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Vermont watchman and State journal. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1836-1883, July 07, 1854, Image 1

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FRIDAY, JULY 7, 185-1.
Wiitrjjmaii stntc Snurnnl.
-UI1MSURI iivmtY mlllAY MOtlNINO.
f :l litaJane (3,00 If p.jmtot
m 1.11 miin I lntelillrajachrfid (lorn
lit anJ oflh Jt.
Ann- tt-d la a Hal tif leant, in tnal? e aun.ttlrtlnna
ndtart'niMffrff aM omtnuniealtona, and fe(knowlJet
fitjrm.ntftil Ih Shina.
IliUlitn-MV. N.loMUlOV,
ITwIAiH,- tl.AMrril.
Ckrt,C. '. HtlOWN,
n.n.irH.oiiAiii.n- . iiana,
iirdi-tv, row Ami n.o, vi:it,
Johntnn.C. W. SCltTT,
siu.kum, n. r. put.nam,
Unffhulia, J. C. X'lVHB,
.Mldjl.i.i, JBt"f R JOIIN.-ON, Jr.
orufF, cahlo CAirBfrruB,
PIlMUM, A. T. II ANrmoiT,
Kmilli ll-irdwttli.l'.SilllI'MAN,
BllmllVd, WILLI y ll'tt.l.tf.
Bn.iTutd, ihmei. tv. junn,
TanktM, AARON if. KlffO,
WMunkti MiPa:rHi,uiitMtuB!MiTii,
Wil-tkmy and IhMSntj,
illlal.lwn, DAKIU PkinT.,
WolfiMl.r. JOXAf AnBOTT.
18o i Yt, Central Hailroad. 1851
Aonlicin V WcMrrn, ItriiNli and
Unlli'il SI. ncs .Hull iconic.
ON B.-l alt 1 Jwi 5. ISSt, PMnti Traina Hill
rurt aa IWI.iw.
Going North and West.
I.ll.Wi: HUM ( 7 I S V. M.. i..rntll( Out.
tlnffttMl at 6 S-l and KnutM. t'oint mi 7 P. 1., Jtnnt
laal al , nl Oidnaahnrch .til It P. M.
I.KAVH llu.-I UN . 19 n., N. V,.,k g a. M
Inrit at MunttMt Ml Vl. and am, at Bwtliatlan al
.40. M .Ma.. Pmnl .18, Mnnttn.1 at IS. a. m and
Ofaanntittrf:. at I P. M.nnit ta.
tL, I.BAVE Mu. ITni.lER at 4 II 7 41 A.M.,
and J 5 P. M.
Going East and South.
T.SAVKHOI HK'.-roi.NT.' ' v SI..B.13 7 r. M ,
i. a tnnnrltnn wil h t a i from .'i tfal and Om-en..
.(.. nnd nrrttinf ,n ititon ,n Vnta I HE
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lha 3 ana J P. M tr..i,a
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a. ann iwr m. ,
ana H ...'. r.i..l P. ...... Hi. ..tht-l n.m.a.u ,
Kin.h.il. l.-a-n, 10-1 t' I. St., at t il.Tirtil I'llle.,
t(-ull '. Rnldi nl i .att -ti I, Roaton, and to i
W. Ilnkatt. Illation Af-nt, Muatprtier.
A-P.Mgbt train, tun d.ilf.
j iis ?ioniti:,
!!. V. C. It. I.
.NulhU.M, Vl , Juno 1. 1SI.
.orlhvrit Iiailror.d, . II.
British 6t U. ItCmAILROUTE,
lioston, Lowell, Coin'orit, Aortli-
rrn, 1'n.aalinipalc. V moll t C'c ill l l. Oj:
tlcliljirf(li miiiI Jiioilr.Ml nlliumla.
Til A.VU K I it
Si Juaabi, liu,liBiui.. Hi A Imo., tlnaltaal. Oj
d.u. .urjn -od m. ,t,. n,ner..aiM. N.ar.
r.ni.nd, Uiu. .1. j ,cnu, w.reaH.r, Pro.id.u.a
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Tma i. i. dirnn mui. s.iii ih. .Wiv. pi.t
l. n ItkU, tr Noith Oat UMon
Ttlft A. l ul l U .sjUannit.il 3u A.JH.nrt
3PM Tfama ."uuh t bi Hit Juncimt.
I T.1S . Bl I.3U P. M. mt Ik arrival uf fti
fttm f4.
S)Cia.itti tfn-rtti ,i vi tbrt rt T
if aattiiaicbi 'rinin.dtilj latwiii Bvf jiHi, turn
' Tata . U4Bh'rl, Montreal, 4 .Ntliaa, l.w
II, B't, ftHtfirMUtk, Vtcoilr, t.
ff ih-ogd,,,. ...i viomri H.-d.t,y wMcv, at urn tiiiit! in iSew OrU'itiis uuil Mt
rfaieai4.u.c-rn,tie jSi. Louis, iiih! mi this u rclia se re-
Coafoto.s. h. roc. 1 1, iaw sulli'U in bring.. it: the slry jucs
ALIl'VY ISUTI-AiNii nguin lKffiro Utinnrvbtf. In 1812
KA1 L KOAD. ;N' "'-I"" nppied-f.,ra,lm.s.iol,
. into the Union umier the name of
imMMi--tf&&V&x'Wi the Slate f l.ouuiana, with a cn
o'om'a im) itrN.N'tM. 'i iikou'iu to A! f.ijtution UiIi-mihii: slaverv, luui the
bant Aiilinul (-liaitl ul Cat. , i t .
fino Slnlit nrimlevrml. e.uriil tenrg
lSi)3. I all A. in!cr.lr- IStlSa
rHM.Ia.1 aad n,ui-li(l ihrvnfii M.ll Lift rtnnt tig
d'anaWajllb. Mawtti..!. K.i.a. f'olnl, flnllauarsll and
UaUllnctdMi loTlu,. AiU.o.f ftdd Nt w m.,
via Rutland and Eagle Bridge,
WNiMMlittn U Uutt4 Bad U ilfttnfttW Uk.I
Ff9a$9turt tint rvult oj wn iMikMic
tll tMM H llbllJ tillT(M iINH.t UltMt4
Mttfctn-tdiuitf f ll'tMI Iron l Ml real tu.Sw Vli
Ilia sa44f.
OtMitntitttt. nl ll.yracn Ma.tai. balnnaw Kuliatid and
Tin; vr AWaaj.
PIHl P THALN U.ta. HutlmctMi 9.13 A M.
HBCOND I'ltMN kaa Huiltaai.ni IS.W A M.
atrlfnaal Tint 3.15 P. M.awl Alh.ut s.3ft P. I.. !....
Tl.Tl.l41'. K 1lat 4JWP. M.I'.lMaw tutk
Atil.at.t Na Vol. 3 15 P. .M.
TIMRIl TRAIN HurliBrian .! P. II
loilf at Httlland, and l.avea ltullftn.1 a. 6.30 A
utllvaaat l tor in a Ai.Mnu wnn. IU.13A
t.iq;ma. Ji.,..r u..n, io. a. ii.r-r Na. vt,
atllTC.l .- lllt.l.-,ll.
tlipta. Train fui llulfadi laava. Alnan, 10.33 A. M
Tbii.uiaTlakal. lu ha pruourtd al lha llulUsdtQd
Builiujtun llalltn-d uftna. ur f
JAIir.S W. Mll.I.'i, a(aui, llaillnloa.
H. TIl.l.l'.V, Tt.. filial Afanl.
Alio, Thto.uli Tl'kel. In lluiraln.I'lM'al.nd.Tn.
ledu, llaltuil. I.'inf Innan Cbir.atu.aad.il Ilia Wat
!rntlll.,lol aala at in Olna uC Iba Uutland and
llullialoa lUilmfd, unrtba Afaftltnriha AnVany &.
Hull.ai Killtoad.
riai.it CaltJ Tkr$gh 19 Tray. Albaof nl Naw
In all eata. loavntd dalar Ckttti Vifgagttkrtufk
E.H3LF. BHUItiy. iwurr.
Tilil''. II. L'ANPIKLI), Pun.
Iluilioiloa, Nc.B. IfM. SSl'l
Anti-Nebraaka Address.
Washington, June 21.
At a meeting of the members of
Congress who opposed the passage
of the bill to organize the Territories
of Nebraska and Kansas, held pur-
suant to ptcvintu nolico in the city
of Washington, on the 20th of Juno
instant, the lion. Solomon Fool, of , Ull, fierwntds admitted asa slave
Vermont, was elected Chairman, and holding Stale. The free States a
Hon. Danbl Mace, of Indiana, and gain ucquiesced. In 1815 Texas,
Hon. Reuben li. Fenton, ol New a independent nlaveholding Slate,
York, were appointed Secretaries, .was annexed, with a proviso in the
A committee, appointed for the tirliclu of annexation for the subdt
purpose, reported an address to the, vision of her territory into five stales,
people of the United States, which ''w fru0 states, although tiey re
lieving been discussed and amended, ignrded the annexation with the prob
wns unanimously adopted, and or- ni,je increase of the number of slpve
dered to be published : j stales, with very great disfavor, nev-
To the People of the United Stales: erthelesn acquiesced aguin. New
The eighth section of the act for territories were acquired by ihe trea
ting udmitsion of Missouri into the ty of peace which closed tho war
Union, known as the Missouri Com-J with Mexico. The people of Cull
pronpscLaw, by which the iutrodnc-1 fornia formed a constitution intuba
tion of slavery into the regions now 1 ing slavery, and applied for admis
known as Kansas and Nebraska, was sum into the Union. Violent oppo
forever prohibited, lias been repeal- sition was made by the slave states
ed. That law which, in 1820, qui-1 in nnd out of Congress, threatening
oled a controversy which menaced 1 the dissolution of the Union if Oil.
tho Union, and upon which jou ifornta should be admitted. Pro.
have so long reposed, is obliterated cecding on the ground of these
from ihe statute book. We had no j alarms, Congress adopted another
reason to expect any such proposi-, compromise, the terms of which were
lion when vc assembled here six
tnonl lis ago. Nor did you expect it.
No State, no citizen of any State had
dcinnndcd the repeal.
It teems n duty wc owe to the
country to state the grounds upon
which wo have steadfastly, though
ineffectually, opposed this alarming
niid dnngcrous net.
Vou need not bo told that the
slavery question lies tit the bottom
of it. Ah it was the slaveholding
power that demanded the enactment
ol the Missouri Compromise, o it is
the fame power that now demanded
its abrogation.
African slavery was regarded and
denounced us a great evil, by the A
merican Colonics, even hefcro the
Revolution, and those colonics
which arc now slnvcholding States,
ucn: equally curliest in such romon
Mtanccs with those that ore now
free States. Colonial laws, trained
to prevent the iticreuso of slnvory,
were vetoed by the King of Great
ISrilairi. This exercise of arbitrary
power to enlarge unci pcrpctuatn a
system universally regarded as equal
I) wiongfiil in Until' nnd injurious to
the colonies, was one of tlu cdusps
of the Revolution. When the war
wns ended, there was an imperious
necessity fot the institution of some
t'ovcriiinent in the then unoccupied
Territories of tlir United Slates. In
I7S'I Jellerson proposed, nnd in
1787 the Continental Congress adop
ted, I lie ordinance for tlx) Govcrn
ii'cnt of the territory lying northwest
of the Ohio, by which it was declar
ed that there should In neither slave
ry nor involuntary servitude, except
for the punishment of crime. The
lrcat and flourishing Slates since or
ganized within that territory, on the
Inisis of that ordinance, are enduring
uionumcms of the wisdom of the
StatuMiien of the Revolution.
The foreign slave (rude wns re
garded nsihe soun-c of American
blaVCt), which it "OS III lleicd Would
be dried up, when that fountain
should he closed. In adopting the
Constitution, it was so universiill)
anticipated that tlia foreign slive
trade would be promptl) prohibited,
that nil parties acquiesced in a stipu
lation proposing that measure till
tSOS. The foreign slave trade was
prohibited thus the source of slave
ry wui understood to be dried up,
while the introduction of (luvcry in
to the territory was prohibited. The
slavery question, so far as it was a
national one, was understood to be
I finally settled, and at the sniiio lime
.tile Stales I kid nlrcail) tak-n up and
I r ' r
jerc catrjiug lorwiirl a S)Slelll ol
iiui"innn win nrqiiireil, t purclmse,
from France, and included what is
now known tie the Mules of Louis
iana, Mitsouri, Arkansas and low n ,
nud the Territories known as Kan
sas and Ndir.iiku. Slaver; existed
'oHcH - nrdj the rtgion connected wi h
St. l.oms dumaiideil mlmissiou un
der the name of the State of Missou
ri with n constitution tolerating tlaic
ry. The free Stales reverted to the
piinciplu of 17&7, and op)osed the
admission of Missouri unless slio
would incorporate into her constitu
tion an inhibition of the further in
troduction ol slavery into the State.
The shiveholding states insisted up
on her unqualified admission. A
controversy iiror-u, which was suction
Initial and embittered, and which wc
lire assured by contemporaneous bU-
lor seriously imperilled the Union.
. , r .1 . I "
I he statesmen of that day in Con-
...... C..III...I ll.i. rnl...i,.Ml,.rn..
promise. I Jy the terms of this com
promise the free States assented to
the admission of Missouri, with her
slavcholaing Constitution, while the
shivehohliiig states, on their p.irt,
)ielded the exclusion of slavery in
all the residue of the territory which
lay north of 30. 30, constituting the
present Territory of Kansas and Ne
braska. The "slaveholding Slates
accepted the compromise as a tri
umph, and the free states have ever
since left it undisturbed and unques
tioned. Arkansas, u part of the ter
ritory of Louisiana which lay south
of 3G. 30, in compliance with nu im
plication which was contained in this
compromise was afterwards admit
ted as a slaveholding State, nud the
free States acquiesced. lu 1819,
Florida, a slaveholding piovinco ol
1 Spain, waslacouircd. This province
that ten millions of dollars of the
people's1 money should ho given to
Texas to induce her to relinquish a
very doubtful claim upon an incon
siderable part of New Mexico ; that
New Mexico ami Utah should be or
ganized without an inhibition ol slave
ry, and that they should afterwards
be admitted as slave or freo states,
as the people, when fiiuning consti
tutions, should determine ; that the
public slave trade in the Uistricl of
Columbia should bo abolished, with
out affecting tho existenco of sl.iven
in the I isttict, nnd that new nnd
rigorous provisions for the recapture
of fugitive slaves, of disputed consti
tutionality, should be adopted, ntid
that on these conditions Cnlifnrma
should be admitted as a free state.
Repugnant as this compromise was
to the people of the free states, ac
quiescence nevertheless was practi
cally obtained, by menus of solemn
nssuranccsjrinde .op behalf ol the
slaveholding states that the compro
mise was, and should be forever, re
gnrdi d ii u final adjustment of the
slavery question, and nil the issues
which could possibly arise out of it.
A now Congress convened in De
cember 1851 ; representatives from
the slave stntis demanded n renewed
pfedye of fidelity to this adjustment,
nnd it wns granted by the House of
Representatives, m the following
Ilitolval, That wo rrcognize the
binding efficacy of the compromises
of the constitution, and believe it to
be the intention of tho people gen
erally, as wc hereby derlare it to lie
ours individually, in ahido by such
compromises, and to sustain the laws
necessary to carry thorn out, tlc pro
visions for the delivery of fugitive
slaves, and the net of the last Con-
pxess for that purpose, included ; nm
that we deprecato all further agita
tion of questions embraced in the
acts of the last Congress, known as
the ('ompiomiso, rind of questions
Kfiicmlly connected with tho insti
tton of sluverv, ns unnecessary, use
less and dangerous.
A few months subsequently the
Democratic National Convention met
nt lialtimore, nud assuming to speak
the sentiments of the Democratic
party, set forth in its plitform :
That the Democratic party will
resist nil attempts al tenoning in
Congress, or out of it, the nuitation
of the slavery question, under what
ever shape or color the attempt may
be inado.
Soon after another National Con
vention assembled in the same city ,
nnd assuming ihe right to declare tho
sentiments of the Whin party, said
We deprecate all further iiim
tiun of the questions thus settled ns
dangerous to the peace, nnd will lis
counti muice all eirbrt to continue or
renew such agitation whenever,
win n ver, nnd however made."
The present administration was
elected on the principle of adherence
to ilus compromise, und tho Presi
ilenl. referring to it in his inaugural
speccn, leel, ued that the harmony
which had been scented by it should i
not lie disturbed during his term of
ofiiee. Tho President, recurring to
the ume subject, renewed his pledge
in his message to Congress, ul the
begin. nng of the Present session, in
ilit; following language :
Rut notwithstanding differences of
opinion nud sentiments which there
existed in relation to details and spe
cific provisions, the acquiescence of
distinguished citizens w hose devotion
to 1 1 io Union can never be doubted,
has given renewed vigor to our insti
tutions, nud restored a sense of re
pose and securit) lo the public mind
throughout the country. That this
repose is to suffer no shuck during
my official term, if I have power to
avert it, ihos who placed tne here
may be assured."
Under these circumstances the
proposition to repeal the Misour.
omprotrisc was suddenly and unex
pectedly made by the name Com
mittee on Territories which only ten
days before had approved lh sancti
ty ol the Missouri Compromise, nud
declared the end of agitation m the
following explicit and umnistakeable
langua -e :
' Your Committee do not feel
themselves called upon to enter into
a discussion of those controverted
questions they involve the same
great issues which produced tho agi
tation, the sectional strife and the
fearful struggle of 1850. As Con
gress deemed it wise and prudent to
refrain from deciding the matters in
controversy then, cither bj affirming
or repealing the Mexican laws, or by
an ucl declaratory of it as to the slave
property in the Territories, so vour
Committee are not prepared now to
recommend a departure from the
course pursued upon that remarkable
occasion, either by affirming or re
pealing the eighth section of the
Missouti Act, or by any act declara
tory of the meaning of the Constitu
tion in respect to the legal points in
dispute." The abtog.ttion hits been
effected in pursuance of the demands
of the Administration itself, and by
means of its influence on Congress.
In the lloiisu of Representatives, that
body which is more immediately re
sponsible to the people, the contest
was more equal than in the Senate,
though it is due to justice und can
dor that it should be slated that it
could not have been carried in either
Mouse without the votes of the Rep
resentatives from the free states.
The minority resisted the attempts
to arrest discussion upon this grave
question through a struggle of longer
duration than any other known to
Cuugrcssioiiulliistory. Some attempt
was made to stigmatiso that minori
ty ns fnctiouists. vet wc learlcssly de
clare that throughout the contest
they resorted solely to the powers sc
ented to then by the law, and the
rules of the House, and the pnssngc
of the measure thro-tgh Ihe Iloitso
was effected through a subversion of
its rules by tho majority. and the ex
ercise of a power unprecedented in
tho ntinals of Congresinal legisla
tion. Tiio deed is done. It is done
with a clear proclamntim by the
administration and by Coiijjes, that
the principle which it con'iiius not
only extends lo Kansas and Nebras
ka, but to nil the other territory now
belonging to the United Stiles nnd
lo all which may hereafter beaeqttir
cd. It has been done unnecessarily
nnd wantonly, because tin re wis no
pressure for the organization of gov'.
... i v.. ..
eminent in Kansas nnd Nebraskn,l
neither of which territories cnutni.i-
cd tne lavvlul inhabitant who wus n
citizen oi me united amies, mill ue
cause there was not only no danger
of disunion apprehended, but by this
reckless measure the free States have
lost nil the guarantees fur freedom
in the territories contained in former
Compromises while nil tho Slates,
both slave and' free, have lost Ihe
guarantees of harmony nud union
which ihop compromises nlforded
It seems plain to ih, that fatal as the
measure is in these respect-', it is on
ly a caver for broader propagnmli.m
of slavery in tho future. The object
of thu administration, and of tin;
man) who represent the slave states
i, as wo believe, to prepare Ihe way
for annexing Cuba nt whatever cost,
and a like annexation of half a doz
en of thu Stales of Mexico to be
admitted also as Slave States.
Thee acquisitions lire to be made
poaccbly if they can be purchased at
thu cost of huiidruds of millions.
If they cannot lie made peacefully
then at the cost of a war with Mexi
co, and q war with Spain, and n war
with Knglanil.nnd u war with France,
nud nt thu cost of an alb nee with
Russia, scarcely less repugnant. Un
mislukenblu indications also appear
of a purpose to annex the eastern
part of San Domingo, nnd so to soli
jugate the whole island, restoring it
to thu dominion of slavery and this
is to be billowed up by no alliance
with Ilrazil, and the extension ol
slavery into tho valley of the Ama
zon. It is for you to judge whether
when t-lnvory shall have made these
additions lo the United States, it will
demand uucuiidiiinniil submission on
tho part of the tree Slates, and fail
ing in that demand, attempt a with
drawal of the slave State-", and the
ug.irii7:ition of n separate "piru in
thu central rciciou of Ihe continent.
From an act so unjust and wrong in
itself, and fraught with consequences
so fuaiful. wo appeal to the people.
vve appeal in no sectional spirit.
We appeal equally lo the North and
lo the South, to the free states and
to the slaveholding states themselves.
It is no tune fir exnget ration or fur pas
sion, nud wo, thcrcfoie, speak calm
ly of the past, nnd warn )on in sober
seriousness of thu future It would
not become us, nor is il necvrs.try
to suggest the measures which ought
lo hu adopted in this gtcal exigency.
For ourselves wo arc ready lo do all
that shall be in our power lo restore
the Missouri Compromise, and to ex.
ecuic such further measures as you
in vour wisdom shall command, and
as may be nccesary for the recove
ry of Ihe pevver lost lo freedom, nnd
lo prevent the further uggresstm of
SOI.MON FOOT, Chairman.
Daniki. Maci;, )
Ri:uucn h Fp.nton. S
ec s.
The meeting was fully attended,
und the address is endorsed by all
the Anti-Nebraska members of Con
To the House of Representatives in
Congress assembled, and to the
Citizens of the United States, on
the Nebraska Bill.
Gentlemen: The great questions
now before Congress and the coun
try, I regard simply in n national nud
constitutional light. It is only ns
such that I havu examined them. If,
as I believe, they involve great prin
ciples, independent of ull parties,
which ore lo change the policy of
the country, as established by the
fathers, nnd by the Constitution it
self, theso principles are more im
portant than the adoption or rejec
tion of any particular bill ; and arc
infinitely above all party measures
nnd party feelings. It is chiefly as
a hisloiian of the policy of the coun
try respecting the extension of slave
ry, nnd as an interpreter of the Con
stitution on this point, that some pen
ding measures may be brought to
these tests, that I have written the
following letter:
1 think every intelligent citizen
must bo convinced that there is a
wrong somewhere in our political
system. Il does not work well. In
1820, in 1650, nud in 1851, the na
tion is suddenly thrown into great
commotion. It is brought, unexpec
tedly, almost in a day, to the verge
of disunion and strife. A few steps
more, and ull may be lost. The stri
ped and starred banners of freedom
which float over the battlements of
the nation, and ride triumphant on
every sea, may be rent asunder, or
fall inrjlnriously. This statu of things,
occurring so often in such rapid suc
cession, among an enlightened, law
loving, and law.abididing people, can
arise only from a great wrong soinc-
whore in the political system. An
experienced slatcsmnn will decide,
at once, that, under nil the circum
stances, this wrong must be looked
lor in one of two places, hither the , though not ulways willingly, or very
foundations of our political system , peaceably.
were not well and wisely laid, or, in On tho Declaration of Independ
its workings, it has departed from ,cncc in 1770, when the several States
those foundations. When we exam- , begun to look around for their shnre
inc. lo find where the system und its of the spoil from ihe mother coun
workings so clash ns to produce i try, Virginia claimed all the territory
these frequent rind dangerous con-' included in her second charter fro ri
viilsioiis, we nscertain that they hnvci
nrtsen, in every ense, from un at
tempt to extend slaviry over the na
tional domain. It would seem, then,
thai the extension of slavery did not
agree with the fundamental policy of
our government. Whenever the iwo
things are brought into contact, their
violent abrasions throw thu whole
bixly politic into fierce commotions
wlurh ihronten to rend it nsuuder. II
they agreed, the extension of slave-
4ty Would bo natural. It would be
asy. it would produce no strile,
no jar in the nation, no trouble any
way. Wc nrn, then, without even
readinglhe Constitution, or n single
nrdinnnln on whirh the government
is foundd, brought to a conclusion,
almost nl certain as a mathematical
demnnstaliou, that our national
policy drV's not include the extension
of Ihe slive nystviTi. This conclu
sion is sJ absolutely forced upon us,
by the efidcncc of our senses, in thu
violent ijutbicnks, the wrilhings the
uphcnvitigs of the whole body poli
tic, ui.oer every attempt to extend
slavery ,'tlmt it seems quite impossible
lo denv it. Rut far-reaching con-'
cliisioni, drawn from one or two
great farts, tiro not nivvnvs admitted
to be sife guides important politi
cal measures. Wise statesmen hesi
tate to ant on them. They look n
rtiund for corroborating evidence. It
is important, therefore, to exhibit
c r i . i .1
proofs from documentary and consli-
' . . ," ,
tutional sources, to show that the
original policy of our government
did not include the extension of
slavery, if such proof exists. It is
especially important to do it at the
present lime, lu the progress of na
tions great crises occur which are to
shape the destiny of coining ages.
The) arc political crucibles, into
which humanity und liberty seem to
i be cast for u remoulding. They me
destined to shape the social, the mor
al, the political interests oi ihe nn
I lion, nnd, lo some extent, of the
, woihl, far down the lapse of tune.
lonn nfler lite- Melius in thu scene
I have ceased to mmglu in human
1 strife, and lo do. nnd or ill to their
, race. At such times, wisdom, hu
I manilv, love of country, require us
i to inline; to divest ourselves ol per-
sonnl and party interest : to look
i hack nnd around for guidance. We
i i ..i. r... ii i
f.l.tc null tlw, t.nlti.i' i.f llir tt'ii. urnl i
' I . J
i ,0 yreat of pnsl
ues ; specially o
. our at Itnnvvleilgod
pohlical fathers ;
and lo reaffirm and lo mnintam what
ever of wisdom they teach ; or the
progress of the. world may be thrown
back for nges b) our doings, hnvvev
cver small or ioud they may seum.
Great principles, ncknowledyed and
. i i .1 . e... . i r ,i
acted on by the political fathers, ns
, ., . , .. i i i ... ' i
familiar lo them us household words,
in the onward rush of succeeding
generations, sometimes come to be
overlooked and forgotten. We seem
to have fallen nu such an age, nud
to have reached such a crisis. Wo
need great candor, far-seeing wis
dom, that noble patriotism, that en
larged love of country und of liber
ty, m which personal plans, section-
, , , ... ,
ii pride, and party inteiesls are mer-
I i . ' i . i
gi-ti iiiiii itisi, in tiiiiei to tiiou wui
gallant ship safely through the storm
by which it is rocked, or it may go
, .. . , - 1,1
tjiitvii in wiu ijuiitii.tii it tin i"jui it nu
, 1 . ., c . f
emereo : riuu ine iraimiuius oi
wrecked frecdmn may bo strewn on
the billows of a stormy sea.
To go to the foundation of our
national policy respecting the exten
sion of slavery, we must revert back
lo the origin of civilization in tho U
nited Stales This policy was con
nected with the old English char
ters, and originally based on proceed
ings which nrose out of them, espe
cially out of the Virginia charier. A
brief statement of those charters is
n part of Ihe history of this policy
The fust charter of lands in the li
nked Stales was given to n London
company by Queen Elizabeth, bear
ing dute April 10, 1G0G. It includ
ed all the lauds on thu sencnast be
tween the thirty-fourth nnd forl)
fifth degrees of north latitude, nnd
all the islands within one hundred
miles of the said coast. The coun
try was called Virginia in honor of
the Viruin Queen. The same com
pany outlined n subsequent charter
Iroin James I,, confirming und great
ly enlaruing this in lis western ex
tension, dated May 23, 1609. Caro
lina had n similar charier, given b)
Charles II. in liC7, including all the
land between the thirty-first nnd thtr
ty-sixth degress of north latitude;
thus overlapping two decrees of the
Virginia charter, and extending from
the Atlantic to the Pacific. Such
was tho style of giving charters in
those days. James I. subsequently
dissolved the London company, but
never formally revoked the Virginia
charter, and the inhabitants of the
colony claimed its validity. Other
charters, however, were granted, cov
ering pails of the same territory.
One was given to Lord Baltimore by
Charles L, dated Juno 3, 1632, cov
ering Maryhnd und Delaware. In
166-1, Charles II. gave a charter to
the Duke of York, including New
York and New Jersey. He also
chartered Pennsylvania to William
Perm, March 5, 1 OS I . nnd others
slill were grunted. Virginia sub-
milted lo theso subsequent charters,
James I., dated May 23, 1G09, not
envered by oilier nckliowimlged char
ters. In size this was yet n goodly
territory, covering origtnnlly eleven
degrees, or seven hundred and sixly
four miles of Atlantic coast, and ex
tending from sea to sea. All the
Kuglish charters had, however,
been limited and bounded west by
the Mississippi River, in the (rent)
between linlind France nt tho close
of the French war, sinned nt Paris
in February 1703. In this treaty,
France resigned to Knghind all her
claims cast of ihe Mississippi River,
except New Orleans ; and Hug land
admitted ull the claims of Franco
west ol the river. At lilt Declara
tion of Independence, all -thu terri
tory south of ihe foriy-firth degree
of north latitude, and west of Nvv
York nnd Pennsylvania ') the Mis
sissippi River, wns covered only by
the Virginia charter of Jnnios I
The claim of Virginia to it was con
ceded ; nnd it was in connection
villi this claim that thu policy of thu
government respecting Ihe non-ox-
tension of slavery, had its origin
Tho clnim of Virginia ns here staled
remained unchanged, wlulr ihe coun
try was lorming into a cnnfederuiivu
government, and during ihe Revolu
tionary wnr.
CO N F K I ) E It A TI 0 N OF Til K
rt.. .1 ..r . ..:.!.
wii too inusiet:i u w.ir wiui
., ,, J ,' , , ,
I' rnnce. Luiilanil requested the nitr-
ican Colonies lo form n union for ef
ficient action. Accordingly, dele
gales from each of thu Now Fnglntid
Siutes, from New York, Delaware
nnd Pennsylvania, met nt Albany in
1751 On thu -lih of July, Dr.
Franklin drew up Articles of Con
federation," which were debated rind
adopted. The Convention discus
sed " tho right of ihe Rriiish Gov
ernment to lay contributions on the
Colonies without th-ir consent."
Thu Madison Papers slate that thu
convention wus called to discuss this
subject, which is not historically uc
cu.ntc. The discussion was inci
dental, not the ohjee' of Ihe meet
ing. There was no discussion on
slavery. The convention formed a
,.- ..tt la. ll.a fu (,- n lot, r ttltl
colonies. In 177 I, an open, formal
meeting of delegates from nil the
States war- called. They assembled
111 I III - . ,
nl i'!iienl.liilim .-..ml .1 tit,.l ,iili,i.
'I 1
Hint ill MPitflil till Otntt.ir It 'Pft.iri.
is no record of a discussion on slave
ry. Nothing occurred lo test tho
sentiments of tho delegates, or to
shape the policy of the nation on
this point. On the I Old of May,
1775, thu next Congress convened
nt the same place. Tho Virginia
ui:n-i;mi-s, tit-iuiu lu.iviti i tiuiu, were
. , r '. , .- ,
instructed lo present u resolution de
.1. i...f I i
claring thu independence of the col
onies. Thu ineusure was approved.
and Jefferson appointed Io draw up
1 a declaration of independence. In
; (his paper he inserted nu article nc
lousing the king of " being deiermin
cd to keep open u market where
j men should be bought nnd sold, nud
I of prostituting his negative lo sup-
IIU13 CIVIT lUOUllll V IlltU'lllll lir llltj-
., . .i ',, 1
hibit or resiraui this execrable com-
teisiaiivc ntte.
incrcc." Suppressed Article, Mad
ison Papers, p. 2-1. On jhis article,
i.. n.. .t -i r..
1,c 1.K11U1 v tiiuaaeiii ui uil-
1 , titi
L'iess ensued, ilie
giess ensuuil. ihe only remaining
record of it, to which I have had ac
cess, is the following brief notice in
the Jefferson Papers, under (Into of
J ii y 2, 1775 : " The clause for reyi
robalinx the enslaving of the inhab
itants of Africa was stricken out in
compliance io South Carolina and
Georgia, who had never attempted
to restrain the importation of slaves,
nud who, on the contrary, wished lo
continue it. I think our Northern
brethren also felt u littlu sensitive on
tho point, having recently engaged'
largely in ihe trallic." This record
does not bear on the extension of
slavery. Il was, however, the first
Congressional discussion of it. It
shows the bearings of the country on
the subject at that time, mid brings
oui tho following important facts :
Thu influence of slavery had not
yet corrupted tho statesmen of Vir
ginia, Maryland, nnd Delaware. Vir
ginia dutio'uiiced il in strong Un
gunge, and had made legislative ef
forts to suppress it. South Carolina
und Georgia were bold nud uti)ield
im' in its defence. Jn Ihe hrst na
tional discussion on this subject, the
anti-slavery principle of the country
yielded to tho pro-slavery will of the
extreme South, to preserve a union
of the Stales.
In thu Declaration of Independ
ence, however, all the States joined
in putting forth to the world tho fol
lowing political axioms, which they
justly called self-evident truths :
" Wo hold these truths lo bo self
evident that all men are created
equal ; that they are endowed with
certain inalienable rights ; that a
innng them are life, liberty, and tho
pursuit of happiness." These "self
evident" truths forever sweep away
slavery. Our political fathers put
them forth to tho nation and the
world, as tho broad banners of per
sonal freedom, under which they
were to fight the battles of tho Rev.
olulion, and to found a new ttoipird
in the western world. Slavery, then,
is opposed to the Declaration of In
dependence, and to the object sought
in the Revolutionary war ; and if
there bo n political or moral' evil, the
spread of which a government ought
to restrain, it is this great evil u
gainsl humanity, virtue, and religion.
On thu 21st of July, in tho same
Congress, n paper called " A Plan of
Articles of Confederation nnd Per
petual Union of the Colonies," sketch
ed by Dr. Franklin, wns presented to
Congress und laid on their table, but
'not entered on tlieir business files.
This paper was the germ of the Ar
icles of Conledcrnt.oti, nnd of our
Federal Constitution. In the Con
gress of 1776, this sketch wns made
the basi, on which n committee re
ported, July 12, tho " Plnn of a Con
federation of the Slates," which is
now on thu files of Congress in the
handwriting of Mr. Dickinson nl
Delaware. These articles were elab
orated from lime to time, nnd final
ly adopted by Congress, August 8.
1778. Thny were then submitted
to the States, and ratified by thesig
natures of the delegates in Congress,
ns the) were authorized by their re
spective States. Maryland envu the
hint signature, March, I, 1731. In
these Articles of Coufedej itionlhore
is nothing touching slavery, nnd noth
ing to indicate the policy of the coun
try respecting it. Tho great inter
ests of the nation were absorbed in
ihe war. It was absolutely necessa
ry to avoid every exciting und divid
ing subject, in order to form n union
strong enough to succeed in the
struggle, nud gain thu independence
of the States. If South Carolina
and Georgia ln.d been driven from
thu Confedciacy by articles denoun
cing and suppressing slavery, it
would have been fatal to Ihe liberties
of the nation. So it was. So our
patriot and slave-hating fathers of
New England, Virginia, Maryland,
and Delaware, acted in those tunes
when ever) thing depended on u un
ion of the States. Their wisdom I
will not call in question.
To be continued.
isv i:. v. waik.'o;v.
'l Hi t 11 Hid Piir winM thr.v
Hi nilf u Kt ailhor i jlo or oil r a."
The IIoiisb Hon. Wo acknowl
edge, with a good deal of pleasure,
the receipt of ono of theso ingen
ious, simple nud useful machines,
for hoeing corn and potatoes with
the liorso. It was forwarded to us
by the inventor, Mr. Dana, of West
Lebanon. N. II., attached to one of
Iltigglcs, Nottrso ifc Mason's Cultiva
tors. Wo immediately put it to the
test of hou ing our corn and pota
toes. It works to a charm; and
tho wonder is, t hat so simple and
perfect a machine had not been
sooner invented. It is n constant
use by our neighbors, and excites
the admiration of alj who try it. A
supply will soon bo in the hands of
an agent, for sale in Montpolier.
To Raise Giant Asparagus.
A writer in one of the early vol
umes of tho Horticulturist, (Mr.
Downing, wo beliovo,) tells how to
grow common asparagus so that it
will always rival any giant produc
tion. Ho says:
Every one who has seen my beds,
has bogged mo for tho seed think
ing it now sort b.U I pointed to
tho manure heap (tho farmer's best
bank) and told them that tho se
cret nil laid thero. Tho seed was
only such as might be had in any
About tho first of November as
soon as tho frost has well blackened
the Asparagus lops I take ascytho,
and mow all close down to the sur
face) of the bed ; let it lie a day or
two, then set fire to thu heap of
stalks ; burn it to ashes, and spread
tho ashes over the surface of the
I then go to my barn-yard ; I
take a load of clean fresh stable
manure, and add thereto half n bush
el of hen-dung ; turning over and
mixing the whole together through
out. 'Phis makes a pretty powerful
compost. I apply one such load to
ovory twenty feet in length of my
Asparagus beds, which are six feet
wide. With a strong three-pronged
spud, or fork, I dig this dressing un-j
dor. Tho whole is now left for tho
In the spring, ns early as possi
ble, turn the top of the bed over
lightly, once mure Now, as tho
Asparagus grows naturally on tho
sido of tho ocean, and loves salt wa
ter, I gtvo it an annual supply of its
favorito condiment. I cover the
surface of tho bed about a quarter of
nu inch thick with fine packing salt ;
it is not too much. As tlio spring
rains come down, it gradually dis
solves. Not a weed will appear
during tho whole season. Every
thing else, pigweed, chick-weed,
purslane, all refuse to grow on the
top of my briny Asparagus beds.
But it would uo your eyes good to
seo tho strong, stout, tender stalks
of the vcgetablo itself, pushing thro'
tho surface oarly in the season. I
do not at all stretch a point, when I
say that they are often as large
round as my hoe handle, and as ten
der and succulent as any I over tas
ted. Tho same round of treatment
Is given to my bod nvery year.
MonxuSoAstoK ox l Ram. When
a friend of ours, vhom wc call Ag
ricola, was a boy, he lived on a
farm in Berkshire county, Mass., tho
owner of which was troubled by
his dog Wolf. The cur killed his
sheep, knowing perhaps, that hii
mastcr was conscientiously opposed
to capital punishment, nnd he could
doviso no moans to prevent it.
" I can break him of it," said Ag
ricnlo. if yon will give mo leave."
" Thou art permitted," said tho
honest farmer, and wo will let Ag
ricoln toll the story in his own
" There was a ram on the farm,"
said Agricalo, "ns notorious for but
ting ns Wolf waa for sheep killing,
and who stood in as much need of
moral suasion ns tlm dog. I shut
Wolf up in the bam with this old
fellow, and thu consequence was,
that the dog never looked a sheep
in the face again. The ram broke
every bone in his body, literally.
Wonderfully lifted up was the ram
aforesaid, by his exploit ; his inso
lence became intolerable, he was
sure to pitch into whomsoever went
nigh him.
" I'll fix him," said I, nnd so 1
did. I rigged an iron crow-bar out
of a hole in tho barn, point fore
most, and hung an old hat on the
end of it. You can't nlwnys tell,
when you see a hat, whether there
is a head in it, or not ; how then
should a ram? Aries made at it
full butt, and being a good marks
man from long practice, the bar
broko in between his horns, and
camu out at his tail. This liltlo ad
monition effectually cured him of
Composition or Roofs. The
following recipe which wc copy
from thu Maine Farmer " for the
formation of an incombustible wash,
lo be applied to the roofs of dwell
ings and out-houscs, is published
for tho benefit of those who, altho1
they may have hitherto neglected a
most important duty, are yet suffi
ciently wise to profit by a gentle
Slack stone limo in a largo tub or
barrel with boiling water, covering
tho tub or barrel to keop in the
sleatn. When thus slacked pass
six quarts of it through a fine sieve.
It will then be in a state of lino flour.
Now to six quarts of this limo add
ono quart of rock or Turk's Island
salt, and ono gallon of water, then
boil the mixture- and skim it clean.
To every five gallons of this skimm
ed mixture, add ono pound of alum,
half pound of copperas, by slow ue
grecs add three-fourths of pound of
potash, and four quarts of fine sand
or hickory ashes sifted. Wc suppose
any kind of hard wood ashes will
answer as well as hickory. This
mixture will now admit of any co
loring matter you please, and may
b applied with a brush. It looks
better than paint, and is as durable
as slate. It will stop small leaks in
the roof, prevent tho mos from
growing on and rotting the wood,
and tender it incombustible from
sparks falling upon it. When laid
upon brick work it renders tho brick
impervious to rain or wet.
Tne Wheat Cnoi-. The re
ports which come itito this office,
says tho Buffalo Democracy, from
tho grain growing distiicts of the
Union, and particularly from the
wheat region, arc of most promising
crops. The testimony is almost
uniform in favor of a prospectivo
largo harvest of wheat, and that,
too, of a good quality. To be sure
uono can tell how the plants will
mature, nor in what cotidition tho
crop will be harvested and stacked.
But the promise of a great crop is
excollent. An unusual sowing of
wheat took place last fall, from the
anticipation of 1 war prices' this
year, in Huropo ; auda great breadth
of land was put to spring grain last
spring, from tio amo general oper
titniii clause, and also from tho stim
ulus applied by papers at the east,
which directly and frequently ad
vised such culturo to the farmers of
tho west.
Cinn'amo.n Gardens is Ceiti.on.
Picturo a wild plot of fino white
sand," in which grow, in irregular
lufts, bushes of a perrenial green
but of a green of evory shade, vary
ing from tho faintest yellow to the
most sombre brown. Nathiug can
be more delicate in hue than the
first tender leaves of the cinnamon
bush, as thoy shoot forth variously
from tho branches, half opening,
half curling up, us if afraid to trust
themselves to broad glarish light of
day. Thoir flavor, too, is a faint,
pleasant aromatic one that tempts
the early wanderer to pluck them
occasionally as ho brushos past ; and
whilst tho dew is rising in vapor
from the leaves, caught up by tho
morning sun, it carries with it a de
lightful 'perfume of the spicy shrub,
which makes tho air peculiarly
pleasant. Forest Life in Peyton.
Good Maxims. All men arc equ
al with respect to birth all coma
from the earth, nnd all must return
to it again.
Bo slow to choose a friend, and
slower to change him ; courteous
to all ; scorn no man for his pover
ty, honor uo man form wuaitn.
il yOU WPUIU U9 llllj3.H u
brief ; for it is with words m with
sunbeams, the mora they are cob
derisodi tQ ileepcr thoy burn.
tt .''i

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