHOLE NQ 2267
lUttfcl)incm & State Journal.
rum.ISHEP EVERY THURSDAY MORNINfi.
TEHi!P 5-1,10 fnsb- in Ndranrn; $?,0O if pajmenl is not
riKrte in udtauce; i at Erect alugii ci.argfl fitra the end of
political.
SPEECH
OF Tilt:
HON. DANIEL WEBSTER,
ON THE SUBJECT OF SLAVERY.
Delivered in the U. S. Hiv.atc, Marih 7.
coxcLuunu.
Now, as to California and New Mexico,
I hold slavery to be excluded from those ter
ritories by a law even superior to that which
admits and sanctions it in Texas. 1 mean
the law of nature of physical geography
the law of the formation of the earth.
That law settles forever, with a strength be
yond all terms of human enactment, that
slavery cannot exist in California or New
Mexico. Understand me, sir ; I mean slave
ry as we regard it; slaves in gross, of the
colored race, transferable by sale and de
livery like other property. J shall not dis
cuss the point, but 1 leave it to the learned
gentlemen who have undertaken to discuss
:t, bnt I suppose there is no slave of tlut
description m California now. 1 understand
tlut pionistn, a sort of penal servitude, exist-,
there, or rather a son of voluntary sale
of a man and his ofiTspnng for debt, as it is
arranged and exists in some parts of Cali
fornia and New Mexico. But tih.it I mean
lu sa) is, tlut African slavery, as we sec it
among us, is as utterly impossible to find it
self, or to be found in Mexico, as any other
lut.jral imps-ibituy. (California and New j
Meio are Asiatic, m their formation audi
scein-ry. Tuey are composed of vast ridg
es of mountains of enormous height, with
broken rtdges and deep valleys. The sides
of tue-c mountains are barren, entirely bar
ren, their tops capped by perennial snow.
There may be in California, now made free
by it-, constitution, and no doubt there are,
some tracts of valuable land. But it is not
so in New Mexico, l'r iy what is the cu-
dcuce Inch every giMillenan tntisihateob
taincJ on tins subject, from information
sonant lit himself or communicated by oth
ers. 1 hue enquired and read all 1 could
fi id, in order to obtain information. What
is there in New Mexico that could by any
pus: nlity induce any body to go there with
tkn -s" Tlieie are some narrow strips of
tillable lad on the borders of the rivers ;
bat the rners themselves dry up before mid
summer h goue. All that the people can
do, is to raise some little articles, some lit
tle wheat for their tortillas, and all that by
irriguioii. And who expects to see a hun
dred black men cultivating tobacco, corn,
cotton, rice, or any Jluug else, on lands in
New Mexico made fertile only by irriga
tion .' I look upon it, therefore, as a fixed
fact, to use an expression current at this
d.n, that both California and New Mexico
are destined to be free, so far as they are
settled at all, which I beliete, especially in
regard to New Mexico, will be very little
for a great length of lime ; free by the ar
rangement of things by the Power above us.
I have therefore to say, in this respect also,
that this country is fixed for freedom, to as
many persons as shall ever live there, by as
lrrepealablc and more irrepealablc a law,
than the law thai attaches to the right of
holding slaves in Texas ; and 1 will say fur
ther, lliat if a resolution, or a law, were
now before us to provide a territorial Gov
ermiit'iil for New Mexico, I would not tote
to put any prohibition into it whatever.
The use of such a prohibition would be idle,
as it lespects any effect it would hate upon
the Territory ; and 1 would not take pains
to reaffirm an ordinance of Nature, nor to
re-enact the will of God. And I would put
in no Wilmot Proviso for the purpose of a
taunt or a reproach. I would put into it no
evidence of the votes of superior power, to
wound the pride, even whether a just pride,
a rational. pride, or an irrational pride, to
wound the pride of the gentlemen who be
long to the Southern States. 1 hate no
such object, no such purpose. They would
tluuk it a taunt, an indignity; they would
think it to be an act taking away Irom them
what they regard a procr equality o( privi
lege ; ;iid whether ihey expect to realize a
nt benefit from it or not, they would think
it a theoretic wrong ; that something more
or less derogatory to their character and
their rights hud taken place. 1 propose to
inflict no such wound upon any body, un
less something essentully important to the
country, and efficient to the preservation of j
liberty and freedom, is to be ellocteil. i liere
fore, 1 repeat, sir, and I repeat it because I
wish to be understood, that I do not propose
to address the Senate often on this subject.
I desire to pour out all tm heart in as plain
a manner as possible ; and I say, again, that ,
if a proposition were now here fur a Got-j
eminent for New Mexico, and it wa- mot-
cd to insert a provmon for a prohibition of
slavery, 1 would not vote for it. I
Now, Mr President, I hate established,
to far as 1 proposed to go into any line ofj
observation to establish, the proposition with j
which 1 set out, and upon which 1 propose
to stand or fall ; and that is, that the whole
territory of the states in the United States, j
or in the newly acquired territory of the I
United States, has a fixed and settled char-1
acter, now fixed and settled by law, which;
cannot be repealed in the case of Texas
without a violation of public faith, andean-;
i.oi be repealed by any human power in re-(
giro, to California or New Mexico; that,
under one or other of these laws, every foot
ol territory in the states or in the territo
ries has now received a fixed and decided
character.
Sir, if wc were now making a govern
taf at for New .Mexico, and any body should
propose a Wilmot proviso, I should treat it
exactly as Mr Polk treated that provision
for excluding slavery from Oregon. Mr
I'ulk was known to be in opinion decidedly
. i. ..; . lt.it Tia fplt
.'3C IU IIIO l lllUOl JJIUVICU, UM --
the necessity of establishing a government
fur the territory of Oregon, and, though the
I"". ,io tvas there, he knew it would be en
''i . nugatory ; and, since it must be en-t-'
t natatory, since it took away no right,
" ' -' v-ribable, no estimable, no tveighable
f 'it.jie right of the South, he said he
'Uiu si ,,i the bdl for the sake of enacting
a law to form a government in that territo
ry, and let the entirely useless, and, in that
connexion, entirely senseless, proviso re
main. For myself, I will say that we hear
much of the annexation of Canada ; anil if
there be any man, any of the Northern de
mocracy, or any one of the free soil party,
who supposes it necessary to insert a Wil-
mot proviso in a territorial government for
New Mexico, that man will ol course be ol , the Legislatures ol the States do not like
opinion that it is necessary to prolect the that opinion, they have a great deal more
everlasting snows of Canada from the foot power to put it down than I have to uphold
of slavery by the same overpowering wing it. It has become, in my opinion, quite
of an act of Congress. Sir, wherever there too common a practice for the state Icgisla
is a particular good to be done; wherever tures to present resolutions here, on all sub
there is a foot of land to be staid back from jeets, and to instruct us hereon all subjects,
becoming slave territory, I am ready to as- There is no public man that requires in
sert the principle of the exclusion of slave- .striictions more than 1 do, or who requires
ry. I am pledged to it from t lie year 1&37 ; information more than 1 do, or desires it
have been pledged to it again and again ; i more heartily ; but I do not, like to have it
and I will perform those pledges; but I come in too imperative a shape. Itookno-
will not do a thiol unnecessary, that wounds
the feelings of others, or that does disgrace
to mv own understanding.
Mr President, in the excited times in
which we live, there is found to exist a stale
of crimination and recrimination between ,liard. He told the Senate of Massachusetts
tne North and South. There are lists of that he would vote for no instructions what
grietances produced by each; and those lever to be forwarded to members of Con
grievances, real or supposed, alienate the gress, nor for any resolutions to be oflVred,
minds of one portion of the country from expressive of the sense of Massachusetts as
the other, exasperate the feelings, subdue to what their members of Congress ought
the sense of fraternal connexion, and patri-ito do. lie said that he saw no propriety m
otic lote and mutual regard. 1 shall be
stow a little attention, upon these various
grievances produced on the one side and on
the other.
I begin with the complaints ofj
the South. I will not answer, further than
I hate, the general statements of the hon
orable Senator from South Carolina, that
the North has grown upon the South in
consequence of the manner of administer
ing this government, in the collecting of its
revenues, and so forth. These are dis
puted topics, and 1 have no inclination to
enter into them. Iiut I will state these
complaints, especially one complaint of the
South, it Inch has, in my opinion, just foun
dation ; and that is, that there has been
found at the North, among individuals, and
among the legislators of the North, a dis-
inclination to perform, fully, their constitu-
tional duties in regard to the return of per
sons bound to service, who have escaped in
to the free States. In that respect it is my
judgment that the South is right, and the
North is wrong. Every member of every
Northern Legislature is bound like every
other officer m the country, by oath, to sup
port the Constitution of the United States ;
anil this article of the Constitution, which
says to these States they shall deliver up
fugitives from service, is as binding in hon
or and conscience as any other article. No
man fulfils his duty in any Legislature who
sets himself to find excuses, evasions, es
capes from this constitutional obligation. 1
have always thought that the constitution
addressed itself to the Legislatures of the
States themselves, or to the States them
selves. It says that those persons escaping
to other States shall be delntred up, and 1
confess 1 have always been of the opinion
that it was an injunction upon the States
tliein'clves. When it is said that a person
escaping into another State, and becoming
therefore within the jurisdiction of that
State shall be delitercd up, it seems to me
the import of the passage is, that-lhe Stale
itself, in obedience to the Constitution,
shall cause him to be delivered up. That
is my judgment. I have always entertained
that opinion, and I entertain it now. But
when the subject, some years ago, was be
fore the Supreme Court of the United
States, the majority ol the judges herd that their intcrlcrencc with the boutli lias prouu-,
the power to cause fugitives from service to 1 ced. And is it not plain to every man I
be delivered up was a potter to be exercis-. Let any gentleman who doubts of that, re-1
ed under the authority of this Government, j cur to the debates in the Virginia House of j
I do not know, on the whole, that it may j Delegates in IS'ui, and he will see with I
not have been a fortunate decision. My what freedom a pioposition made by Air
habit is to respect the result of judicial dc- Randolph for the gr.tdu il abolition of slave
liberations, and the solemnity of judicial ry was discussed in that body. Every one
decisions. Hut as it now stands, the busi;, spoke of slavery as ho thought; very ig
ness of seeing that these fugitives arc de-' nonunions and disparaging names and epi
livered up resides in the power of Congress thets were applied to it. The debates in;
and the national judicature, and my Irieud the House ot Delegates on that occasion, i
at the bead of the Judiciary Committee has believe, were all published. They wereread
a bill on the subject now before the Senate, by every colored man who could read, and
with some amendments to it, winch I pro-, if there were any .tho could not read, those
pose to support, with all its provisions, to debates were read to them by others. At
the fullest extent. And I desire to call the that time Virginia was not unwilling nor a
attcntion of all sober-minded men, of all fraid to discuss this question, and to let that
conscientious men, in the North, of all men part of her population know as much of it
who are not carried away by any fanatical as they could learn. That tvas in 1632.
idea or by any false idea whateter, to their As has been said by the honorable member
Constitutional obligations. 1 put it to all from South Carolina, these abolition socic
tiie sober and sound minds at the North as ties commenced their course of action in
a question of morals and a question of con-' ISJ5. It is said 1 do not know how true il
scienc. What right hate they, in their le-, may be that they sent incendiary publica
gislaiive capacity" or any other, to endeavor tions into the slate states; at any event,
to get round this constitution, to embarrass they attempted to arouse, and did arouse, a
the free exercise of the rights seemed by the t cry strong feeling; in other words, they
Constitution to the persons whose slaves es-1 created great agitation in the North against
cape from them ! None at all; none at all. ' Southern slavery. Well, what was the re
Neitl.er in the forum of conscience, nor be- suit ? The bonds of the slaves were bound
fore the face of the Constitution, arc they j more firmly than before; their rivets were
justified, in mv opinion. Of course it is a ' more strongly fastened. Public opinion,
matter for their consideration. They prob-, which in Virginia had begun to be cxhibit
ablv, in the turmoil of the times, hate not cd against slavery, and tvas opening out for
stopped to consider of this; they have fol-lthe discussion of the question, drew back
lotted tvhalseem lobe tliecurreutol thought 'and shut itself up in its castle. I wish to
and of motives, as the occasion arose, and 1 know whether any body in Virginia, can,
neglected to investigate fully the real qiies-jnow, talk as Mr Randolph, Gov. McDotv
tiou, and to consider their constitutional ob-1 ell, and others talked there, openly, and
ligations: as I am sure, if they did cousid-j sent their remarks to the press, in 1832.
er, they would fulfil them with alacrity. We all know the fact, and wc all know the
Therefore, I repeat, sir, that here is a around, cause, and every thing that this agitating
of complaint against the North well found- people have done has been, not to enlarge
ed, which ought to be removed, which it is but to restrain, not to set free, but to bind
now in the power of the different depart
ments of this Government to remote; which
calls for the enactment of proper laws au
thorizing the judicature of this government,
in the several states, to do all that is neces
sary for the recapture of fugitive slaves, and
for the restoration of them to those who
claim them. Wherever I go, and whenev
er 1 speak on this subject and when 1
speak here I desire to speak to the whole
North I say that the South has been injur
ed in this respect, and has a right to com
plain ; and the North has been too careless
of what I think the Constitution peremptorily
and emphatically enjoins upon it as a duty.
Complaint has been made against certain
resolutions that emanate from Legislatures
at the North, and arc sent here to us, not
only on the subject of slavery in this Dis
trict, but sometimes recommending Con
gress to consider the means of abolishing
slavery in the states. I should be sorry to
be called upon to present any resolutions
here which could not be referable to any
committee or any power in Congress, and,
therefore., I should be very unwilling to re
ceive from Massachusetts instructions to
present resolutions expressing any opinion
whatever upon slavery as it exists at the
present moment in the Slates, for two rea
sons ; because, first, I do not consider that
the Legislature of Massachusetts Iris any
thing to do with it; and next, I do not con
sider that I, as her representative here, have
anything to do with it. Sir, it has become,
j in my opinion, quite too common; and if
1 tice, with pleasure, of some remarks upon
, ...... . ......... ...
this subject made the other day in the Sen-)
ate ot Massachusetts, by a young man ol
talent and character, from whom the best
hopes may he entained. I mean Mr IIil
one set of public servants giving instruc
tions and reading lectures to another set of
public servants. To their own master all
of them must stand or fill, and that master
is their constituents. 1 wish these senti
ments could become more common, a great
deal more common. 1 have never entered
into the question, and never shall, about the
binding force of instructions. 1 will, how
ever, simply say this: if there be any mat
ter of interest pending in this body, while I
am a member of it, in which Massachusetts
has an interest of her own not adterse to
the general interest of the country, I shall
pursue her instructions with gladness of
heart, and with all the ctlicicncv which 1
can bring it. Rut if the question be one
which affects her interest, and at the same
time affects the interests of all other states,
1 shall no more regard her particular tushes
or instructions than I would regard the
wishes of a man who might appoint me an
arbiter or referee to decide some question
of important private right, and who might
instruct me to decide in his favor. If ever
there was a Goternment upon earth, it is
this Government, if ever there was a body I
upon earth, it is this body, which should ,
consider itself as composed by agreement
of all, appointed by some, but organized by
the general consent of all, sitting here uu-s
der the solemn obligations of oath and con-
science to do that which they think is best i
for the good of the whole. I
Then, sir, there are these abolition soci
eties, of which I am unwilling to speak, but
in regard to which I have very clear notions
and opinions. I do not think them uselul.
I think their operations for the last twenty
years have produced nothing good or valu
able. At the same time, 1 know thousands
of them are honest and good men ; perfect
ly well meaning men. They have excited
feelings, they think they must do something
for the cause of liberty, and in their sphere
of action they do not see what else they can
do, than to contribute to an abolition press
or an abolition society, or to pay an aboli
tion lecturer. 1 do not mean to impute
gross motives even to the leaders of these
societies, but I am not blind to the conse
quences. I cannot but see what mischiefs
faster the slave population of the South.-
That is my judgment. Sir, as I have said,
I know many abolitionists in my own neigh
borhood, very honest and good people, mis
led, as 1 think, by strange enthusiasm ; but
they wish to do something, and they are cal
led on to contribute, and they do contrib
ute ; and it is my firm opinion this day, that
within the last twenty years as much money
has been collected and paid to the abolition
societies, abolition presses, and abolition
lecturers, as would purchase the freedom of
every slave, man, woman, and child in the
state of Maryland, and send them all to Li
beria. I hate no doubt of it. But I have
yet to learn that the benevolence of these
abolition societies has at any time taken that
particular turn. Laughter.
Again, sir, the violence of the press is
complained of. The press violent 1 Why,
sir, the press is violent every where. There
are outrageous reproaches in the North a
gainst the South, and there are reproaches
in not much better taste m the South a
gaiust the North. Sir, the extremists in
both parts of this country are violent; they
mistake loud and violent talk for eloquence
and for reason. They think that he who
talks loudest reasons the best. And this we
must expect, when the press is free, as it is
here, and.I trust always will be for, with
all its licentiousness, and all its evil, the en
tire and absolute freedom of the press ines
sential to the preservation of government
on the basis of a free Constitution. Wher
cter it exists, there will be foolish paragraphs
and violent paragraphs in the press, as there
are, I am sorry to say, foolish speeches and
violent speeches in both Houses of Con
gress. In truth, sir, I must say that, in my
opinion, the vernacular tongue of the coun
try has become greatly vitiated, depraved,
and corrupted by the style of our congres
sional debates. LaughtetJ And it it
were possible for our debates in Congress to
vitiate the principles of the people as much
as they have depraved their taste, I should
cry out, " God save the Republic."
Well, in a!I this I see nosciidgrievance,
no grievance presented by the South, within
the redress of the government, but the single
one to which I have referred; and that is,
the want of a proper regard to the iiijimc-
tiou of the Constitution for the delivery of
fugitive slaves.
i nere are also complaints oi tue ixorin
agaiiist the South. I need not go over them
particularly. The first and cravcst is, that,
the North adopted the Constitution rccog-
nizing the existence of slavery in the States,
and recognizing the right, to a certain ex-1 line to be drawn ? What States arc to se
tent, of representation of the slaves in Con-j cede? What is to remain American ? '
gress, under a state of sentiment and ex-1 What am I to be ? An American no long
pectation which do not now exist ; and that 1 cr ? Where is the flag of the Republic to
by events, by circumstances, by the eager-1 remain ? Where is th"e eagle still to tower I
ness of the South to acquire territory and t or is he to cower and shrink and fall to the
extend their slave population, the North ground ? Why, sir, our ancestors, our
finds itself, in regard to the influence of the ; fathers and our grand fathers, those of them
South and the North, of the free States and that are yet Jiving amongst us with prolong,
the slave States, where it never did expect cd litcs, would rebuke and reproach us :
to find itself when they entered the com-' and your children and our grand children
pact of the Constitution. They complain, ' would cry out shame upon us, if we of this
therefore, that instead of slavery being re-, generation should dishonor these ensigns of
garded as an evil as it was then, and an evil the power of the Government and the har
which all hoped would be extinguished , mony of the Union which is every way felt
gradually, it is now regarded by the South , among us with so murh joy and gratitude,
as an institution to he cherished aud pre- What is to become of the army .' What is
served and extended; an institution which to become of the navy ? What is tobecome
the South has already extended to the ut-' of the public lands? How is each of the
most of her power by the acquisition of new thirty States to defend itself? I know, al
territory. Well, then, passing from that, though the idea has not been stated distinct
cvery body in the North reads; and every ( ly- There is to be a Southern Coiifedera-
body reads whatsoever the newspapers con
tain ; and the newspapers, some of them,
especially those presses to which I have al
luded, are careful to spread about among the
people every reproachful sentiment uttered
by any Southern man bearing at all against
the North; every thing that is cilculated
to exasperate, to alienate; and there are
many such things, as everv bodv will ad
mit, from the South or some portion cf it,
which are spread abroad among the reading
people; and they do exasperate, and alien
ate, and produce a most mischievous effect
upon the public mind at the North. Sir,
I would not notice things of this sort ap
pearing in obscure quarters; but one thing
lias occurred in this debate which struck
me very forcibly. An honorable member
from Louisiana addressed us the other day
on this subject. I suppose there is not a
more amiable or worthy gentleman in this
chamber nor a gentleman who would be
more slow to giie ofl'ence to any body, and
ho did not mean in his remarks to give of
fence ? But what did he say? Why, sir,
ho took pains to run a contrast between the
slaves of the South and the laboring people
of the North, giving the preference in
all points of condition, aud comfort, and
happiness, to the slaves of the South. The
Hon. member doubtless did not suppose
that he gave any offence, or did any injus
tice, lie was merely expressing his opin
ion. But docs he know how rcmatks of
that sort will be received by the laboring
people of the North ? Why, who arc the
laboring people of the North I They are
tho North. They are the people who cul
tivate their own farms with their own hands ;
freeholders, educated men, independent
men. Let me sav, sir, that five sixths of
the whole property of the North is in the
hands of the laborers of the North; they
cultivate their farms, they educate their
children, they provide the means ol inde
pendence; il they are not frcelinlders, they
cam wages, these wages accumulate, are
turned into capital, into new freeholds, and
small capitalists are created. This is ths
case, and such the course of things, with us,
among the industrious and frugal. And
wh.it can these people think when so re
spectable and worthy a gentleman as the
member from Louisiana undertakes to
prove that the absolute ignorance and the
abject slavery of the South is more in con
formity with the high purposes and destiny
of immortal, rational, human beings, than
the educated, the independent free laborers
of the North? There is a more tangible,
and irritating cause of grievance at the
North. Free blacks are constantly em
ployed, generally as cooks or stewards.
When the vessel arrives, these free colored
men, are taken on shore, by the police or
municipal authority, imprisoned, and kept
in prison, till the vessel is again ready to
sail. This is not only irritating, but ex
ceeding inconvenient in practice, and seems
altogether impracticable and oppressive.
Mr. Hoar' s mission, some time ago, to
South Carolina, was a well intended effort
to remove this causfi of complaint. The
North thinks such imprisonment illegal,
and unconstitutional ; as the cases occur
constantly and frequently, they think it a
great grievance.
Now, sir, so far as any of those grievan
ces have their foundation in matters of law,
they can be redressed, and ought to be re
dressed, and so far as they have their foun
dation in matters of opinion, in sentiment,
in mutual crimination and recrimination,
all that we can do is to endeavor to allay
the agitation and cultivate a better feeling
and more fraternal sentiments betweeu the
South and the North.
Mr. President, I should much prefer to
have heard from every member on this floor
declarations of opinion that this Union
should never be dissolved, than the declara
tion of opinion that in any case, under the
pressure of any circumstances, such a dis
solution was possible. I hear with pain
and anguish, and distress, the word seces
sion especially when it falls from the lips
of those who are eminently patriotic, and
known to the country, aud known all over
the world, for their political services. Se
cession! Peaceable secession ! Sir, your
eyes and mine are never destined to see
that miracle ! The dismemberment of this
vast country without convulsion ! The
breaking up of the fountains of the great
deep without ruffling the surface! Who is
so foolish I beg every body's pardon as
to expect to see any such thing? Sir, he
who sees these States, now revolving in har
mony around a common centre, expecting
to see them quit their places and fly off with
out convulsion, may look, the next hour, to
sec the heavenly bodies rush from their
spheres and jostle against eaeh other in the
realms of space without producing the
crash of the Universe. There can be no
such thing as peaceable secession. Peace
able secession in an utter impossibility.
Is the great Constitution under which we
live here covering this whole country is
it to be thawed and melted away by seces
sion, as the snows on the mountain melt
under the influence of the vernal sun ?
disappear almost unobserved, and die off?
io, sir! No. sir! I will not state what
might pfoduce the disruption of the States;
but, sir, I see it as plainly as I see the sun
in heaven I see that disruption must pro
duce such a' war as I w ill not describe in its
, licofold character !
j Peaceable secession! peaceable seces-
'sion i i he concurrent agreement ol all
the members of this great republic to sepa
rate ! A voluntary separation, with alimo
ny on one side and on the other. Why,
what would be the result? Where is the
cy. I do not mean, when 1 allude to this
statement, that any one seriously contem
plates such a state of things. I do not
mean to say that it is true, but I have heard
it suggested elsewhere that that idea origi
nated in a design to separate. I am sorry,
sir, that it has ever been thought of, talked
of, or dreamed of, in the wildest flights of
human imagination. But the idea mils' be
of a separation including the slave slates
upon one side and the free states on the
other. Sir, there is not I may express
myself too strongly perhaps but some
things, some moral things, are almost as
impossible as other natural or physical
things; and 1 hold the idea of a separation
of these Slates, those that are free to form
one government, and those that are slavehold
ing to form another, as a moral impossibili
ty. We could not separate the States by
any such line, if we were to draw it. We
could not sit down here to-day and draw a
line of separation that would satisfy any
live men in the country. There are natural
causes that would keep and tie us together
and there are social and domestic rela
tions which wc could not break if we would,
and which wc should not if we could.
Sir, nobody can look over the face of this
country at the present moment nobody
can see where its population is the most
dense and growing, without being ready to
admit, aud compelled to admit, that ere
long America will be in the valley of the
Mississippi.
Well, now, sir, I beg to inquire what the
wildest enthusiast has to say on the possi
bility of cutting off that ritcr and leaving
free states at its source and branches, and
slave stales down near its mouth ? Pray,
sir, pray, sir, let me say to the people of
this country lhat these things are worthy of
their pondering and of their consideration.
Here, sir, are five millions of freemen in
the free states north of the river Ohio; can
any body suppose that this population can
be severed by a line that divides them from
the territory of a foreign and an alien gov
ernment, down somewhere, the Lord knows
where, upon the lower banks of the Missis
sippi : W lint would become ot atissoun !
t ill she join the arrondissemcnt of the
slav states ? Shall the man from the Yel
low Slonc and the Platte River be connect
ed in the new Republic with the man who
lives on the Southern extremity of the Cape
of Florida ? Sir. I am ashamed to pursue
this line of remark. I dislike it I have
an utter disgust for it. I would rather hear
of natural blasts and mildews, war, pesti
lence, and famine, than to hear gentlemen
talk of secession. To break up ! to break
up this great Government to dismember
this great country to astonish Europe with
an act of folly such as Europe for two centu
ries has never beheld in any Government !
No, sir; no sir ! There will be no seces
sion. Gentlemen are not serious when they
talk of secession.
Sir, I hear there is to be a Convention to be
held at Nashville. I am bound to believe
that if worthy gentlemen meet at Nashville
in Convention, their object will be to adopt
counsels conciliatory to advise the South
to forbearance and moderation, and to advise
the North to forbearance and moderation ;
aud to inculcate principles of brotherly love
and affection, and attachment to the consti
tution ofthe country as it now is. I believe,
if the Convention meet at all, it will be for
this purpose; for certainly, if, they meet for
any purpose hostile to the Union, they have
been singularly inappropriate in their selec
tion of a place. 1 remember, sir, that when
the treaty was concluecd between France
and England at the peace of Amicus, astern
old Englishman and an orator, who disliked
the terms of the peace as ignominious to
England, said in the House of Commons,
that if King William could know the terms
of that treaty, he would turn in his coffin.
Let me commend the saying of Mr. Wind
ham, in all its emphasis and in all its force,
to any persons who shall meet at Nashville
for the purpose of concocting measures for
the overthrow of the Union of this country
orer the bones of Andrew Jackson.
Sir, I wish to make two remarks, and
hasten to a conclusion. I wish to say, in
regard to Texas, that if it should be hereaf
ter at any time the pleasure'of the Govern
ment of Texas to cede to the United States
a portion, larger or smaller, of her territory I them. T. , , .
which lies adjacent to New Mexico anu inicious113 weI1 known t.ha' a mos Per"
North of 31 deg. of North latitude, to be and it tva's ;vas "ercised over them ;
formed into free states, for a fair equivalent between thedf ,re of Preventing conflicts
in money or in the payment of her debt. I ' South, as I bel',1"" .an,(1 ?"e.ves in the
think it an object well worthy the consider-! quisition of FIoriil.wtlJc" 'noticed the ac
ation of Congress, and I shall be happy to isiatia. We well km.. ?.ome ,no.'v to .ou
concur in it myself, if I should be in the cause for the acquiSitio"'a-tTll'e.lmmetllate
public council:
3iincils of the country at the time.
l i,,- .. ...i.. ...,o.i- i., mL-n r,.
my observations upon slavery as it has ex-
isttd in the country, and as it now exists, I
have expressed no opinion of the mode of
its extinguishment or amelioration. I will
ji iiaib viil; tmiui iiiiiiii. iiii.v. ah
say, however, though I have nothing topio- and that interruption produced a great agi
pose on that subject, because I do not deem ' tation at the West, and I may say, through
mysclf so competent as other gentlemen to I out the whole United States. The gentle
consider it, that if any gentleman from the i men then in opposition, a highly respecta-
South shall propose a scheme of coloniza- j ble party the old Federal party, which I
tion, to be carried on by this government I have never said a word of disrespect in re
upon a large scale, for the transportation of igard to if I mistake not, took the lead in
free colored people to any colony or any
place in the world, 1 should be (pine uis-
posed to incur almost any degree ol expense
to accomplish that object. Nay, sir, follow- chase was made, in order to remove the
iug an example set here more than twenty difficulty and to give an outlet to the West
years ago by a great man, then a Senator ; to the ocean. That was the immediate
from New York, I would return to Virgin-1 cause of the acquisition of Louisiana.
ia, and through her for the benefit of the I Now, sir, we come to Texas. Perhaps no
whole South the money received from the ) gentleman had more to do with the acquisi
lands and territories ceded by her to this I tion of Texas than myself ; and I aver, Mr.
Government, for any such purpose as to re-1 President, that I would have been among
lieve, in whole or in part, or in any way to the very last individuals in the United
diminish or deal beneficially with the free . States to have made any movement at that
colored population of the Southern States, j time for the acquisition of Texas ; and I
I have said that 1 honor Virginia for her go further, if I know myself, I was incapa
cession of this territory. There have been j ble of acquiring any territory simply on the
received into the treasury ofthe United J ground that it was to be an enlargement of
States eighty millions of dollars, the pro-1 slave territory. I would just as freely have
cceds of the sales of public lands ceded by
Virginia. If the residue should be sold at
the same rate, the whole aggregate will ex
ceed two hugdrcd millions of dollars. If
Virginia and the South see fit to adopt any
proposition to relieve themselves from the
free people of color among them, they have
my free consent that the Government shall
pay them any sum of money out of the pro
ceeds which may be adequate to the pur
pose.
Aud now, Mr. l'residcnt, I draw these
observations to a close. I have spoken freely,
and I meant to do so. I have sought to
make no display; I have sought to enliven the
occasion by no animated discussion ; nor
have I attempted any train of elaborate ar
gument. 1 have sought only to speak my
sentiments, fully and at largo, being desir
ous once and for all to let the benateknow,
and to let the country know, the opinions
and sentiments which I entertain on all
these subjects. These opinions are not
likely to be suddenly changed. If there
be any future service that I can render to
the country, consistently with these senti
ments aud opinions, 1 shall cheerfully ren
der it. If there be not, I shall still be glad
to have had an opportunity to disburden my
conscience from the bottom of my heart,
and to make known every political senti
ment that therein exists.
And now, Mr. President, instead of speak
ing ofthe possibility or utility of secession,
instead of dwelling in these caverns of dark
ness, instead of groping with those ideas so
full ol all that is horrid and horrible, let us
come out into the light of day ; let us en
joy the fresh air of Liberty and Union; let
us cherish those hopes which belong to us;
let us devote ourselves to those great objects
that are fit for our consideration and our
action ; let us raise our conceptions to the
magnitude and the importance of the duties
that devolve upon us ; let our comprehen
sion be as broad as the country for which
tte act, our aspirations as high as its certain
destiny ; let us not be pigmies in a case
that calls for men. Never did there devolve
on any generation of men higher trusts
than now devolve upon us for the preserva
tion of this Constitution, and the harmony
and peace of all who arc destined to lite
under it. Let us make our generation one
of the strongest and the brightest links in
(hat golden chain which is destined, I fond
ly believe, to grapple the people of all the
states to this Constitution forages to come.
It is a great Constitutional Government,
guarded by legislation, by law, by judica
ture, and defended by the whole affections
ofthe people. No moiiarchial throne pres
ses these states together ; no iron chain of
despotic power encircles them ; they live
and stand upon a uovcrnment popular m
its form, representative in its character,
founded upon principles of equality, aud
calculated, we hope, to last forever. In all
its history it has been beneficent ; it has
trodden down no man's liberty ; it has
crushed no state. Its daily respiration is
liberty and patriotism, its yet youthful veins
are full of enterprise, courage and honora
ble love of glory and renown. Large be
fore, the country has now, by recent events,
became vastly larger. This republic now
extends, with a vast breadth, across the
whole continent. I he two great seas ol
the world wash one and the other shore.
We realize, on a mighty scale, the beauti-
ful description of the ornamental edging or "rrlc1 '" ''n ; anutu.5 wasiuecom
. J a b nrtmuse unon which llie nrnhlbitmn wn inaprtoil
the Buckler of Achilles :
"Now tlie brual iliicltl complete the artut erowneil,
With hM list hana, Bml Hiun-d tlia ucean ruund ;
In living silver ?enil tbd uavrt lo roll,
And tL.it tlie bueiiler'i verge, anj Uiuoaibc wliola."
Mr. CALHOUN. I rise to correct what
I conceive to be an error of the distinguish
ed Senator from
Massachusetts as to the
motives which induced the acquisition of
Florida, Louisiana and Texas. He attrib
uted it to the great growth of cotton, and
the desire of the Southern people to get an
extension of territory, with the view of cul
tivating it with more profit than they could
in a compact and crowded settlement.
Now, Mr. l'residcnt, the history of these
acquisitions 1 think was not correctly given.
It is well known that the acquisition of
rlond.i was the result of an Indian war.
TheScminuIc Indians residing on the line at
tacked one of our fortresses ; troops were
ordered out, they were driven back ; and,
under the command of General Jackson,
Pensacola and St. Marks were seized. It tvas
these acts, and not the desire for the exten
ded cultivation of cotton, which led to the
acquisition of Florida. I admit that there
had been for a long time a desire on the
part of the South, and of the administration,
I believe, to acquire Florida, but it was very
different from the reason assigned by the
honorable Senator. 1 here were collected
together four tribes of Indians the Creeks,
the Choctaws, the Chickasaws, and the
Cherokees, about thirty thousand warriors
who held connexion, almost the whole of
them, with the Spanish authorities in Flor
ida, and carried on a trade perpetually with
I the suspension of our risu-r , . WJ
; n.i rr,i-
'of deposite at
.t.tk vilcaua. uuui u ii.u M.t c
we had a right to the navigation u-. p .
j cr 35 far as New Orleans, and a right w"
, deposites in the port of New Orleans. 'i
Spanish authorities interrupted that right.
a desire to resort to arms to acquire that
territory. Mr. Jefferson, more prudent, de
. sired to procure it by purchase. A pur-
acquired it if it had beeu on the Northern
as on the Southern side. No, sir, very dif
ferent motives actuated me. I knew at a
very early period I will not go into the
history of it the British Government had
given encouragement to the abolitionists of
the United States, who were represented at
the World's Convention. The question of
the abolition of slavery was agitated in that
Convention. One gentleman stated that
Mr. Adams informed ihem that if the Brit
ish Government wished to abolish slavery in
the United states they must begiii with Tex
as. A commission was sent by this World's Con
vention to the British Secretary of State, Lord
Aberdeen ; and it so happened that a gentleman
was present when the interview took place be
tween Lord Aberdeen and tlie Committee, who
gave mc a lull account oi it shortly alter it oc
curred. Lord Aberdeen fell into the project, and
gate full encouragement to the abolitionists.
Well, sir, it is well known that Lord Aberdeen
was a very discreet, and, in my opinion, a verv
honest and worthy man; and when Mr. Paken
ham was sent here to negotiate with regard to
Oregon, and incidentally with respect to Texas,
lie was ordered to read a declaration to this Got
ernment, stating that the British Government was
anxious to put an end to slavery all over the
world, commencing at Texas. It is well known,
further, that at that very time a negotiation was
going on between France and England to ac
complish that object, and 0'ir Government wa3
thrown by etratagem out ofthe negotiation ; and
lint object wa, first, to induce Mexico lo ac
knowledge the independence of Texas upon tho
ground that she would abolish it. All these aro
matters of history ; and where is the man so
blind I am sure the Senator from Massachu
setts is cot so blind as not to see that if the
project of Great Britain had been successful,
the whole frontier of the states of Louisiana and
Arkansas, and the adjacent States, would have
been exposed to the inroads of British emissa
ries. Sir, so far as I was concerned, I put it ex
clusively upon that ground. I never would run
into the folly of re-annexation, which I always
held to be absurd. Nor, sir, wonld I put it upon
the ground which I might well have put :t of
commercial and ruanufaclumg considerations ;
because those were not my motive principles,
and I chose to assign what were. So far as
commerco and manufacturers were concerned, I
would not have moved in the matter at that early
period.
The Senator objects that many northern gen
tlemen voted for annexation. Why, sir, it was
natural that they should be desirous ot fulfillin"
the obligations ofthe constitution ; and, besides,
what man at that tune doubted that the Missouri
con-promise line would be adopted, and that the
territory would fall entirely to tho South ? AH
that Northern men asked for at that time was tho
extension of that line. Their course, in my o
pimon, was eminently correct and patriotic.
fow, fllr. President, having made these cor
rection, I must go back a little further, and cor
rect a statement which I think the Senator has
It'll very delective, relative to the ordinance of
Ii:7. He states very correctly that it commenc
ed under the Old Confederation ; that it
was altertvards confirmed by Congress; that
Congress tvas silting in retv iork at tho
time, while the Convention sat in Philadelphia ;
and that mere was concert of action. I have
not looked into the ordinance very recently, but
my memory will serve mo thus lar, that Mr. Jef
ferson introduced his first proposition to cxcludo
slavery in 176J. There was a vote taken upon
it, and 1 think on that vote every southern dele
gate voted against it ; but 1 am not certain of it.
One thing 1 am certain uf, thai it was three
years before the ordinance could pass. It was
sturdily resisted down to 1787 ; and when it was
passed, as I had good reason to believe, it was
upon a principle of comprornhe ; first, that the
ordinance should contain a provision similar to
the one put in the constitution with respect to
fugitive slaves : and next, that it should be in-
in the ordinance of 1767. We thought we had
an indemnity in that, but so mide a great mistake.
Of what possible advantage has it been to us ?
Violutcd faith has met us on every side, and tha
advantage has been altoirethcr in their favor.
1 Oa the other side, it has been thrown open to a
no" population, to tne entire seclusion o the
sumuuiu. iiiu was mcicaaing measure wuicu
destroyed the compromise of the constitution, and
then followed the Missouri compromise, which
was carried by northern votes, although now dis
avowed and not" respected by them. That was
tho next step, and between these two causes the
equilibrium has been broken.
Having made these remarks, let roe say that I
took great pleasure in listening to the declara
lion ot this honorable Senator from Massachu
setts upon several points. He puts himself upon
the liiliiluicot of the contract of Congress in tho
resolution of Texas annexation, for the admis
sion of I lie four new states provided for by those
resolutions to bu tonucu out ol the territory ot
l exas. All that was maniy, statesmanlike, and
calculated to do good, because just. He went
turiher ; ho condemned, uud rigultully condeui
ed, and in that be has thuwn great firmness, tho
course id the Nortlf relative to th? stipulations
of tne Constitution for the restoration ot fugitive,
elates ; but permit me to say, for I desire to bo
candid upon all subjects, that if the Senator, to
gether with many friends on this side of the
chamber, puts his confidence in the bill which
has been reported here, further to extend tho
laws of Congress Upou this subject, it will provo
fallacious. It is impossible to execute any law
of Congress until tho people of the states' shall
co-operate.
I heard the gentleman with great pleasure say
that he would not vote for the Wilmot Proviso,
for he regarded audi an act unnecessary, con
sidering that Nature had already excluded slave-