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Vermont watchman and State journal. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1836-1883, May 05, 1854, Image 1

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FRIDAY, MAY 5, 1854.
VOL. XLVIII, NO. 23 WHOLE NO. 2-181.
TOrI)iimii& state 3ounml.
ruiiLisiir.D f.veiiv ruliAV mornino.
TCHMS.-II.it e. ill In .drsnca 1 SJ.OO If pijmtot
li not muU in adtaaca iottie.t alw.ja eh.ritd flora
In. end ofthe ear
Ann ted. li a lial of areata t reettif anbierlpllona
adveriaementa and comma nleiillnnfl, and ackaowfoJgB,
payment fot lh. aame.
B. keiab'ld,... N.FOUr ROY,
lltookd'Id.K II. KM ITU, ,.
C. IhiI.C. c. IiROUN,
D. n.illa, UIIA1ILI H. NANA,
nimoie,.n Kcorr,
ll)Jtf.lk,U.lVAKl II. (MM VEB,
Joh.aon.C. IV.BUoTT,
Mat.liMd.B. U. PUTNAM,
Mimia.iiie.J. CKnYnx,
Jll.Ulttri, jn.KJOIINHO.N,Jr.
Krlk6i-ld,P.. HMITII,
Oianr, CA i MIS I'AtlfBNTnR,
rulnld,A.T. IHNCI OFT,
Sonlli II .Mialel.OMIIPMAN,
8liatrrd, WIl.l.lAM It"I.LINfl.
Koala Sitaffotd, 1NIRI. IV. JUUI),
TiiotMfdfe, AARON N KING,
WalnS.ld and F.aioo.OltANflnMITil,
Walr.n, Fit UNKUN A. WRIC1IIT,
Wat ilmrf and Duilio, R. C MITII,
Willi.matown, U .ltttj. PRIDE,
1851 Y(. Central Itailroad. 1854
Northern iV XVvstvrn, IKrillsh nucl
UniUil St. lies ?IniI Itotitc.
fX ind sflir May f, )85t, .'aaatactr Train a Mill
Going North and West.
LEAVB BOirO. H 7 19 A. M tftchmy nar
lint tun fti A S-4 and (louat'a feint it 7 P. M.t Mail
real l 9. and OfJeniburih -t II 1-9 P. M.
I.KAVr. BOSTON t 13 M. Nw trk 8 A. M ..
lodffl t lofl(ia.,i Vl, nnd arrl at Dathogtfm l
M0 M , UonlieaUt 10 ioJOfJcn.turjI. tt II'. M.
nkt iff.
Alio. LEAVE MOM'I'ELIER it 4 45 A,tl.,nJ
3 id r.
Going East and South.
cnaafttttttn with t a.itiow Maatrl " ilfilciii
httffh. and irtivinf in it.ton .md Nt York 'III
BAMK HAY. by Ibe 8 A. M tntn, and the atil d(
by lha 7 P. 1 . "rno
Al.HO. LEAVE MOIST PE' ICR t 4.15 4 10.45
A- M.
PmI further information, applr at lha Of dtathorfh
and Rtua Fatal 1'aeat-ntei Huuou. the Cbam&Uta
and if t l.awmc Ht'lroid Office. Voaireal, to MU
Kinbtiii( a.viii, iua rut cirfrt, lit tnt next mc
Heutl UaiMiaf, 50 I'taBtt Mittf Boa (on, a fid to J
V, llobirl, Matiwa Agent, lloitptliar.
JTKia.jhi trtiOB tun daily.
rupt. V. C. K. R.
Nurilfi.U, Vt-, April 25. I5I.
18 SflS!
iortlieru itailroad, ti, 1L
Hosioii IdOWvll, Concord, ISortli-
ern, Paeeumpelc, Vrrmaiit Ccntml. tK
UeueUurglt miiiI Iuittrcl ltallruntli,
TO AM) FllOfll
lit Jobnabaty, HuiUagtob, St Albani, Montreal. Og.
deoaanrtti and tbe Veat led tlaacbaelei.Naaiv.
M,ttMiua Lawreoeo, Halem, Dover, Portamoetk,
Poritaad, Oroton Jaaeiina, tVoreettr, Pruvideate,
Norwich and tNewaik
Thie i the direct raale btlit ibe above plaeea,
and iaeib'oufb tbe capital' of New llawiptlur eed
Verutul Tbetaie and fieightaalow aa by other
Attar le. 13 lb&3, traina Nortb leave Ooetooat
7.45 A. U and 13 M. and Coeoiri at 10 3U A.M. and
3 t M Tiaa otli leetr White Kiver Jnnetioo
at 7.15 A. 'I. and 1J0 P. it. uatbo arrivalvf Cata
frm nppi teada. -
op-ii taiettlr tretna ptnowt thn tout every Tues
day, -ndueirh traina dty 'i wm tiurhnst-n, Uo.u
'a P nni Igdina'iurgb. tntel( and lNaabua, lvr
ell. Utiatoe, ske, l'MiitMati , Wm-ter, 'ioi-
dener ana ieiermedtair pU'A .od a u ih gelt route
fri tb- rlgdeoa'iaiib a Sffntrcal Hoada by which
Fieickiaan b earned wMnwi' rimnginf eai.
Dxrti.O rtl I'.AUNh, Ageat
CoseorJ,N.H.(K. 10.1853.
ktet withoul fcaiij. al Cala
1853. Fall A. inter Ar- 1853.
Hliut. I n.l flul, Inl lbf.ua 31 .11 Lip. flow H
Haa-burah illoiilli-.l, Ku..' futal, I'lallrbutzh and
llullimiea H. Too, Mnauy anJ t w 1 "la.
via Rutland and Eagle Bxidge,
n tMaariitin with llutland and H rliagtob,and Hud
.UB it. t.i K.itiuirf.
Paai-niawrir tbu roule mwy itjy upon making ell
the ciiiocutie wttl-thi tulTcrui. Uode. ndeliaedt
Tbia i- t1 vKLt aoUTKby whteb paaeugwra tau
will rrt'if l ierua iruw auirvi m.-t" im
the eMtty.
Conductor or lldggaxe laef Urtweau Utilend and
I roy r it4y.
PIUSTTHAIN trfuvaa llutlitixtou fl.15 A. M.
HP.l'OMl 1HAIN lfiea hu(ltBr.-ft 10MO A 11
arnveatt I rnt Hi P. M. an.) Atbaut "iSUP. tf., leave
Truy 4.15 I. M r Anam 40 p. jj.Twr New Voi
AttUn .t New You 9 15 P. !
Til I UK THAlNJ.arei Uurliegtoa 6.3H P. M,
lottf at Huilaad. and laevce Uuliaml a UOA.
ariivea it 1 1) U A 51. and Alttewv 10.15 A !., leave
Troy UUW A. I..or Aituny ia. .Ai.iurew roil
Vuik 4.10 P.M.
Elptaa Treia fur UulTalu leavea Albany J0.3J A. M
TbioogbTicketa to he procured at tbe Jutland am
JAMKrt W. MILLS,ageu., nurllogton,
t, TILLEV, Tfvetliug Agtint.
Mao Threukb licktl. to Buffalo, naeUrd, To.
leda. HatrtJl. Iliiiciiiaalt tht4-to. and l Ibe Wee.
tern eitiea.loi ! at th Offire uf the Ratlant and
Uailiagton H illroid, rf the Ag-Bt4ttbe Albany
Uaggig OmLii Tkrpfk lo Troy. AtbnyorNaw
' In all eaaea toaeind dflay Cii tt4ggt$tkrtgh
If C-ttt; BKIItM HUiVIft
' T II. iANil ELD, Hop.
nurlieftoa, Nov.y. 1653. Mi'f
Alaat how everylbiog baa cbaaged,
Hi oca I waa aweet aitteea,
When all tbe girl woio bom-apun fiocki,
Aod aprona nice and eieaoj
With boaacta made nf braided atiaw,
Aod titd beneath tbe thlo,
Tbe ibanle laid neatly ea the neck,
And feateoed with a p4a,
I recollect tbe time wben I
Kotle letter' boras te mill,
A Croat tbe meadowi, rock end field.
And op and down the bill
And whrnout fAkt wero ut at work,
Aa aura aa I'm a ainner,
I jumped upon a bwrte bar baek
And canleJ Ibaia tbair dinner.
Pear mil young ladiee oow-a-dayi,
WouU altoualf.lnt away,
To trunk of riding all amo,
lo wagon cbaue or aloigb
Aod aa fa, giving Pa" bin iuel,
Of balptbg 41 Me" to Lake,
Oh I Mint, 'tattuld epo 1 their lily banJa,
1 bougb aomeiliu:! tbey oiak cake.
When winter tin, tbe maiden's bear!
Itegan to boM aod flutter J
Each beau wouLi take Lla aweetbart out.
filelcb riding la a cutter,
Oi if tbe norm waa bleak and cold,
Tbe giil aod b aox together,
Would nieet and have awat glouilotia fun,
Aod never uuad the weather
lint now, Uded. Itgrievee me muck
The circuuiieace to meutloa',
llowever I ltd the young uao'e heart,
Aud kutieal hi Uteittloa i
lie never eike the g trie to ride,
But eah twUli waged.
And if he area her voce) a week,
Wb.awrtly, they're engaged 1"
From the Edinburgh Vsgftttn.
The Dead Soldier.
Wfk of warrior paii'd awiyt
Tboa form without nimt t
Which tkoafht and felt bat yeaterday,
And dfpampt of ftttura fama 1
Flrlpp'd of thy rrnnnli, who hkll goeil
Thy rink, thy Unrigs and race?
If haMy rhirAaln. li aiding twiy,
Or owlir,deatiii?d to obey I
Tl.a lifhtofthat fiaMeye U let,
And kIMi molpit now,
Hut Paiiofl' tracri linger Jet,
And low upon that brow j
Klprantion hat not yet walJ weak,
Thn ifpa arem n to tpeik,
Ahd elnbd ib cold and life teat hand,
Aa If it K'p'd tin battle bund 1
Tboagti from thtt hMd, lai lowcrinf bfjh,
1 he witing plame f torn,
And low in dott that form doth lis,
DUhonoretl ind fottom 1
Vet delth! dirk ahadow cannot bide
The gfa?en cbaraetett of pride,
Thtt on th- hp and Lrtw reveal
1 lie Imptrae of the fptrit'a eeiL
Livea tHeie a mother to dtpto-e
Th eoa hi ne'er ehll aee t
Or m jlit en, on leme di.iant ahore,
To break her heart for thee t
Pe reliance lo roam a, mamae there,
With wild flower wreath to deek her bill ,
And thrnugb he w iry nljjhtto wait
Thy fxttp at tbe loeel fate.
Long that) the ling r there, la vara
Th eenng fire eball trim,
And gating on the nerkening main,
ebill often tall on him
Who hara her not who canmt bear
Ot deaf fuicvef ! the ear
That once In IitUning rapta honff
Upon tbe maiie of ber tongue!
Long m it abe dream to wake l wool
Ne'er may remembrance tell
lU tal, to bid ber trrow flow,
And bope to aigh farewell f
The heart, bereaved of Iti tay,
Queoehlng tbe beam that cbeert her way
Along tbe wakte of tile till eb
Bhall lay ber down aod eleep, like tbee I
raoia sic at.. (Hoi;fH to wo.db.'
The Turk, as lie is presented lo
llic popular mind, is u guiilleinan
willi n ferocious beard ; wearing a
curved sword : linvini' more wives
limn lie can count : sui'ikini; all duv
Ioiil' : nod disil.'iiniiiL' the convenience
fa cliair. Blue Benrd is supposed
to have been a Turk ; ami, in fuel,
II the horrible monsters of our chil
Iron's stnrv-books are represented to
be Turks. To call n man "a pret
ty Turk" in England, is not io pay
him a compliment. liven in Turkey
o man likes to be culled a lurk;
he is an Ottoman : a Tjrk in hi
ves is a barbarian.
The Turk or Ottoman of the
present dny is a being who diners
cry widely from tho savage gentle
man oi popular tiction tic is
brought up to respect the laws as he
respects his religion, mid to consider
i cm a part ol it ; he usually counties
himself to one rife ; mid, when he
eturus home in mi angry inoml he
lues not lie his lad) up in a ack anil
throw lur into the U'ispliorus. lie
is nut in the habit of slabbing people
it the dark ; lie is not alnais hard
heurled and cruel ; he can be honest.
u his dealing, and is far from being
outrageously impure in his morals
hut is in the mor.ils vvhirh are held
up to him as proper. '1 he law pro
tects Ins wile against ciueliy or ne
glect ; aud his chalice of rising in
the world depends very much upon
lis own exertions, lie is not elbow
ed lU' the public scene by hereditary
ilatiirs; he may be born of u
lave mother, and vet live to be the
great chamberlain ol the palace.
Lvery ollice is open, in Turkey, to
very man.
MoiiU.tqiiicii's description of Tur
key, is no longer appheuble. when
iu wrote, it was true that properly
was not respected ; llial civil law
was nut known : that blaer had
egraded the people ; and polygamy
had destroyed the purtlv of social
life. Dili Ihiugb have changed with
n the last fifty years, under the. rule
if the present bultan uud his prede
cissor. 1 lie linrsn has been inter
preted anew, lo serve the great
cause ol human auvdureiiieni. lis
direction to believers to bring light
even from China, has been used lo
sanctify the introduction of the arts
of estern Eurorx; ; mid lo make
the introduction of modern military
science popular, Mahomiiiedans were
reminded that the urms even of the
enemy might lie used to crush him.
Provinces that were ravaged by in
cessant civil wurs : that were by
turns a prey lo (he rapacity of the
predominant 'pacha within, or to the
lut and brutality of armed bandits
from without, have been brought
within the influence of Constantino
ple. Officials, who exactcrl presents
ana sold justice, have been subicci
ee to the utmost rigor of the law,
t he slave-market has been supnrcav
ted, and slaves have been surrounded
with the protecting spirit of the gov
ernmerit, so that, at the present mo
ment, no master may ill-use them.
A new and merciful code of laws
lus been drawn up, and commerce
has been ri -arranged on the Freucl
model. Thus it will be seen l hat the
Turk (for we must still call him so)
born in the present tune, does not
enler upon u scene quite so barba
ous as that upon which his graudlath
er played a part. No mountain o
light may be descried about him
but we may see a glimmer of prom
The care with which the Osmanli
have always kept their wives aud
daughters aimrt, still prevails in Con
stautinople. To ask a Turkish gen
tlemaii after hi wife orhisduughter,
is to give him mortal oHeuce. If I
alludes to thcin he call them " th
home," or " the house." He will
tell you thai the house is well. Al
so when he announaa to bis friend
the birth of a daughter, ho says, "a
veiled one," or " a stranger has been
given to me." He is taught by the
Koran to honor his wife, nnd lo be
lieve that she will be, equally with
himself, a participator in Heavenly
felicity. This teaching effectually
displaces the vulgar error' that de
clares the Mohammedans to believe
women hate no souls. Polygamy
is allowed lo this day in Turkey, but
it is so surrounded with social and
religious dduVultici that it is rareh
practiced. The Koran allows a
AiUsselmun to marry four legitimate
uiveti, but tells him expressly that it
is meritorious to marry only one.
In Constantinople the uleuius, the
great bodies of government officials,
the navy and military officers, the
tradesmen and the workmen have'
gent-rally only ouo wife. Ill the
provinces one wife i even more uni
versally the rule. And now, all-tlie
great officers of state make a merit
of marrying one wifu only, to show
a good example to their countrymen.
Nor is the wife a slave entirely. In
her ok n apartment she is supremely
mistress, rfhe may receive her fe
male friends and her male relations ;
he may' go out in the duv time
veiled and attended ;) and her hus
band consults hur ou all his affairs.
he is not the painted doll we have
read of. She is thoroughly domestic,
ml is effectually protected by the
stale from cruel treatment. 1 he
M usscliuaii is bound by law to mam-
uin her according lo his rank ; if ho
fails in this she may claim a divorce.
When he marries her he gives a
resent lo her relative, instead of ex-
ncctinii n .lower, as with us. bhe
as the care of his bousenold, and il
bo poor, she employs her leisure
spinni!)''. She has the exclusive
ght bv 'uu' 10 bring up her clnl
lren tho girls until they arc mar
-d the b")s uut'' l'ie) enter one
f the public schools. II the Otto
mans have OUO mnuci uiuiu in men
ireasts. it is that which is awakened
within them at Ihe sound ol the ma
ternal name, women may even
nvnn iiRrfnrm the functions ol the
mam recite nravers, and under ord
nnrv cirnumslauci ")
... .i .. i...
nvested with political powers. 1 et,
ndoubtedlv. tho I urKisn woman
not vet free. The law allows her to
see her distant relatives only once in
each year, if her husband objects to
more frequent visiting: her near rel-
tives are alfo subject to legal uiicr-
Fhe Ottoman at home, therefore,
r not a Bluebeard his mil
lave. Yet in his house he hut
laves, whom he bujs as sheep are
bought. These slaves are said to ho
well used, and can, with reasonable
xcrlion, earn their liberty. Ihu
he son of a dave mother is incomes-
ihly free. In fact these slaves repre
sent very closoly the condition ofthe
llnss'iin serf, but appear to be belter
reated. In TnrKov a man is com
elled by law to feed and clothe his
laves : he mav not ill-treat them: he
cannot force or prevent their murria
ges They are simply servants with
nut vvace9, and in most cases person
ally and of choice attached to their
masters ; yet the condition oi the te-
male kIhvo is barbarous enough, and
ver shocking to any civilized man
who may have an opportunity o
watching their condition, and the
terrible traffic of which they arc the
object. Then, ihe sbn of a slave, lie
UK free, has an equal chance in Hie
world Willi tho boys ol the most la
vored parentage ; lor in Turkey there
is no aristocracy.
I he story runs that one clay the
Khalif Omer having received some
fine linen from Yemen, distributed
it amougsl the ftlusseimaus. every
man had an equal piece, Omer re
serving no more for himself than he
hud given to tfie rest. Arrayed in
the garment this share had been
made into, ho entered a pulpit anc
exhorted the Mussulman lo wugi
war with the mhdels Uut a man
present rose, and interrupting th
Khahf said," w o will not obey you.'
' Why not?" Omer asked.
1 Because you have distinguished
yourself from us ull by a parlieula
" In what way f salt' the Khalil.
' Listen. When you prclciide
to divide the linen equally you de
ccived us, for our pieces do not sul
fieo to make a garment like yours. -
You are a nun ol great Height, n
havo retained enough to clothe your
self from head to foot.'
Omer, turning lo his son, said
" Abd-Allah, answer this man."
Whereupon Abd-Allah rose and
explained. When the princo of
believers, Omer, wished to make
garment of his portion of linen, he
found it insufficient. 1 round my
portion too much , so 1 gave him my
' Very good," ino questioner then
answered : " in tint case we will
obey you,"
This spirit predominates to th
hour. All men are equal in Turkey
and if a man becomes a miniater lor
foreign affairs, bu sure that he has
good right to the post. Only it
sovereign's position is hereditary, ami
only ihe royal family bears a rccog
nized family name, and traces exact
ly its descent. I bus we find sue
designations as " Ibrahim the son of
tho slipper-maker," are common
throughout the country. The only
recognized rank is that ol the gov
eminent officials, who, as in Itussia
havo all a military grade. The resi
of the'iiatiou is divided into two dis
lltict classes; employers and artis
ana. The artisans are banded to
getlier as in other continental states
into distinct corporations or Esnafs,
and uro governed by an inspector or
Kiayn. These bodies are very num
erous, anil include corporations of
bonnet-makers, pips-tuba manufac
turers, water carriers, boatmen, anil
others ; the corporation of boatmen
being am mgsi llic. largest. These
men are the cabmen of Constantin
ople, nnd ply upon the waters of the
Bosphorus, in their little varnished
kaiks. They are nearly ull beggars,
or bachelor adventurers, who leave
their homes on the borders of Aia,
for two or three years, to cum money
enough at t'onstaininoplc to return
in comfort to their distant villages.
Their ohj'ect being to econmime as
far as possible, they generally club
together in binds of five.or six, lo
re one large roiiin (which they gel
ir about twenty piastres, equal to
three shillings and (ourpence t
mouti ) and therein each member
has htscaipel and his bedclothes.
.'hey give a sum about equil with
ic rent, to some old man, who is
lorgi-d with the arrangement of the
room, and with the preparation of the
boatmen's supper. This old man is
w II cared for by his employer-, and
their umpire is disputes. Thus
lese prudent lellows gather their
modest harvest quickly, and return lo
leir home, unless in the meiiuiiuii-
by the i xlubition of ntuc rare laleni,
hey have been uinde eapitau pacha.
I he capitalists anil landowners
ro reputed to be a grave, dignified,
ntensely prejudiced class of men.
hoy preside over their farms or
business, take great care of their
mint's; extend lo their neighbors a
uiiiiiui nnspituiiiy; pray; give
away abundantly iu charity ; educate
heir children ; und, with the well
oved tclubouk or nine, euiov the
cf, that irresistible, idle dreaminess,
thai the Ottoman loves to nurse, sit
ting cross-legged upon his splendid
carpet. He sees the progress going
forward in his country with the look
I a hopeless man He says. " When
the medicinal properties ol the pi nits
revealed themselves to Hokmiiu, not
me of them said to him, I can re
store life to a corpse.' Sultan Abdul
Medjid is uuother Hokinan, but the
empire is a corpse, all true Mussel-
nans are under grcund." If he be
rich man ho will order his relatives
to convey Ins body to the great rem
ctery of Scutari of Asia, that the
ufidels may not disturb his bones
when they shall have taken possess
ion of Siamboul. Ho represents a
large class ol men in the Turkish cm-
me 'i hooc nifii look upon all the
reforms which have been going on
during the lust filly years as so many
hopeless attempis to restore annua-
ion to a dead body. 1 lie are the
l'uikish Tories, longing for the goo I
old tunes when the pachas were uii-
pieslioued ty mills ; when the sliive
narkel was brisk in the open -quart's
of Constantinople ; and when the
Koran was interpreted in defence of
oppression and of wrong. I hey
ire, in fact, the luiul type of the
Turk vulgarly known throughout
Europe. I'hey are represented as
exhibiting those virtues which cliai
uctenze the Arub: hospitality, relig
ious zeal, nod a scrupulously mora
life; but they are kitotvn to be crufty,
and, when roused, cruel. They an
declared fatalists, ami anv Turk wil
see his property fall from him with
out a murmur. 1 he doctrine if
predestination has festeni dilself u,io
Ins soul ; lie expresses it iu many di(
ferent proverbs: ' Tho blood destui
ed to bo shed cannot be retained il
tho artery ;" " When Destiny nf
rives the eye of Wisdom becomrs
blind:" " When the duns of divifcs
will have been sped from the bow f
Destiny, they cannot bo warded 41
by ihe shield ol Precaution." Then
are among the old Turk's popuLr
proverbs ; and although the enligli
encd Ottomans of the present oly
ceased to preach the errors of facl-
ism, the belief in u continues to ope
rate throughout tho dominions ol tie
bultan, and to purahzo the natio
energies, uut while this lutulisin
lards Ihe piogress of the Ottomans
imparts a singular dignity lothein
ihe old-lusluoned Musselman 'is
nttver aatunuhnd, nuvur dfiiglitA,
never stricken down with grief, li
his house is consumed by fire, he s lyi
calmly, "Il was written." Whei
ho is upon his death-bed, ho quit-lb
performs his 'ablutions, repeats his,
namar; trusting to his prophet ani
his Uod, he directs that his heal
shall be turned towards Mecca, oik,
Law of Newspapers. '
. Subscribers who do not give expren, j
notice lo the contrary, nro considered U
wishing lo continue their subscription.
II. It'subicribers order the discontinuana
of their papers, the publisher may continu.
io sena mem nil tu uiai il aue ue paid.
III. If subscribers neglect or refute tt
take their papers from Ihe office to wliio
tliey are directed, they are held rcapousiby
till they havo settled their bills and orderul
their papers discontinued. I
IV Il'subacribers move to other placet!
without infonoini; the publisher, and the f
per u atint to the former diiectlun, they artj
held reaponsibte. I
V, The courts hive decided that refuaind
to take a paper from tho office, or rcinovinj
and leaving it uncalled for, is prima am
evidence of intentional fraud.
VI, A Poatmaster neglecting to inform i
publisher, wbe'u hia paper ia not taken fron
the office, makes himself liable for the sub!
acription price. '
St. Petersbureh, Moscow, and OJeaaai
are the only cities in Huaaia the population.!
01 wmcn exceed 100,000. mere are only
four town coataing mote than 50,000 eaehj
and eigbteeu or tweoty with a population ol
The taxable property of the State of Te:.
mm Um inisfujoi 1 1 U nam Mini In t, a laa' I
a twwnw w ivu grai verm au tuy
three year. Iti now eOU,l55,IM.
Speech of Col. Benton
Ddirertd in the House of Iteprae
lloust of Ittpruentatirtt,
Tatsdav, Jay of April, IdSt
Tho House being in Committee of
the Wholo, Mr. Chandler in the
Ltiair :
Tho Chairman I'ho question bo
fore the committee is on ihe Senate.
amendments to the deficiency bill ;
ami on unit question tho uiciubor
from Minissiiun Mr. Ilarriil has
still the fl-Mir.
Mr. Harris not availing himself of
lit ri.ht.
Col Benton rose and addressed
t lie committee.
If any bill to impair the Missouri
Compromise lino of 1820 had been
brought itil'i this House by a mem
ber from n slave stale, or under the
administration of a President elected
from a slave state, I should have
deeineJ it my duty to have met it at
the threshold, and lo nave made the
motion winch ihe parliamentary law
prescribes for the repulse of subjects
which arc not fit to bo considered ;
1 should have moved its rejection ul
the first reading. But the bill be
fore us, for the Iwo may bo consider
ed as one, does not come fro u that
quarter. Il comes from a free state,
uud under the administration of a
('resident elected from u free state ;
uud under the aspect of its origin, I
deemed it ihi to wait, and hear
nhnt the men hers of the freo stales
had to say (o It.
It was n imposition from their
own ranks, to give up their half of
the slavery compromise of 1820; and
if they choose in do so, 1 do not sec
how southern members could refuse
to accept it. h was a free stale
question ; and the members from the
free states were the majority and
could do as they pleased. So 1
stood aloof, waiting to sec their lead,
but without the slightest intention of
being governed by it. 1 had my
own convictions of right and duty, '
and meant to act upon them. 1 hud
come into political life upon thai
compromise. I hud stood upon il
ubove thirty years, and intend to
stand upon it to the end, " solitary
and alone, if need be ;" (applause
uud, laughter) but perferrmg com
pany to solitude, and nut doubling
for an instant what the result was lo
I have said, that this bill comes
into Congress under the
lion ol a tree
staic 1 resident ; but I
do not mean to' say , or insinuate by
liitt remark, that the 1'iesideul lav
ois the hill. I know nothing of his
'.o do so. 1 he 'resident s opinions
au only bu made known to us by
lunself, 111 a message 111 writing. In
thai way it his right, aud olteu his
duty, to communicate wuh us. And
in thai way there is 110 room for mis
take in citing his opinions; no room
for the imputation of contradictory
opinions to htin ; and in thalw-uy he
becomes responsible lo the American
people for the opinions he may de
ll, er.
All other modes of communication
are lorbiddeu lo him, us tending to an
undue and unconstitutional interfer
ence with the freedom of legislation
Il is 1101 bribery ulone, allot, pt upon
a inembei, which constituents a
breach ofthe privileges of this House.
It is any attempt to operate upon u
member's vote by any consideration
of hope or feur, l.ivor or affection,
pro.pect of reward, or dread of pun
ishment. This is parliamentary law,
as old as English paihaiiients, con
stantly maintained by the British
House of Commons, and lately de
claicd in a most signal manner. It
was during the reigil of our old mus
ter, George the Third, arid 111 the fa
mous case ol Mr. Fox's East India
bill, a report was spread 111 parlia
ment by one of the lords of ihe bed
chamber, thai the king was opposed
lo the bill that he wished it defeat
en, aud had said that he should con
aidcr any moinbor foe uiiumy who
should vole for it. The House of
Commons took fire at this report, uud
immediately resolved :
That to repurt any opinion, or
pretended opinion of his Majesty,
upon any bill depeiidiug in either
i,ouso of Parliament, is a high crime
and misdemeanor, derogatory lo the
honor of tho crown, a breach of the
fundamental privileges of Parliament.
and subversive of tho constitution of
the country
This resolve was adopted in a full
House, by a maturity ol seventy
three votes ; and was only declara
tory of existing parliamentary law
such 09 it had existed from the tune
that English counties and boroughs
first sent knights oi tho shire and
burgess, s to represent litem 111 the
Parliament House. It is an old En
gliah parliamentary law, and is so re
corded by llalsell, and all the Win
ers on that law. It is also American
law, as old us our Congress, and, as
such, recorded in Jellcrsuu s Muuuul
It is honest law ; and, as such, exist'
ent iu every honest heart. Sir, the
President of the United States can
send us no opinions except iu writ
ten mossagestand 110 one can report
his opinions to influence the conduct
of member upon a bill, without be
ing obuoxious to the censure which
the British House of Cominom pro
nounced upon lite lord of the bed
chamber, in the case ot the King
aod ihe Fox East India bill.
i , , ,. , , , as in an goou lames, ties n is mor-
dispositioii towards it rid it 1 did , M i i . .1 1
1 1 1 ,,,,', , i, a . It is 111 French, and entitled
1 should ulil disclose it here. Il , , . -,,, ,
d be unparliamentary, and a L r".e vuntre," which, be-
breech ol tho ormlcges of lius Hons . do,,a 1" !'S'sl. signifies
Nor can tho President's Secretar
ies his head clerks, as Mr. Ran
dolph used to call thenv send us
thoir opinions on any subject of leg
islation dccndiiig before us. They
can only report, nnd that in writing,
on the subjects referred to them by
'law or by a vote of tho Houses
iS'on-itiicrvciutou IS nmn "my '
relation to our legislation ; and if
they attempt lo intervene in any
'of our business, 1 must bo
allowed, for one, to rcpulsi the
nllcmpt. and to profess for it no
higher d-'greo of respect than that
Mr. Uurko expressed Tor tho opin
ions of a British Lord Chan-ollor,
delivered to the House of Com
mons, in a case iu which ho had no
n a T . 1
concern, sir, t suppose i ran oe
allowed to repeat on this lloor any
degree of comparison or figure of
speech which Mr. Burke could use
on tho floor of the British House
of Commons. He was a classic
speaker, and, besides that, author of
a treatise on tho Sublime and Beau
tiful ; though I do not consider the
particular figure which I havo to
repeat, although just and picturesque
in itself, to bo a perfect illustration
of either branch of his admired
treatise. It was in reference to
Lord Thurlow, who had intervened
in some legislative business, contra
ry to the orator's onso of right and
decency. Mr. Burko repulsed tho
intrusive opinion, and declared that
"he did not care thrco jumps of a
louso for it." Sir,! say the same of
any opinion which may bo reported
hero from our Secretaries on any
bill depending before us, and that
in any form m winch it may cojne
from them whether as a unit,"
integers. (Roars of laughter.)
ruui.tc raiNTEas' inteiifekenoe.
Still less do 1 admit the right of
intervention in our legislative du
ties in another class of intermcd
dlers, and who might uut be able to
meddlo at all with our business,
were it not for the ministration of
our bounty. I scak of the public
printers, who got their daily bread
(and that buttered ou both sides)
by our daily printing, and who re
quire tho democratic members of
this House, under the instant (Kill-
ally ol political damnation, to give
in thoir adhesion to every bill which
thoy call administration ; aud that
in every change it may undergo
although more changeable than the
moon. For that class of intermcd
dlers I have no parliamentary law to
administer, nor any quotation from
Burke to apply nothing but a little
fable to. read ; the value of which,
1 lie ass
runs thus
" An ass took it into his head to
scare his master, and put ou a lion's
skin, and stood iu the path. And
when he saw his muster coining, bo
! commenced roaring, as ho thought ;
i but he only brayed, and the matter
1 knew it was his ass : so he went up
to linn wall a cudgel, and beat linn
nearly to death."
That is the end of the fable, and
the moral cf it is, ' a caution to all
asses to lako care how thev under
take to sctrc thoir masters." (Pro
longed applause, cries of Good,
good )
Mr. Chairman, this House will
have fallen fur below its constitu
tional mission, if it suffers itself to
bo governed by authority, or dra
gooned by its own hirelings. I am
a man of no bargains, but act oponly
witli any man that acts tor the pub
lic good ; and in this spirit, I offer
tho right hand of political friendship
to every member of this body that
will stand together to vindicate its
privileges, protect its respectability.
and maintain it iu the high placo
for which it was intended the
master branch of tho American gov
The question before us is, to get
rid of iho Missouri (Jompromitii lirin j
and, to a lawyer, that is an easy
question. That compromise is in
tho form of a statute, and ouo statute
is ropcalablo by another. That
short view is enough for a lawyer.
To a statesman it is something diff
erent, and refeis tho question of its
ropcal not to law books, but to rea
sons of stato policy to the circum
stances under which it was enacted,
and the consequences which are to
How from its abrogation. This
compromise of 1620 is not a moro
statute, to last for a day ; it was
intended for perpetuity, and so de
clared itself. It is an enactment to
settle a controversy and did settle
it and cannot bo abrogated with
out reviving that controversy.
It has given the country peace for
above thirty years; how many
years of disturbance will its abroga
tion bring ? That is tho statesman's
question ; and without assuming to
bo much of a statesman, I claim
to be enough so lo consider the con
sequences of breaking a settlement
which pacified a continent, I re
member the Missouri controversy,
aud how it destroyed all social feel
ing, aud all capacity for beuoficial
legislation ; and merged all political
principle iu ati angry contest about
slavery dividing tho Union into
two parts, and drawing up the two
halve into opposite and confronting
lilies, like enemies on the field of
battle. I do not wish to see such
l . II I C 1 I I . .
urn mo iiuoic twin
times again : and, therefore, am a-
gainst reviving them by breaking 1
.1 ...I,. . - .i i
up the
settlement which quieted
Tho Missouri Compromise of
1820 was the partitioning between
tho freo and slave states, of a great
provinco, taking the character of a
pcrietual settlement j and classing
with the two great compromises
which gave us tho ordinance of
July ia, 1787, nnd the federal con
stitution of September 17, of the
sanio year. There are three slavery
compromises in our history, which
connect .homsclves with the foun
dation aud preservation of this
Union. First, the territorial parti
tion ordinance ot 1787, with its
clause for the recovery of fugitive
slaves: secondly, tho contemporan
eous constitutional recognition ol
slavery in tho states which choose
to have it, with the fugitive slave
recovery clause in the same instru
ment; thirdly, the Missouri partit
tion lino of 1S20, with tho same
clauso annexed for the recovery of
fugitive slaves.
All three of the compromises nro
part und parcel of ihe same policy ;
and neither of them could havo been
formed without tho other, nor cither
of them without tho fugitive slave
recovery clauso incorporated in it.
The Anti-slavery clauso in the or
dinance of 17S7 could not havo been
adopted (as was proved by its thrco
years' rejection) without tho fugit
ive slave recovery clauso added to it;
the constitution could not havo been
formed without Its recognition of
slavery in the states which chose it,
and tho guaranty of tho right to re
cover slaves fleeing into tho free
states ; the Missouri controversy
could not have been settled without
partition of Louisiana between
free and slave soil ; and that parti
tion could not have been mado with
out tho addition of tho same clause
for tho recovery of fugitive slaves.
Thus, all thrco compromises aro
settlements of existing questions,
and intended to bo perpetual.-
They are all ihree of equal moral
validity. The constitutional com
promise is guarded by a higher ob
ligation in consequence of its incor
poration iu that instrument; but it
in no way differs from tho other two
in circumstances whiam"induccd it,
the policy which guards it, or the
consequences which would flow
from its abrogation. A proposition
to destroy Iho blaveiy voiiiproiubes
ill tho constitution would be an open
proposition to break up tho Union ;
the attempt to abrogate the com
promises of 1787 and 1820 would
be virtual attempts to destroy the
harmony of tho Union, and prepare
it for dissolution, by destroying the
confidence and affection in which it
is founded.
Tho Missouri Compromise of
1820 is a continuation ol tho ord in
anco of 1787 its extension to iho
same acquired territory West of the
Mississippi, and no way differing
from it either in principle or detail
The ordinance of 1787 divided the
thou territory of .the United States
about equally between the free aqd
slave states; tho Missouri Compro
mise lino did the sanio by the addi
tional territory of the United States
as it stood in 1820: and in both
cases it was done by act of Con
gress, and was the settlement of a
difficulty which was to last forever.
I consider them both, with their
fugitivo slave recovery clauses, and
the similar clauso in the constitution,
as part aud parcel of tho sanio
transaction different articles in tho
same general settlement.
Tho anti-slavery clause in the or
dinance of 1787 could not have
been put in (as was proved by its
three years' rejection) without the
fugitivo slave recovery clause added
to it. The constitution could not have
been formed without the recognition
of slavery in the stales which chose
it, and the right of recovering slaves
fleeing to the free states. Tho Mis
souri Compromise could not havo
been settled excopt by tho prohibi
tiou of slavery in tho upper half of
llio tornlnry nf l.nnisiunn j nnd that
prohibition could not have been ob
tained without the right to recover
fugitivo slaves from tho part made
Thus, the three measures aro one,
and the ordiuanco of 1787 father to
tho other two. It led lo tho adop
tion of tho fugitivo slave clause ill
the constitution, and wo may say,
to tho formation of the constitution
itself, which could not have been a
dopted without that qluuso, and tho
recognition of slavo proiierty iu
which it was founded. This vital
fact results of itself from tho histo
ry of the case. Iu March of tho
year 1781, the Virginia delegation
headed by Mr. Jefferson and Mr.
Monroe, conveyed tho northwestern
territory to the thirteen U. S. In
the month of April ensuing, the or
gauizing mind of Mr. Jefferson, al
ways bent upon systems aud admin
istration, brought iu uu ordinance
for the government of tho territory
so convoyed, wi'h the, anti-slavery
clausu us a part of it, to take effect
in the year 1800 ; but without a
clause for the recovery ' of fugitive
slaves. For tho want of this pro
vision tho Biiti-slavery clause was
opposed by the slaveholdiug states,
and rejected ; and tho ordiuanco was
passed without it. In July .of the
year 1787, the ordinance was re
modelled, the anti-slave clause, with
the fugitive slave recovery clause, m
they now stand, were Huerleitl jn.it;
and in that shapo tho ordinance had
llic unanimous vote of every stata
. . -i. . .
present eight in the whole and
an equal number of slavo and free
states present. Thus, it is clear thai
the anil-slavery clause in tho ordin
ance of 1787 could not have passed
without tho fugitive slavo recovery
clauso annexed. They were insep
arable in their birth, and must be
so in their life; and thoso who love -ouo
must accept tho other.
This was done iu the month of
July, in the city of New York,
where the Congress of the confeder
ation thou sat. The National Con
vention was sitting at tho same time
in tho city of Philadelphia, nt work
upon tho federal constitution. The
two bodies wero in constant commun
icatioti with each other, and some
leading members (as Mr. Madison,
and General Hamilton) were mem
bers of each, and attending by turna
iu each. The constitution waj fin
ished in Soptembcr, and received the
fugitivo slavo recovery clauso im
mediately after its insertion in the
ordinance. It was the work of the
same hands, and at the same time,
in both instruments ; and it is well
known that the constitution could
not have been formed without that
Thus tho compromise clauso In the ordin
ance is father to tho compromise clause la
the constitution; and the Missouri Compro
mise results from both ; and all three ttaml
before me as founded in the samo circum
stances, induced by the samo consideration.
and directed by the same policy Uiat ortae
peace, harmony and perpetuity of this Un
ion. In point of moral obligation I consider
them equal, and rcsultlnp from conditions)
which render them indispensable Two of
them have all the qualities of a compromise
those ot tbe ordinanco and ol tbe conauta-
tion. They are founded in acrcement in
consent in compact and are as sacred and
inviolable aa human agreements can be
The third ono that of the Missouri anti-
slavery fine waa notinado upon agreement.
It vasimposed by votes by the South upoa
the North resisted by tho North atlhetfme
acquiesced in afterwards; and by that tc-
acquicsccnce becamo a binding covenant
between both parlies ; and tho more ao on the
South because) she imposed it, I repeat t It
was an imposition, not a compact. The
South divided and took choice ; and now it
will not do to claim tho other half on the
irround of tho original dissatisfaction of th
other party. Brother cannot divide an .'es
tate In that way one mako the division,
and take choice, and afterwards claim the
other half. The South has her half. She garo
it away once gave it to Spain; the North
lielpeJ tier to get It Da"k, even at inn expenae
of war without inspecting that she waa
atrensthemnc tbe souUi to enable It to UK
the other half. But this attempt does not
come from the South, and finds rcaiatance
This brings n to the question of repeal ot
abrogation of these compromises. The ont
in the constitution cannot be got rid of with
out an amendment to that instrument, and i.
therefore, beyond repeal. The others
aro in tho form of statutes, are sub
ject.9 of legislation, and legally repoalable
by uongreas. wiorta were made to Impair
one, that of J787, some fifty years go. An
effi m is now mado to repeal the other ; and
tho history and late of the hrst attempt may
bo advantageous in tho consideration of Ihe
second. It wo in the year 180:). The then
territory of Indian hail been slavo territory
under the French government, and continued
so under th American until I7c7.lt extend
ed to the Mus saippi, and contained many
slaves. Vincennes, Cahokia, I'rairio do Ko-
cher, Kaskaakia, were all slaveholdiug town.
The inhabitant were attached to that pro
perty and wished to retain it, at least tem
porarily ; and alao invite a slaveholdlng era
limit ion. until an increase of oouulatioa
should form an adequate supply of free labor
and they petitioned Congress accoruiagly
The petition came from a convention of tbe
people, presided over oj uoveraor Harmon,
and only asked for the au-peusion of the
anti-slavery part ol uie ordinance tor tea
years, and limited in it application to their
own territory. The petition waa referred 10
a select committee of tho Houaoj Mr. Ran
dolph waa chairman, and it received it an
swer in a report, in these word:
"That Iho rapid population of Ohio suffi
ciently evinces, in the opinion of your com
mittee, tint the labor of slave ia not Bccen
ary to support the growth and settlement of
colonics in that region. That this labor, de
monstrably the dearest of' any, can only be
employed to advantage in' the cultivation of
producta more valuable than any known ia
that quarter of tho United State j that the
committee deem it highly dangerou and ia
czpt'dicntto impair a provision wisely calcu
lated to promote the happiness and prosperi
ty ofthe northwestern country, and to (five
strength and security to that extensive fron
tier. In tho salutary operation of thi tags,
cious and benevolent restraint, it ia believed
that the Inhabitants of Indiana will, at no
very distant day, find ample remuneration for
a temporary jinvation of labor and emigra
tion." This was the answer or Uie select com
mittee ; and it became the answer of the
House ot tins House just uuy year ago
nhen the rtouth was about as ably represen
ted here aa it ever has been since, and when
ils relative strength was greater than 'it baa
ever been since. Tho answer is a' peremp
tory refusal to yield to the petition of the
people of Indiana, even foe ten years local
suspension of this anti-slavery clause:
"Highly dingerous and inexpedient to im
pair that provisioa" Yes, toimpair! thatia
tho word and it ia a refusal to weaken or
lessen, in the smallest degree, an act which
the committco. call a " benevolent and aa
gucious act," and which they recommend te
maintain unimpaired, became, it 'is "calcu
htvd to increase the haiipines and prescajri
ly of the northwest, and to give strength sad
security to it frontier."' 1 hit. Congress
and tiut without division between'North and
Souili would not impair an act of bo much
future; good la posterity, not even upon the
mi.laken application or a few present inhab
itants. But this was not tbe end of the petition.
The people of Indiana; were no! satisfied with
one repulse, t hey returned to the charge ;
and fyur times more, in the course of as ma
ny years, renewed their opplicatlen fer the
ten years' suaprnsion of the 'ordinance. It
was rejected each time, and once m the Sen
ate, where the North Carolina senator (Mr.
Jisse Franklin) was chairman of tKu commit
tee whichjnade the report ncain it. Five
times, in a many year, rejecled by Coo
grcas ; and the rejection' the mere emphatic
in pome instances because if waa the rever
sal by the llqose ofa favorable report from
a committee.' A ltd now, what inhabitant of
IndiJiw-dW'not'rejoke at 'Mie 'elelivevaDce
which"ta firmufs of 'Omfhw tlin gave, v
theiu, iof4 ofthe req'ut of HifcabU
aftts Sfjy yw - ,
TUla. BM linsa In Hu bcatiaMW 'it J4e
any, iMliacuoH " iwiumrh
Ma aiatMteri owtfVUf nam rar
pair" kVie .slavery couiproinnii i
m of l'q Ine

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