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VOLUME
MOJi"TPEIiIKR VEUBlOXT, SATITBWAY, JANUARY 20, 1844.
Jan. 1, 1814.
Tract Wo. 1.
THE SLAVE POWER-
"rom am Address to tub Voters of
gressional District of
the Second
Ohio.
CoK-
We have frequently declared before you that a single interest,
Represented by n comparatively small body of men j rules ami
has ruled for many years in the State and Federal Governments.
Th is is the slaveholding interest, and its political influence we
have usually termed the "Sltive Tower." We cannot insult
your patriotism by an argument to show that a email body of
men should not control a Government founded for and by the
people; our object will he simply to demonstrate the fact.
... .As we, assert that slaveholders govern us, let ns first inquiry
into their numbers. It is a vulvar error to suppose that every
White man in the Southern States is the owner of slaves.
The nntnber of owners is very small, compared with the free
tidult population of those States, and insignificant compared
With that oT the whole union. No statistics give the number
precisely; but as the census returns state the number of slaves,
wo may, aided by our knowledge of Southern Society and agri
culture, obtain, with convenient certainty, the number of mas
kers. The great staples of the South are cultivated on large
Plantations demanding, each of them, a large gam: of negro la
borers. Many of yoii have seen gangs of more than a thousand
on single plantations. Gen. Wade Hampton is said to have had
this number, at least, on his estate on the banks of the Mississ
ippi. Mr. Pollock, of North Carolina, died recently, leaving,
according to the newspapers, fifteen hundred. Dr. Mercer, of
Adams county, Mississippi, lias an immense number; and being
religiously inclined, he has erected for their use, if we may rely
on the Gospel Messenger of August, 1342, a "plantation church"
costing over $'30,000; and keeps an Kpisoopal Minister employ
ed among them at a salary of $'1200. In the "slave-raising
States," many of tlie proprietors own large numbers. Mr. Car
roll, of Baltimore, a late President of the Colonization Society,
has been repeatedly referred to by the papers of that Society us
the owner of a thousand.
In the fertile farming Districts of the South, the slaves are
gathered in large numbers, and each proprietor owns a large
"gang;" whilo in the hilly or barren districts, slave labor being
unprofitable, there are very few. In the adjoining State of Ken
tucky, there are scarcely any slaves in the hill county of Grant;
while the fertile Fayette is crowded with them. In South Car
olina, what arc called the "sand hill counties," covering nearly
half of the State, are comparatively unproductive and contain
Very few slaves; while the rich counties on the coast and in the
interior, the "Sea-iland cotton" counties among them, contain
but few whites in comparison with the slaves. In Georgetown
district in that state, there nre more than thirty slaves to one
grown white male; so that, if we take the proportion of masters
to the whole number of grown while males as one to five, each
master would own more than one hundred and fifty slaves. In
hilly Western Virginia, and Eastern Tennessee, there are few
noirroes: thev are owned in other naru of those states. In
Brook county, Virginia, the proportion of w hites to slaves is
eighty-five to one; in Yancy, North Carolina, as twenty-two to
one; in Union, Georgia, as thirty-five ro one; in DeKulb, Am
liama, as sixteen to one; in Fentress, Tennessee, as forty-three
Morgan, Kentucky, esseventv-four to ou, ...
'"iti other counties of the same
i1; the slaves are numerous and
to one; in
Vuri
as eighty to u
rjevp" to r.i ;
rouoi-4,,,.
the whites tew.
With these facts beforA'w '
you in founding out' .
i;ach owner; which, .
make the nunihern. .
twenty-four thousnnd.'""ttut
" e should be sustained bv most of
on the basis of twenty slaves to
er of slaves is 2,487,1 13, would
little over one hundred and
as we wish to avoid the charge,
iront any opponent however embittered, ol exaggeration, we
will reduce this average number of twenty to less than thirteen,
o as to make in round numbers, Two Hundred Thousand
Slaveholders.
These are not all voters, manv of them arc minors, aliens or
women. The slaveholding voters, then, constitute but a small
portion of the four millions and a half of free persons in the
alavc States, and are not as numerous by some fifty thousand as
ne voters ot the state of Uhio
But the slaveholders control the policy of their own States.
a glance at southern Society and institutions will make the
manner of clfectins this perfectly plain.
They have all the influenco which every where attaches itself
to weaun; tor tlie wealth ot their states is concentrated in their
hands.
They have, too, nil the influence of superior 'intelligence. Ed
ucHting their own children at the Colleges of the North, the
Academics and High Schools of the South, or by private tutors
at their own mansions; they establish no common schools for
their poor neighbors, the laboring whites. Chancellor Harper.
of South Carolina, advocates slavery in the Literary Messenger,
of October, 1838, on the ground that it exempts slaveholders
from bodily labor, and therefore he says they "have leisure for
intellectual pursuits, and the means of obtaining a liberal educa
tion." But among the poor nonslaveholders there reigns the
tnost deplorable ignorance. In 1837, Gov. Clarke, in bis mes
sage to the Kentucky Legislature, says, "By the computation of
those most familiar with the subject, one-third of the adult pop
ulation of the State are unable to write their names." Governor
Campbell makes a confession equally extraordinary, in a report
to the Virginia Legislature. He states that it appeared from
the returns of 98 clerks, that of 4614 applications for marriage
licenses in 1837, 1047 were made by men unable to write their
hames. By the last census, there are fewer scholars at the pub
lic charge in the thirteen slave states than in Ohio alone ! They
have 35,530, Ohio has 51,812. Kentucky, just across the river
from us, has 420! The Richmond Compiler contains an interes
ting summary from the census returns. From this, it appears
"thatthe persons who cannot rend and write are in Connecticut
ne to five hundred and sixtv-ciirht: in Vermont, one to four hun
dred and seventy-three; in New Hampshire, one to three hun
dred and ten: while in Louisiana, the most intelligent slave-
State, it is one to thirty-eight and a half, and in North Carolina,
it runs up to one to seven! No wonder then mat an nnueii
and educated aristocracy rule the masses of the South, who are
kent in isrnorance bv its noliticnl and social influence. No
Wonder that, in the South, the politicians lead the people ;
the people the politicians, as in the North.
A third pigment nP thn iinliticnl nower of slave-holders IS
naif constitutional privilege they enjoy, procured by their uni
ted action, wealth and intelligence, in all the slave States, with
but one exception, slave property is represented m theLegis
latures. This rule may give a District composed of one hun
dred voters with their slaves as many representatives as another
of five thousand free voters. It enables Eastern Virginia,
,, with a miserable numerical minority of voters, to control Wcst
ji, rn Virginia with her large free voting population.
In addition to this, some of the States grant the privilego to
a slaveholder of votinr in everv District in which he may own
land. Some of the large proprietors, therefore, may have a
dozen votes.
In all of them it is difficult for a non-slaveholder to obtain of
fice, but in some, he is made incompetent by the fundament
al law. For instance, in South Carolina, he is excluded from
the Leeislaturc bv tho Constitution. The qualification of a Rep
resentative is mado, the ownership of slaves or else, to use the
language of that instrument, "of a settled freehold estate of five
hundred acres of land and ten negroes." By this, it is made -tin
possible for any other interest than that of the planters to be
i renresented in the State Councils. I he fabric of South Car
) olina aristocracy is as compact and as well protected by law as
the English nobility.
The enormous political privileges we nave mentioned are
rendered overwhelming engines against the non-slaveliolding
classes when backed by the modern " gerrymandering which
thmitrh use' in the North bv whisrs asainst democrats, and dem
ocrat's ttft: si whig, is used in the South to crush in the germ
the spirit of Freedom, and is carried to the most oppressive ex
treme. To be satisfied of this, let any, one examine the appor
tionment laws of South Carolina, which give the Represent
ative niajoriy to a small minority in the planting counties.
These laws are aided by others requiring property qualifica
tions, and by the tone of Southern Society which has no tend
ency to inspire the laboring whites with an interest in public
affairs. They do not go to the polls as we of the North do.
Examine the returns of the votes at the last Presidential election
if you doubt this, and compare them with the census returns.
You will find the number of white males in the slave States and
Territories over 20 years of nge, was, 1,017,307, while the vote
for President, at that exciting election, was only 682, 5S3. With
these GSi, 533 votes the South elected 120 Presidential electors;
that is, one elector to 5,935 voters. -
The Free States gave 1,726,737 votes, and chose 1C8 1 1 eio ,
that is, one elector to 10,278 voters. Two northern vntciv nd
a very liiile more political power therefore, than one Suutin rn.
About 300,000 Southern whites should havfe voted who did not.
To what cause can you attribute this, if not to those we assign?
The natural consequence of the exclusion of the laboring
whites of the South from opportunities of education end from
political privileges, is their social degradation. They are little
esteemed by their lordly neighbors, and arc known among
slaves by the name of "poor white folks." Those of them whose
manliness of spirit is broken down by years of endurance of con
tempt and insult, speak and act more like the serfs of Russian
nobles than free born sons of America. To aid this class of our
follow citizens to recover their lost rights, is one object we stand
pledged to accomplish. The non-slaveholders of the South will
be, iu a few years, the strongest wing of the Liberty party.
They have wrongs
"To stir a fever in the blood of age,
And make an infant's sinews strong ns steel."
Southern newspapers teem with abuse of white men who la
bor for their subsistence. Robert. WicklilTe, a prominent Ken
tucky politician, and a member of a large and influential fam
ily, says in a speech published in the Louisville Advertiser, 'Gen
tlemen want to drive out the black population that they may ob
tain white neg roes in their jdace. White Negroes have this
advantage over black negroes, they can be converted into voters;
and the men who live upon the sweat of their brow, and pay
them but a dependent and scanty subsistence, can, if able to
keep ten thousand of them in employment, come up to the
polls and change tho destiny of the country.
"How improved will be our condition when we have such
tou7e negroes as perform the servile, labors of Europe, of old
England, and he would add now, of New England, when our
body servants, and our curt drivers, and our street sweepers are
while negroes instead of black. Where will be the independ
ence, the proud spirit, the chivalry of Kentucky then?"
For these vaporing, Boabdil speeches, the 'while negroes' about
Lexington refused to vote for Mr. WicklifTe at the ensuing elec
tion, and he was left at home to nurse tho "chivalrous" spirit.
Benjamin Watkins Leigh, long a prominent Whig, said in
the Virginia Convention of 1820: "Those who depend on their
daily labor for their daily subsistence, can never enter into polit
ical allairs; they never do, never win, never can."
Mr. Pickens, ol smith Carolina, in a Congressional speech of
January 21, 1836, said, in support of the proposition that the cap
italists oi a country sriouiu always own tne laoorcrs, " it la
borers ever obtain the political power of a country, it is in fact
in a state ot revolution."
Gov. McDutfie, in hjs celebrated anti-frce-labor message of
1836', said, "where these offices i. e. hard work are perform
ed by members of the political community, a dangerous element
is obviously introduced into the body politic."
Chancellor II arper, in the work before quoted, opposes the
education of laborers, and asks triumphantly, "Would you do a
benefit to the horse or ox, by giving him a cultivated understan
ding, a fine feeling?"
This, then, is the spirit of the "Slave Power;" arrogant, ov
erbearingand cruel, the deadliest foe to bur free institutions,
and the genius of Republicanism. Heaven protect them from
its inroads! .
Contrast the stato of feeling,"iifti
i:, inn u;.i lcii uv iiwsn I; 'u. v.- I i
that which existed less than thirty-five years afterwards, whe;i
Missouri was admitted to tho Union. No one c.nn .im,io
the Missouri question would have been settled by ihe fathers of i tnc delusion ih
ll.n i-nt.nKi:rt rVU 1.1 I. 1 . . I . . I . . ' 1 .. .1..
CHIH.V 111) IU:IL
shrink from as
generally act
do as thev list
the republic. 1 hoy would have frowned at the thought of ex
tending slavery. Yet in 1820, the influence .of slavery was so
giuui over ure American people, that a majority ol their repre
sentatives, admitted a new State into the Union, with il.n ril.t
of perpetual slavery. Nor can it be doubted, that .slavery has 'diction docs not extend to the pulls. This Tortus from tho
RELIGION AND POLITICS.
llY C Ell II IT SMITH. ,
It is necessary to i. reach politics, if it is otily to dispel
it men can, i:i their political relations, iuno
which in their other relation.-) they would
highly criminal. The voters of this country
s if feeling that they have ti dispensation to
tit the pollsas iflbelirfg that God's iuri-
becn constantly accumulating power
the date when Missouri was admit
i.ig'ii' pi' tinted, or couutu
la very example, will (lien
a little longer the remedial
application of righteous politics to the gigantic evil, let tho
politics which bind and outrage and crush our brother,'
continue a little longer to he our prevailing politic? and
our country will finish the bloodiest chapter in all the book
of time. There will be such a reckoning for deep and
damning wrongs such an ouiburstmg of smothered, pent
up revenge, as living man h.is never seen. There will be,
in Apocalyptic language, ' blood even unto the horse-bridles.'
1 close my remarks with the most deeply earnest
submission 11 "'""'s ' me gospel to preach politics
t s mi'i tat ncr now cflipnin id ' "'h ik.uh.lt umimi uic mur ui nu n mev are
uul seeking new countries for spoil if amblc 1,0 t0 v.,,te iIk' 011 of millions,
mil 10 vote it mi no more to vote tlie JJdde out oi their
hands, but to vote it into their hands no more to voto
their continued subjection, but their immediate exemption
from, a system of horrid wholesale murder;
February 1, 1811. Tract No.
THE MISSOURI COMPROMISE,
OR THE
EXTENSION OF THE SLAVE POWER.
2.
BY GEN. JAMES APPLETON, MAINE.
not
the
Slavery exerted no slight influence over the public mind, at
tho period when the Federal Constitution was formed; but it .has
continually increased iu lower, and become more and more ma
lignant, from that tune until the present. In proof ot this, 1
might advert to many of the leading measures of the National
Government, and to much of the history of our country, since
the adoption of the constitution; but I choose to illustrate this
position, by referring to the prevailing opinion of those who
framed the constitution, and to a single subsequent act of the
government, viz: "The Missouri Compromise." I thus restrict
myself, tor the purpose ot presenting at large, the testimony of
several witnesses, who were actors in the scene they describe,
and who were competent, in all respects, to form a correct judg
ment. In the year 1820, Maine petitioned for admission into the Un
ion. This was refused, except upon the unconditional admission
of Missouri, which had also applied for admission. There was
no objection from any quarter to the request of Maine; it was
fit in all respects that she should bo admitted; but not daring to
trust the question of the admission of Missouri upon its own
merits, the admission of the two States was embraced iu the
same bill; thus milking the admission of Maine, dependent on
the unconditional admission of Missouri. "You may come in
to the Union," said the slave-owner; we shall be glad to receive
you; but if you do come in, you must bring with you Missouri
slaves and all not only those which she now has, but nil that
she may acquire to the end of time!" A great struggle ensued;
S t the members from the slave states, uniting as one man, and
carrying with them, as they are always able to do, a lew mem
bers from the freo States, succeeded in their execrable project
This was the first instance, where the admission ot a state into
the Union, was opposed openly, and in the halls of Congress,
on the ground of slavery; but slavery triumphed, and liberty and
honor and the constitution, were prostrated to the earth.
Iu 1787, tho Ordinance, for the government of the North-west
Territory, was passed by the old Congress, with scarcely an op
posing voice. iy this uriimance, which is the tundamcntal law
of that territory, slavery is forever excluded from that vast tract
ot country. In this teaturo ot that Ordinance, we have the
best evidence ot the feelings ot the American people, at that
time, in relation to slavery. This territory was ceded bv the
State ot Virginia.tor the purpose of forming new states, and al
though she was herself a slaveholding state, she consented, that
this new country should never bo polluted by the footsteps of
the slave, a nis act oi tne old Congress, was in perlect harmo
ny with the leading principles of the Constitution, which was
adopteu tno year iouowmg, anu pertectly coincident with the
opinion of American patriots, both of tho North and South.
The patriots ot mat age, were inspired with the ardent hone
. i "i III. ... .1 I I I - . i . . i
mat me principles " i.ue. ij ,ueveipeu uy me nevotution, would
everv where prevail, to the utter overthrow of slaverv. The
wise men who framed the Constitution expressed their opinions
as follows: Governor Morris, "Domestic slavery is a nefarious
institution, it ton me curse or neaven on tne stale where it vre-
vailed." L. Martin. ''The privilege of importing slaves, was
inconsistent vvitn mo principles oi uie revolution and dishonor
able to the American character.' Col. Mason. "The poor de
spise labor where performed by slaves. Every master of slaves
is horn a petty tyrant. Slavery brings the curse ot heaven on
country." Mr. Gerry. "No sanction oucht to be eiven to sla
very." Mr. Madison. "It is wrong to admit in the Constitution
the idea that there could be property in man." Madison papers
in an increased ratio, from
Imitted to the nre-cnt tiinn
Whether any now stotes will hereafter be admitted to tho Un
ion, with the p i.veit. establish shivery, time alone can detcr
mino..: ,it the himjs jim djv cherished, that the spirit of pat
riotism and liberty, wiirt li avmIiiii a few years, has been revived
' l iL i j f' wide pervading conviction, that slav
c "mi. f tt g j rosperity aud honor, and highest
Tpictui' f ) iui hot. ojntry, wjll- yet stay the onward
march of .mis enemy of jijjjaod, and nt no distant period, ban-'
i li iU roui.fi v.orv ("nrncr ot this goodly land.
At the time ol the Missouri eimpromise, when Missouri and
Maine were admitted into the Union, there were seven Repre
sentatives in Congress from Maine; but the conditions upon
which it was proposed to admit Maine were so reprehensible
and insulting, (hat five of the number, Mr. Kinsley, Joshua
Cusbman, Ezekiel Whitman, Enoch Lincoln and Jam..' Pm Uer,
voted against her admission preferring that Maine should never
be admitted into the Union, nnhcr llian to submit to the dishon
orable and arrogant claims of slavery. In explanation of their
course, tliesK members of the House, published "an Address to
the people of Maine." One only ot the members survives, the
Hon Ezekiel Whitman, who wrote the Address, and who is the
present able and upright Chief Justice of the State of Maine. 1
Khali close up this paper with extracts from this Address, which
asserts in plain but strong language, the domination of slavery
and the means bv which it ha been secured. If such were the
fearful stride-j of this power twenty-three years since, that states
men ofdiil'erent parties, united in exposing it, and in invoking
their countrymen to awake and resist its further advancement;
what must be its present potency aud virulence, when, during
the whale intervening period, it has been widening the field of
activity gathering new strength from the cowardly
oi us victims; ami unci) also
atrocity and unrighteousness
and desolation?
" When the Bill for the admission of Maine into the Union,
was fii rit discussed, at an early period of the session, the honora
ble Speaker, Henry Clay, of 'the House, avowed his opposition
to the admission of Maine, unequivocally, until Missouri should
have been admitted, with Ihe privilege o"f continuing the increase
of the slave-holding population: and alleged that this jealousy
of power on the part, of the South was justified by a similar jeal
ousy on the part of llie.Nortb, manifested iu the admission of
Kentucky. He alleged that Kentucky had been kept out of the
Union eighteen mouths, waiting for Vermont to be admitted as
a counterpoise in the scale of the Union. This piece of history
he stated as having been handed down by tradition, and derived
from sources on which he could confidently rely. The same
facts were again asserted subsequently by an honorable member
of the Senate, (Governor Barbour of Virginia.) On examina
tion, this precedent turns out not to have the slightest foundation
in fact."
" Of the question of power or influence, the gentlemen of the
Nortli, Ju.vc, heretofore, thought noth'mur, as between the slave-
nontHi-jnu noh'TrtTiioIdiiig-ectioiis of this Union, we have'
had our executive, with all his influence and patronage, elected
seven-nighths of the time, since the formation of the government,
Irom the slave-holding portions of the Union. All this has ex
cited no jealousy on our part. But whatever may be our dis
position in this pimicul,,,., it l)elu)0ves the people of the North
not to le inattentive to tho signs of the tunes. If 6 jrolt lint
by the developments which experience and collisions produce,
we shall deserve to be considered a besotted and stupid race, fit
only to l e led blindfolded; and worthy only, to be treated with
sovieiire contempt."
" Re-Frictions and impediments, in relation to Missouri, were
odious -unconstitutional invidious and we know not what.
But, in icgard to Maine she might be loaded down with restriction-;,
or any and every impediment; and to secure what?
The interest and welfare of Maine? No; power a balance of
power: and to whom? to slave-holding states. They say to
Maine, 'you may come into the Union; we shall be glad to re
ceive juii; you are entitled to admission upon every principle.
But, if you do come in, you must bring with yon Missouri,
slaves and all not only those which she now has, but all that
she may acquire to the end of time.' These proceedings and
declarations are to be regretted anil to be deprecated. They
will have the worst possible elfect. The North must, at least,
stand upon the defensive. And whater may be its solicitude for
the best, interests of the Union; and however anxious it may be
tor its hapinne-s and prosperity, such proceedings and such
declarations should not be passed without animadversions. To
be totally regardless of such not indications merely but posi
tive declarations over and over again repealed; and from all
tne prominent characters ot the ouuth, will not, and ought not
to bo forgotten.
We sec, here, a principle of Union a rallvinir point a man
ciple which creates in this Union a solid column an impene
trable phalanx, lorever united for political purposes, and fur the
acquisition id political power and influence. While the South
are united, and the influence of the North neutralised bv their
dreadful mistake of dr.iwing'a line betwee'ii religion and-
polities, and of ullou'mg.mcii to fancy that their; religion is
better tha inheir politics; that their moral character is bet
ter than their political character. 1 scarcely. need say be
fore an cTulightoiicd audience, that God requires r.s much
holiness at the polls as elsewhere. 1 scarcely need sav
that it-is as wicked, iu point of fict, to make", or refuse id
repeal slave lav,-.", aud to elect men to oliicc w ho will make",
iw.;, a.-; it is.to hudd ships for l!m -
manacles and fetters for the vie-
ion die. The cv it can become
I work its own destruction, if
or rtfu.-V to ri.(.c.i! vjcIi
slave-trade, or to forgi.
tims of that trade.
American Slavery must
but little greater, ere it w
the pulpit of this country shall, without delay, preach Bi
ble politics, the people without delay, adopt, and act upon
them ; and then through the peaceful power of the peace
ful ballot box, slavery will die a peaceful as well as speedy
death. We shall scarcely- have abolished the national
parts of slavery, by which" I mean slavery in the District
of Columbia, in the Territories, and under the national
flag, ere State .sl.ivery,th-5:i n
n-inced bv our national pro-.
quiei ueatii. lint let us delay
divisions, power, over this Union, must continue to reside where
it ha:, done ever since the formation of the srovcrnmeut." " It
should not be concealed, also, that the t-ower of the Executive.
which we would not impair or diminish, in this country, is not
inconsiderable. He has under bis control, eight or ten thousand
officers, distributed over the Union, comprising the most active
and influential men, together with pci bans twi -e. nav. ten times
that nuinlk'r of expectants of office: all of whom nre under nn
inducement to adhere to him, with all their influence and power.
Whenever power iu this country, then, shall have taken root in
a-tlU!W-lWilji. h'djffrc shall bo found such a common princi
ple of union, it cannot be easily eradicated.
1 he lessons which have been inculcated iu the course ot the
liscussiuns of the uuestion, in relation to Maine anil Missouri,
should forever hereafter be borne in mind. Missouri is now to
be admitted as d sr. we-hoi.dino statk. Arkansas is next to
follow. Thus the n inciiile of union, this rallvintr noint is to be
extended and sironjthciied.".
Cet tht American people ponder this testimony, and while it
is yet within their nawer. arise and vindicate the principles of
their lathers, and drive back the foe ol liberty and our country
1340. 1841. 1342 1343.
Maine, 194 1,662 ,8,654 6,351
New Hampshire, 111 2,353 3,110 3,564
Vermont, S19 2,794 2,091 3,766
Massachusetts, 1,415 3,722 6,422 9,173
Connecticut, 174 1,319 1,777 1,872
New York, 2,803 5,832 7,262 20,000
Pennsylvania, 343 819f 1 , 1 1 4f 2.417
Ohio, 904 2,848 5,423 6,761
Illinois, 159 527 931 1,934
Michigan, 328 8C8 2,130 2776
Indiana, 900 1.634
Total, 6,754 20,683 34,814 60,30s'
Correspondence of the New York Evangelist.
FUGITIVE SLAVES.
A case lately occurred in Washington City, of attempted
escape of a number ofslaves, which is likely, in its prog
ress, to yield results of great moment. It is recorded in
the National Intelligencer, of Nov. 27th, as follows:
" Runaway Slaves. We understand that on hist Fri
day night, ' aw rem eight and nine o'clock, a police oflicer,
a constable and two other persons, aided by Capt. God
dard, of the Au.xilliary Guard, succeeded in prcveitins: thti
escape of several slaves, who wcic'ubout to travel to Cana
da without a permit from their masters The slaves, ar
rested, ten in number, were on the point of being conveyed
out of the District. Four colored women and two cliikirciit
were in a light and commodious spring waggon, which li'io
officer di-wt.vcred i - S..lde belonging to Joim Bush, a
free negroe, residing on English Hill, in the rear of lliis
Cityllall. ' From the circumstances which transpired at the'
time of the arre.it, there was a reason to believe that John
Bush was aiding in the escape of these rmiauavs. A Col
ored man, named Smallwood, now residing at Toronto, in
Canada, hail, it would seem, written letters to slaves rn!
iliu Dion-lot, .,,! niherwi.se tried to aid tliem in their es
cape. Smallwood arrived in this cny wuii a waggon and
horses last Tuesday evening. We understand that Bush
has been held to bail in the sum of $500, for his appear
ance at the next Criminal Court. Smallwood lias not yet
ocen arrested. 1 bo wagon aud horses lound m Bush'.-f
stable arc in possession of the ollicers, and will so remain
until the owner comes forward lo prove and claim bis:
team."
It will be observed lhat this arrest was achieved bv an
oflicer of the "Auxilliary Guard," which was established1
for the protection of the city, and especially of tha public
buildings, by an Act of Congiess, passed iu the summer of
1813. The real object of the law, was noted, I think, in
your columns at tliaX time. I am informed that nearly n
theslaves recaptured by this "Guard," so employed and
paid by the United States, have been punished for their
love of liberty by being sold to the slave-traders, to be
sent to New Orleans, and thence to the slaughter of the
sugar plantations of Louisiana. Five of them, n mother
and four children, it is said, belonged to Mr. Beale, an as
sistant Daoi keeper of the Senate. Mr. B., it is said, re
tains the mother mid her youngest child, aged 8 years, and
has solo the others, a son and two daughters, to the traders.-
May God in mercy help and comfort that bereaved
mother; and may every mother who reads this, make the
case her own, and that of her own sons and daughters,
and then act by the Golden Hide.
The case of Mr. Bash is a very important one. He is,
lam told, a very industrious and respectable eifi7.rn, hav
ing a little property, and a beloved tamily dependent on
him for support and education. Tho crime (!) he is char
ged with is, kidnapping slaves; and this crime, under the
old, obsolete statutes of Maryland, w hicli are held to bo
in force iu th is District, is a capital oJJ'enee. The only act
that is alleged of bini is, that he aided these unhappy per
sons in their plans for escaping out of the tender mercies
of the American Congress, by allowing them to nssembl
at his house prior to their intended departure. The, ques
tion for every citizen of the United States is just this.
Shall this man sutf'tr death fur that act
It is probable the trial will take place next month. Able
counsel will be rmplopcd for the defence. On the trial
tho question will be raised, and carried for adjudication to
the Supreme Court lias Slavery ever .had a legal exis
tence in this District under the government of Congress?
The readers of the Evangelist will see at a glance, that
this case has a magnitude, and importance, and interest,
including and beyond the three cases of the Amistad, Lat
imer and Van Zatult! I will endeavor to give you a faith
ful report of the proceedings.
It is now confidently reported that the Committee ori
the amendment of the rules of the House, of which Mr.
Adams is Chairman, have agreed live to four, to report in
favor of rescinding the 51st Utile, which excludes aboli
tion petitions. J. L.
Increased by peculiar local cause.
fPartial.
fO- Three more SLAVE-HOLDING Foreign Ministers
have just been appointed. Robert WicklifTe. Jr.. of Kentucky,
to Sardinia; Abroin Rancher, of North Carolina, to Portugal;
and Danley S. Carr, ot v irginm,
tatives of a free people.
to Turkey. Noble Represen
SifiNS op coming tbiumhi. When the friends of free-
dom manifested a determination to carry their principles
to the ballot-box, they were told that from thenceforth no
concession would be made by the two old parties that
both would combine to oppose any anti-slavery measure
or petition which might be proposed in our Stato Lcgislo
ture aud Congress. How is the fact? The Legislature
of Massachusetts, Vermont aud Maine, at their Into ses
sions, have gone farther iu support of our principles, than
they did during our seven years campaign of moral sua
sion. And now with the exception of three members
from New Hampshire, the entire New England delegation
in Congress, Democrats and Whig-', have just lecorded
their votes against the infamous Gag-law. The Resolu
tions of Massachusetts, which in 6o7 were cast unread,
undeleted, nn referred, on the table of Congress, are now
referred to a committer of which John Q. Adams is chair
man. Nay, more, in that very District of Columbia and
from that "very prison whom in 1336, Dr. Crandall of N.
York, was confined for eight months for lending copies of
an anti-slavery pamphlet, a black man, taken up and con
fined a a fugitive slave, petitions Congress to interfere iu

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