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Green-Mountain freeman. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1844-1884, February 03, 1844, Image 1

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ii(iive me JLibcriyor give me Death!"
In Lyman's building, Main st. near the Union House.
J. C. ASP F.N WALL, Editor.
J. POLAND, Publisher.
T E II M S :
Single copifs $1,50 in advance, or $2,00 after the ex
piration of three months from tho time of suhscribing.
All papers sent at tho expense of the subscriber?.
ICJ Advertisements inserted st (he usual charges.
rCP Book and. J;'b Worli of every description than'.i-
1 it it"B'M wtrh.M!ncss and dispatch.
' , , , t )
i ' nteslown, A Allyn
jlsbury, A Ktimpson
. do ' K Conk.
Claeer, Rev 15 Mason
Greensboro', G II Page
Holland, C Robinson
Irasburgh, Rev J Clarke
do R Sliiiiner
Lowell, J I) Harding
Morgan, Rev J) Packer
Troy, A J Unwell
Cambridge, M Safiord
Eden, C Pisk
Elmore, Dea Camp
Hydepark, E P Pitch
Johnson, A W Caldwell
Morrislown, J West
Stow, B II Fuller
Waterville, II A Fiik
Wolcott, Smith
Bethel, Rev I) Field
Cavendish, ltv W F F.vans
Chester, O Hutchinson
Rochester, Rev Win Scales
Royalton, I) Woodward
Sharon, V Metcalf
Woodstock, T Hutchinson
Brandon, J W Hale
Rutland, R R Thrall
WalHniford, Kev MrCon
stantine & I' F iS'icholsori
Rockingham, Rev Mr Uur-
! Townshend, W R Shaftcr
j Wilmington, O L Shafier
I Manchester, 1) Roberis jr
" Worcester, tllw .t Ui
Bradford, J D Clark
Brookfield, D Kincsb'iry
Do S M Bigelow
Chelsea, Harry Hale
Corinth, Rev A D Smith
do J Fellows
Fairlee, G May
Jtfewbury, Rev S Sias
Randolph, F. Fast man
Strafford, A Warner
Post Ji7, L Ilinkley"
Thctford, Rev A C Smith
W Topsham, Rev S Leavitt
Tunbndge, V IS Scott
Vershire, B O Tyler
Burlington, D Fish
Charlotte, C Grant
Hinesburgh, A Beecher
Williston, W II French
NFcrrisburg Rv C Prindle
Cornwall, Rev Mr Wright
t""ergcn;tts, A Sprngiie
.Enoiurg, f Fuller
Montgomery, J Martin
St Albans, 1. lirainard
Hardwick, W W heat ley
Lyndon, Mr Skinner
Peacham, Rev 1 D Rust
Walden, S Farns.vorlh
Albany, Rev G Putatam
Barton', w SoJver
them into effect, if their lenders were ready. Alas!
party leaders think tnoro of elevating themselves,
thnn of going to work to overthrow slavery. And
while they can blind their followers by fair speech
es, they will hardly step forward, and help to do
the work which they are morally bound to do.
Well, let such men at the South as C. M. Clay,
speak and act; they will find a good number at the
North who will act with them, and hold up their
hands in the day of battle. And I fully believe
that the Liberty Party will be as ready to help
them, ns any otlx!r party.
For the Green Mountain Freeman.
The following letter was probably written with
out any expectation of its being published, but we
think it is too good to be lost.
XV. Berkshire, 19th Jan., 1344.
To the President and Members of the Methodist
Preachei 's Jlnti-Siavery Convention, to be hold
en at Randolph, on the 14th tnsi :
Dear Fathers St Brethren : Not being able to
meet with you in Convention and enjoy the satis
faction which it would afford me, to share in your
deliberations on the important subject of the con
nection of the M. E. Church with slavery, and
with you endeavor to devise means for the des
truction of such connection, while the Discipline
and usages of the church shall he preserved, invio
late; I cannot deny myself the privilege of addres
sing you by letter, though I be least of all.
You, dear brethren, cannot stand in need of any
advice from one so comparatively young in the
ministry, and o poorly qualified as my humble
self to give it: nor will I attempt any work ot the i the use of our elective franchise
place of weeping, of labor, of gloom, ami death!
And wilt thou bring guilt, and shame, and ruin on
the church of the Living God? Nay, "the gates of
hell shall not prevail against it." May the "Lord
rebuke thee." May our beloved brunch of that
Church speedily be purified from so dark a stain,
and stand forth in its brightness in this dark world,
showing herself ready to do her full share in the
work of subduing the world to Christ.
Finally, brethren, may your Convention be a
happy and a profitable one. May that God who
is tho eternal enemy of oppression, preside over
you. May our Lord Jesus Christ, the great spir
itual Emancipator, be in jour in'iiNl- ,Iay the
Holy Ghost, the Spirit of Trutif ;.;n! Wisdom,
lead you into all truth connected with tin: great
anti-slavery eutcrprize, and comfort you with the
assurance that your ways please God. And may
you have the reward of a good conscience and the
approbation of God, for having labored to secure
the Purity and Peace of the Church of your
choice. Your
15. M. II ALL.
- For the Green Mountain Freeman.
Mr. Editor, I am, always glad when I sec I
such papers as the Letter of Cassius M. Clay, in
the Watchman, and hope that Idler will he read
with attention. Perhaps I should dissent from
some of his views; but in general they arc excel
lent. The following extracts should be proclaim
ed with trumpet sound through the whole land:
"Let Congress abolish slavery wherever she
has jurisdiction in the military places, in the ter
ritories, on the high sens, and in the District of
Columbia. 1 lay down the broad rule, that Con
gress should do no more for the perpetuation of
slavery than she is specially bound to do. The
United States are morally bound by all means con
sistent with the Constitution, to extinguish slave
ry. I dissent, then, from the ultra anti-slavery
and the ultra pro-slavery men. I cannot join the
North in the violation of the Constitution I can
not stand by the South in asking the moral sanc
tion of the North; nor do I regard it as a breach
of the constitutional compact, that she should seek
a higher grade of civilization by using all legal
means for the entire expulsion of slavery in the
United States."
I add one more extract for the benefit of those
christians, who are ready to vote for n slaveholder
for President:
"Slavery is an evil to the master. It is utterly
subversive to the Christian lleligion. It violates
the great law upon which that religion is based,
nnd on account of which, it vaunts its pre-emin-ency."
Some of our Northern divines would do well to
take a few lectures on Christianity from this noble
Kentuckian. For one I will not put him under
f, the Ban, if he will come into Vermont, and give
I our churches and ministers a few theological lec
' tares.
The Watchman tells us, that C. M. Clay is n
ivig, and has suffered persecution on that account.
, fcll, I hope all the whigs will read his letter,
embrace his doctrines and make a decided effort to
curry them out. And I hope we shall see the
ian taking tho load in such a noble cause.
i .1 .t iii . i i ..it
-Aiet nun ana cunurs iukc nom 01 una worn, ana 1
should not wonder if he could see no need of the
Liberty Party. The work laid out by Mr. C. M.
Clay, is a plain, straight forward, business con
cern. Congress is to go to work, and to abolish
slavery wherever she has jurisdiction in the mil
itary places in the Territories, on the high seas,
and in the District of Columbia; and never do
any more for the perpetuation of slavery than she
is specially bound to do. o j that it sue is not
specially bound to do anything for this purpose,
then Congress has nothing to do to perpetuate
slavery: but the United Slates are morally bound
by all means consistent with the constitution to
extinguish slavery. Excellent sentiments. And
what adds to their value, they come from a distin
guished Kentuckian. Every liberty man will
cheerfully subscribe to these sentiments, and then
heln to carry them into full effect. Will cither
the whigs or democrats so do? That a largo por
tion of each party believe these sentiments to be
iorrect I doubt not, and would be ready to carry
For more than eight years, have I been fully
eonvinrcd of the inherent sinfulness of slavery
that it is sin, and only sin, and that continually.
To declare myself an abolitionist, cost me a severe
struggle; nnd, for a short time, I was held trem
bling in the balances! In tho one scale I beheld
truth, mighty truth, brilliant as the diamond of the
first water; while on the one side of her stood du
ty to God, and on the other, good will to man.
These beckoned me onward in that direction, and
pointed with one hand to the slave, the down-trodden,
outraged, chattclizcd, groaning, dying slave,
and with the other, directed my trembling gaze to
the tribunal of Almighty God! In the other scale
lay the opposition of my brethren in the ministry
to "modern abolitionism" the advice of the Gen
eral Conference, to "wholly refrain;" the suspi
cion with which the abolitionist was regarded by
his "chief ministers;" and a fearful array of hin
drances to a full, and bold declaration of abolition
sentiments, well calculated to make the timid hes
itate! But, looking upon both sides of this great
subject, with the fear of God before my eyes, nnd
the Heaven originated principle of benevolence in
my heart, how could I long be held in a state of
indecision? I could not. Nor have I for a single
hour regretted the course then taken, and no fears
arc indulged that that course will be regretted in
that day when the King shall say, " Inasmuch as
ye have done it unto one of the least of these my
brethren, ye have done it unto me."
Three hundred and sixty-five times in the year,
for eight years past, has my heart been grieved at
the recollection that the church of my choice tole
rated slavery ! As often have I blushed before the
world, that our beloved Methodism should stoon
from her high scat to pollute herself by pressing
to her bosom so vile a monster. And often, very
often, have I shuddered, when that same Method
ism has thrust herself between slavery and the hea
vy artillery of Heaven's own truth; thereby recei
ving the wounds intended to be inflicted on the
head of that old dragon, slavery !
In view of the fact, that the M. E. Church is in
volved in connection with slavery, I feel it my
luty to enter my most solemn and public protest
against such an unnatural union. In the name of
the founder of Methodism, whose name we vene
rate, and who has left on record on that subject,
Thoughts that burn," I protest against slavery !
in .tnc name ot a nance, a Uoke, a Watson, an
Asbury, and the whole constellation of Antislave
ry stars of the first magnitude in the firmament of
Methodism, I protest against slavery in the M. E.
Church! In the name of our common emintrv.
j i
whose welfare we should seek, and for whose
peace we should pray, I protest against the adul
terous union of American Methodism with Jlnur
ican Slavery! In the name of our common Chris
tianity, which requires that we remember those in
bonds as bound with them ;" whose spirit is be
nevolence, and whose essence is love ; I protest
against slavery! In the name of the millions of
heathen in this land of Bibles, of Sabbaths, of
ministers, made heathen by law, and deprived of
every right, and exposed to every wrong; I protest
against slavery, in the name of all that is true, or
honest, or lovely, or of good report. If there be
any virtue, or any praise, let slavery be put out of
the M. E. Church! Finally, in the name of the
Great and terrible God, whpse prerogatives slavery
usurps, and whose law it scorns, let slavery be
analhama! 0 slavery! thou fiend of darkness !
Thou hell-scorched spirit! Why comcst thou
within the sacred precincts of the risible church
of Christ! I suspect thou art allied to the spirit
which, by lies to our first parents, and blasphe
mies against God, converted a paradise into a
The Liberty Party in the Third District, were
somewhat afilicted with Mr. Whittier's refual to
stand longer as their candidate for Congress. But
as he has felt restrained by his position, in tho use
of his eloquent pen, the friends of tho cause
through the country will not regret the course be
has taken. The following extract is from a letter
he addressed to the Convention, culled to nomin
ate a candidate in his place:
"The present is indeed a time for tho friends of
the slave to 'thank God and take courage.' Stea-
uv, uncompromising iuicntv to our principles in
during the past
three years, has already wrought a marvellous
change in favor of the great cause of Human
Freedom. The passage of the Latimer Bill the
repeal of the anti-marriage Lvw, that last relict ol
the old Slave-code of the State tho Resolves of
the last session asking an alteration of the Consti
tution, repealing that clau.-c which tumbles the
South to send into Congress twenty representa
tives of slave property arc among the indications
in our State, of the growing i tifl ueii'-e of our prin
ciples and consistent practice. If we look to Con
gross, we note a similar progress. We are wring
ing from the rnluctuut and robber-hands of slave
holders and their Northern allies, the Right of Pe
tition, of which we have been deprived for the
last ten years. Terrified by the growing stiength
of the Liberty vote in till sectiiAs.of the free
States, the recently elected memncrs n the pres
ent Congress, dare not trample on oi:r petitions,
as their predecessors have done; but are constrain
ed to acknowledge our right to be heard. Lead
ing politicians, and party M'litors are milking loud
professions of their zeal for Northern rights, and
abstract abolition. Men who mobbed usliveyears
ago for being abolitionists, now pride themselves
in the name of IVhig abolitionists, and Demorral
ic abolitionists. Up to the very hour when we
sawanu acted upon the necessity and duty ot car
rying our principles to the ballot-box through
the seven long weary years of moral suasion and
humble petition what were these men doing:
They maligned us in their newspapers they in
voked legislative enactments against us they fill
ed the ears ot slaveholders with base falsehoods
respecting us umil the entire South became one
great Lynch Clul, whetting its Bowie-knife for
our throats they hounded on the ferocious mobs
which hunted for the lives of our lecturers ami
broke up our meetings; in fact, the only day of
respite which they gave us out of the whole 303,
was that on which we made at the 15:illot-Box our
annual obeisance to slavery, and enjoyed the de
lectable privilege of voting our persecutors into
office! Well, we have made an advance step
we have twisted off our old party collars wc
have drawn deep and broad (ho line between sla
very and Freedom in the politics of the country,
wc act as well as preach, we volena well as pray
against the sluve power and now wliut do wc
see? Our old enemies are as active as ever ag
i list us, but taking altogether a new position.
They no longer propose to mob our prayer meet
ings, they no longer regard our petitions treasona
ble, they have given up the idea of legislative re
strictions upon freedom of speech and of the
press. Nay, they declare themselves abolitionists
of the old moral suasion sort, they are filled with
regret that so holy a cause should be sullied by
versal Freedom ! Who docs not feel his heart
glow within him at tho thought of laboring in such
a cause? Does it not enlarge our souls arid ex
pand our sympathies? Does it not bring us near
er to the great and good of past ages? From the
damp depths of dungeons from the stake and
the scaffold wherever the confessors and martyrs
of Liberty have sealed their testimony, solemn
and awful voices call upon us to persevere, nnd
iiess onward. Wo are surrounded by a crowd of
living witnesses. In France, Ireland, England,
Italy and Germany, w herever the long oppressed
millions are rising up from their debasement and
struggling into freedem, every true ami liberal
heart beats warmly with ours. Freedom through
out the world is interested in our struggle. Pore
and imdef'dcd Chriotianity everywhere icjoices in
our progress. For, to use the language of Rob
ert 1 1. ill, in bis glorious delVnen of Christianity as
the inseperable friend of Freedom, "be who
breaks the fetters of Slavery, and delivers a na
tion from thraldom, forms the noblest comment
on the great Law of Love." For such a cause,
with such encouragements to action, let us spare
no effort, and count no sacrifice too great. Eve-
cry name addon to tnc list oi j, merry voters, is
an additional weight on the tnighiy lever of Mor
al and Political Action which is now under the
foundation stone of American oppression. Pile
them on then, in the name of Humanity let no
one hesitate to throw on Ins weignr, ami soon
with God's blessing, turret and hatllemont of the
foul edifice sh'ill totter anil fall, its dungeons shall
burst open to the sunshine and free air, and an
gels and the just tnadc perfect shall rejoice over
its ruin.
" code of honor" itself, that fatal rencounter be
tween Graves and Cilley, in which the latter was
prcmeditatcdly and deliberately murdered? Yet,
Mr. Clay coines before the country as a candidate
for the highest honors in its gii't, with nil thU
blood, still unrcpented upon Ins handstand the
Whig papers insultingly assure us that although
Mr. Clay "may have been erroneous" fwe quote
their language yet the practice, if not wholly jus
tifiable, is excused by the fact that other men have
fallen into the same error! Sage conclusion !
Grave and pious moralists! Fit organs of a par
ty claiming all the religion and all the morality, to
say nothing of wealth and intelligence, in tlior
land! Who will deny that the defenders of the
hard cider and pipe-laying practices of 1840 have
become the apologists, if not the abettors and ad
vocates, of fashionable assassination in 1813?
We are willing to submit to the better judgments
of the nation whether such apologies are sufficient,
or the individual in whose behalf they are urged,
worthy the suffrages of an enlightened and Chris
tian people. Pontine Jacksonian.
From the Christian Freeman
From the Anti-Slaverv Almanac for 1840, prepaid
ed by Theodore D. Weld.
1. He has been a slaveholder for forty years,
and now holds sixty- persons ns property.
2. lie was one of the founders, and is now the
President of the American Colonization Society,
the grand antagonist of abolition.
3. When the hill for the admission of Michi
gan into the Union was under consideration in the
Uniiod States Senate, Mr. Ci ty gave a specimen
of colonization benevolence towards free colored
citizens, by making a motion to deprive them of
the right to vote on the question of its acceptance
by the people. See Senate Journal.
' 4. His great personal and official influence,
when Speakerof United States House of Repre
sentatives, secured the admission of Missouri in
to the Union, as a slave State.
5. He gave his casting vote, February 18, 1819,
in favor of perpetual slavery in Arkansas, at a
time when that territory was almost entirely finin
habited: thus struggling for the widest possible
extension of legalized crime.
G. lie first proposed the annexation of Texas,
by a motion to that effect, April S, 1820.
7. He has earnestly contended against the ab
olition of slavery in the Dist. ii't of Columbia, or
in 'any Territory of the United Stales,' and intro
duced resolutions into the U. S. Senate, denoun
cing 'interference of the citizens of any of the
States,' to effect either of these objects. See his
resolutions, passed May 10, 1833.
8. He zealously opposed the calling of a con
vention in Kentucky, a measure without which
the abolition of shivery I" In"", cannot lake place
in that, Stale. George W. WViMiiger, who is as
sociate editor of the Louisville Journal, the lend
ing Claj' paper at the West, in a letter dated July
6,1838, says: 'It is well know n that Mr. Clay is
warmly opposed to a convention. While the con
vention law was under discussion, letters were re
ceived from hi in remonstrating against the passage
of the law.'
9. February 7, 1833, he made his great speech
for Southern votes, in which be said: 'The Lib
erty of the descendants of Jlrica in the Uni'ed
States, is incompatible with the liberty of the Eu
ropean descendants.''
We sincerely regret that this Argus-eyed hdvo
cate of human liberty cannot be permitted a seat
with the other reporters within the hall of the
House of Representatives. Wc doubt not that
the Honorable Speaker is a chivalrous and cour
teous gentleman, and fell back very gracefully up
on the Virginian prerogative, strict construction,
when he informed Mr. Leavitt that there was no
room for him, unless in the gallery. No one, we
imagine, can mUtnke the motives which led ther
Speaker to this decision with regard to Mr. Leav
itt. Nor do w e see w herein it is impossible for
him, so to expand the principle of ttrkl construc
tion, as to exercise an absolute censorship over the
whole corps of reporters, and determine what po
litical priui'iph's shall admit them to the Hall.
We entertain, however, a humble confidence in
the courtesy of the Southern Speaker now occupy
ing thcrhair, and bis illustrious successor, who
ever he may be. Having acquired from the plinnt
subserviency of the North, the divine right of cus
tom to tin unlimited succession in the Speakership
and Presidency of this Republic, wc trust that they
will exercise it with magnanimity in view of the
placid ami docile weakness of Northern Freemen.
The slave power should imitate other giant forin.f
of despotism, and sometimes be even generous
where pity would do more than force.
We trust, then, that Mr. Speaker Jones will not
bring under the ban of his "strict construction,"
all itir Northern reporters, without regard to par
ty, in tke case ot Mr. Leavitf, his " rejection"
will probably occasion but little unpleasant' emo
tion among flic great majority at the North. It is
known the world over, that he is one of those" fa
natical, political abolitionists," whom both of our
two parties have, taken great pains to represent to
the slave-holding regency as unworthy of notice ut
Home or aiir wail, l o mis class, ot w men we sub
proud to licMlie humblest one, the rejection afitf re
turn of this mid. muted champion of their cause will
be a signal for a new and simultaneous effort to
shake tVom the neck id' this flave-riddcn country,
an iron-hearted dynasty whichsupprcsscsthe dear
est prerogatives of the free.
Editorial Correspondence of the Emancipator,
Washington City, Monday Jan. 15, 1344.
Dea it Rr..u)r.r,s, It is the will of the slave-holder
who now holds tho office of Speaker of the
House of Representatives, that I should no longer
enjoy the privileges ordinarily allowed to report
ers on the floor of the Hail. In accordance with
my prediction, the regulation of things w as put o't
from day to day, plantation fashion, and no defi
niie answer was given to the reporters, who appli
ed for permits, until fo-d iv. shortly alter I went
politics, they profess to occupy the very ground
upon which wc stood whon they let loose their
mobs upon us. To discuss the subject of Slavery
is no longer treason. All their indignation is now
reserved for those w ho vote against it. Courage,
then, brethren! If the position wlijch v.:e occu
pied five years ago is now acknowledged to be
right by the very men wlio abused us lor taking
it, depend upon it, it will not bo long before they
will confess our present position to bo right also.
Ears deaf to our prayers and entreaties, are open
to the "terse rhetoric of the Ballot-liox."
Wo to us and our cause if we overlook princi
ple in a contest for men. . Let us strike :i dead lev
el in our ranks let us know no leaders let us
hold out no paltry partisan favors as the recom
pense of labor in a cause which is "its own ex
ceeding great reward." If there are any among
us who cannot sincerely thank God that they nre
permitted to labor in such a cause if there are
any who would introduce among us the misera
ble watch-words and petty jealousies of pro-slavery
parties ifthere are any who have yet to
learn that the establishment of a National ' Bank
or Sub-Treasury, is not the great end anil aim of
human existence if there are any who love
Whiggery better than Liberty, and the empty
name of Democracy better than its reality, let
them go out from among us at once; tho sooner
the better. As wo close up our ranks on their de
parture, our numbers may be less, but we shall at
least feel that true hearts are beating on our right
hand and on our left; that no non-conductors are
left to break the electric chain of our common
sympathy. We want Liberty men; not Whig ab
olitionists nor Democratic abolitionists, nor Baptist
abolitionists, nor Quaker abolitionists but true
hearty friends to Freedom; Men who feel their ob
ligation to God aud their fellow men, who, impel
led by principle, have enlistedfor the war, not to
be driven back by threats, or deluded back by
falsehood and flattery.
Liborty the great interest of humanity Uni-
Slavery in the district of Columbia is not South
ern Slavery. It has no local character. It is the
slavery of the Unted Statas! It belongs equally to
the free and to thoslave holding potion of the conn
try. It is our institution as truly as if it was pla
ced in the midst of us; for this District is the com
mon ground of the nation. Its institutions exist
solely by authority of the nation. They are as tru
ly the expressions of the national will as any act
of Congress w hatever. We all uphold the slave
colli! under which men are bought, and sold, and
whipped, at their master's pleasure. Every slave
auction in the district is held under our legislation.
We are even told that the prison of the district is
used for the safe-keeping of the slaves who are
udUght there for sale. There we sustain slavery
as truly as we sustain the navy or tho army. It
ought then to be abolished at once. And in ur
in.'jr this action wo cxnress no hostility towards
Southern institutions. Wo do not think of the
South. We see within a spot under our jurisdic
tion a great wrong sustained bylaw, r or tins
law we are responsible. For all its fruits we
must give account. e owe then to God, to con
science, to rectitude, our best efforts for its aboli
tion. We have no thought of Southern institu
tions. It is our own unjust, unhallowed institu
tions which w e resolve no longer to maintain. Can
the free States consent to continue their partner
ship in this wrong? '1 hey have not even the poor
eotisulation ot proliting by the crime.
Since it has become apparent that Clay will be
the Whig candidate for the presidency, the federal
editors have made the discovety that duelling is a
very innocent amusement, or nt least, that it in
volves little of tho moral turpitude which in the
estimation of most people attaches to the charac
ter of it man who habitually practices and advises
it. What charges would not be rung by them if
the position of Clay and the democratic candidates
were reversed in this respect ? What would i.c
said of Mr. Van Biiren, for example, if he had, as
did Mr. Clay, commenced his public life by call
ing a legislative colleague to account for words
spoken in debate, nnd deliberately shot him?
What would have been said if, whily a member of
tho executive department of the government he
had attempted a similar chastisement of a Sena
tor in Congress, who could not constitutionally he
held responsible elsewhere for his language?
What withering reproach and deep criminality
would they not have charged upon him had he
advised and urged on, contrary to the wishes ot
others, and in violation, even, of tho so-called
::i for perm
o the Hall,
to the flail, tic? door-keeper came to me very civ
illy, and said the speaker had given me no permis
sion to be in the Hall. I asked mm w hy not, but
he gave no reasons, and returned my letter of ap
plication with tho endorsement, in pencil, " Leave
not granted by the Speaker." Of course, 1 took
my hat and paper, and posted into the gallery.
Determined not to take up any second hand or
conjectural ideas, I v.T.t,:bcil for the adjournment
of the House, and then waited on the Speaker in
person, for an explanation, lie received me very
courteously, and said he had many more applica
tions than he had desks to give to reporters, and
that the rules only allowed him to admit as many
as there were desks. I told him it had been the
usage heretofore to admit a greater number that
it w as seldom that all were in their seats, that
several had seals in the Senate chamber that we
could "ride and tie," Su, but he said the rules
were quite strict and he did not like to set the ex
ample of violating the rules. Of course, I could
say nothing more, and it was his business to know
the rules. On returning to my lodgings, 1 borrow
ed a copy of the rules, and now transcribe all that
bears upon this matter.
" 18. Stenographers wishing to take down tho
debates, may be admitted by the Speaker, who
shall assign such places it docs not say desks to
them, on the floor or elsewhere, to effect their ob
ject as shall not interfere with the convenience of
the House.
19. .No person shall be allowed the privilege
of a stenographer without a written permission
from the Speaker, specifying the part of the House
not desk assigned to him ; and no reporter or
stenographer shall be admitted under the rules of
the House, unless such reporter or stenographer
.shall state in writing, for what paper or papers ho
is employed to report."
My application to tho Speaker was in the fol
lowing form
"Hon. John W. Jones. Speaker. The un
dersigned respectfully requests permission to oc
cupy a desk, as he has done for several years, as
reporter for the Emancipator newspaper, of Bos
ton. Joshua Lf.avitt,
December Cth 1843.
The letter was returned a stated Jan. 15, 1844.
The explanation that I can give is, either that Mr.
Speaker's discretion did not think it compatible'
with the " general welfare" to have the " reporter '
for the Emancipator" on the floor of the House
every day, or else I w as excluded under the " Vir
ginia resolutions of '98"' on the principles of
"strict construction," by which the words "ste
nographers may be admitted by the Speaker, who
shall assign them a place," are found to mean,;
" The speaker is not allowed to admit more re
porters than there are desks." The reasons in fa
vor of one explanation nre so evenly balanced by
the reasons in favor of tho other, that 1 cannot
attempt to decide which. preponderates. I there
fore refer it to the five thousand subscribers and
twenty thousand readers of the Emancipator to
determine whether I wai excluded on tho prinoi-

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