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T ( cm 1 VH H r V A y n n h ii i H i 110 "Give in c Jjiberlynr give me Death!" VOLUME I. MONTPEjLIBSEI, VERMONT, SATURDAY, APRIL 20, 1844- NUMBER 16. r 1 1 I f 1? ? V THE GREEN MOUNTAIN FREEMAN. P UBLISHED E VER Y SA TURDA V, Jn Lyman's building, Main st. near the Union House. J.'C.ASPENH ALL, Editor. J. POLAND, Publisher, terms: Single copies $1,50 in advance, or $2,00 after the ex piration of three months from the .me of subscribing. All papers sent at the expense of the subscribers. r3" Advertisements inserted at the usual charges. CJ35 Transportation of papers will in no case be paid by the publisher, unless a special agreement to tho con trary is made, .ul tVZP" Book and Jub Work of every description thank fully received and executed with neatness and dispatch. An Interesting Lclter. The subject of Texas just now is of so absorb ing interest, that no reader will be displeased nt seeing so much space occupied in to-day's lie i -aid, by nn admirable Letter upon the. this subject, from Mr. Birnoy. T23- E3 TOv; r.EL- f?ji a TASHINGTON county. Waitsfield, O Skinner Worcester, Rev Af Folsom ORANGE CO. (Bradford, J D Clark Brookfield, D Kingsbury Do S M Bnelovv Vhelsea, Harry Hale Corinth, Rev A D Smith do J Fellows Pairlee, G May Newbury, Rev S Sias Randolph, E Fast man Strafford, Warner Post Mills, L IlinMey Thetford, Rv A C Smith W Topsham, Rev S Leavitt Tunbridgc, VV B Scott Vershire, ii 0 Tyler CHITTENDEN CO. Burlington, D Fhh Charlotte, C Grant Hincsburgh, A lieecher Williston, WH French ADDISON CO. JV Ferrisburg Rv C Primllc Cornwall, Rev Air Wright Vergennes, A Sprague FRANKI-tN CO. Enosburg, i Fuller Montgomery, 3 Martin St Albans, L Brainard CALEDONIA CO. llardiviek, W Wheatley Lyndon, Mr Skinner Peacham, Rev 1 D Rust Waden, S Fnrnsujorth. OltLEANB CO. Albany, Rov G Putnam barton, w Seavcr Cotenby, 3 Hard Craftsbury, A Stimpson do E Cook Glover, Rev R Mason Greensboro', G IT Page Holland, C Robinson Irashurgh, Rev J Clark do R Skinner Lowe'!, J D Harding Morgan, Rev 1) Packer Troy, A J Rowr-II LAMOILLE CO. Cambridge, M Saflbrd Eden, C Fisk Elmore, Dea Camp Hydepurk, E P Fitch Johnson, A W Caldwell Morriatow", 3 vVeit Stow, B II Fuller Watcrvile, 11 A Fisk do (J D Page TAcott, J Smith V, iNPSOIt CO. Ac'k ', ilev D Field Cavendish, Rv W F Evans Ch'.ster, O llutchinsun Ri' Jieslcr, Rev Win Scales Jlotf'.iltcti, I) Woodward Sharon, V Metcalf Woodstock, T Hutchinson RUT I. A 111) co. Brandon, 3 W Hale Rutland, U RTIirall Wallingford, Rev Mr Con stant ine ot I) E Nicholson HENMNGTON CO. Manchester, 1) Roberts jr Windham county. Rockingham, Rev Mr Barber. Townshend, W R-Shafter Wilmington, O L Shafter Wardsboro'. Dr. D Hvde Hammonds Mills, Dr. S R Billings Jamaica, Rev. M Spencer Fayettville, E Atwood Dover, V P Perry Recently, a large anti-Texas meeting of the h was iielil, and inquiries were several Presidential candid- burg the citizens of Pitt propounded to ntes, respecting their opinions on the question of Annexation. Wheihcr the oilier candidates have answered, we know not. The reply of .Mr. Bir noy we copy from the Spirit of Liberty, Pittsburgh; and we commend it to the attention of our read ers: Cinciiinali Herald. JAMES G. BJBNEY AND TEXAS. Miron Owen, Potsdam, St. Lawrence Co., N. Y. Sfalc Aso. The following gentlemen are authorized by the Stiite Committee of the Liberty Party, to act as their Agents in this State, in Ler.turni, collecting funds for the cause, and obtaining subscribers for the Free man, Rev. George Putnam, Albany. Chauncey L. Kn afp, Esq., Montpelier. Rev. .John Gi.eed, Wolcoit. Rev. II. II. Garnet, Troy, N. Y. Rev. C. C. Briggs, Randolph. D. Nichols on, Esq. Wallingford, Rev. A. Sr. Clair. Joseph Poland, Montpelier. Our friends who wish to obtain the services of Mr. Putnam, are desired to correspond 'iih the Editor of the Freeman, at Montpelier, oa the subject. TlltTFRBBlllp4"." For the Green Mountain Freeman. Rev, J. SpaiiJfe's Address. Bro. Aspf.nwall: I havo wished for some time to Bay a few vo:ds about one paragraph in Bro. Spaulding's Address at Randolph. With one exception it is good, ve ry scd; and some p.irts of it most mortifying and alarm ing. The paragraph referred to is that about color. For what and for whom did our good brother pen that para graph? Was it to gratify Christian feelings? No; for these feelings recognize tho common brotherhood of man kind, and I know of no other feelings on this subject that hould be gratified. Was it to honor tho principles and eminent examples of the bible? No; for these know noth ing about the color of the skin, but dwell wholly on the jheart and life. This doctrine condemns even Moses, and worse than this it sweeps away die constitution of the iChristian church, I mean the church of Christ. Col. 3: 11. 'Wad it togritify the feelings of British abolitionists, and .the prejudices of the nation's of Europe? will find no prejudice against color, and very little amal -gamation. To meet the feelings prevalent where liber ity has triumphed over chains and stripes? No; there, al so, caste is gone. To please the South? No; very little prejudice against color there, but plenty of amalgamation, because plenty of slavery. To honor the principles and the holy enterprise of the Liberty Purty? No; true Lib erty men know man as man simply ;the skin, and' arbitrary lines of demarkation, they know nothing. To honor his God and Saviour? No; for He " U no respecter of persons," and "hath made of one blood all nations of men so dwell on all the face of the earth." I can find no " lines of distinction drawn be tween the white and the black man" here. HE looks at itbe heart, not at the dress and weighs the actions, not the color of the skin. To gratify the feelings of the north, the feelings of our great parly abolitionists, who hate sir very as much as any body, and yet go all the length ne ressary to perpetuate it? No, I think noi, becausol take the brother to he an honest man. I do wish to know what bible principle, what bible practice, wh.U class of good men I use the term in tho bible Bense, what good purposes his views and feelings can support and answer? What party has he pleased? and what part of his own per sonal Christianity can my good brother produce, to sustain him in his feelings and declarations about color and amal gamation? I mUBt say, I hnvestrong scriptural objections to all such positions, vitwjand language, und shall have, 'Mill better infomed. Yours truly, "Icon, April 9, 1844. Low-in Saginaw, Mi''1!.,? February 28, 1844. $ Gentlemen It tti but a short time since I re ceived your note, written on behalf of n meeting of the citizens of Alleghany county, of till parties, requesting to know of mo, as one of those who have been spoken of by their friends for tho Pres idency, what are my views upon the proposition to annex Texas to the Union. In complying, ns I cheerfully do, with the re quest to your first interrogatory, "would Ihe pro- poicd annexation be Constitutional!" I answer in the nn-'ative. Oar Government is strictly one of delegated au thority. The " powers" impntted to it are care fully described and embodied in the Constitution. None of them authorises the government, in any way, to accept ot a cession of foreign territory. So tar from it, thcybear no relation, nor do they contain the slightest allusion to such an event. 1 do not forget that Louisiana and r lorida, once foreign territory, wciC-Uiincxed to the Union; but the President who iiJrojflcted and consummated the purchase of the fonner, both knew and ac knowledged, while he wfia negotiating it, that it was unauthorisied by tho Constitution. Nor am 1 unaware that some among us, of high authority in such matters, maintain that, as tho Constitution confers on the government the power of making treaties, it consequently confers the power to acquire territory by treaty. This is a two-edged sword: For if the power to make treaties carry with it the incidental power to ac quire, without stint, territory of other nations, equally does it enrry with it the power to cede without stint, the territory we already possess, lo other nations. If we adopt the construction, that the treaty-making department is not to be limited by the " powers" imparted by the people to the Uovernmenl then tuny tin; whole states be trans ferred to other Sovereignties then is the integri ty of the Union nay, our political existence itself, in the hands of the President and two-thirds of a quorum of the Senate. I am not. averse to a liberal conp'ruction of the powers of the government, w herever th,1; objects so :i gilt ae plainly allowed by the Consif'uti-m. ImK when they arc unknown lo tho Cjiistiiutiou, the liberal construction which becomes necessary to authorise them, is but another name for usurp I ntiou. It ought never to lie lost sight of, that in this country, tho sovercign'y, in substance, ns well as in name, abides with the People; that the powers of the government are but ctnenations or portions of that sovereignty imparted to such of the citizens as may be duly called to administrative functions; and that these powers, while they are to be exer cised solely for the general welfare, must not be exercised at random, but within the limits marked out by the people themselves in the Constitution. Should experience prove that these limits are too narrow, the people, on being duly resorted to, will through their own instrumentality, the States, en large them as they deem it expedient. Meantime, the inconveniences arising from powers thought to be too much restricted, but which are suscepti ble of so complete a remedy, ought to he patiently borne with; lor tliey aie nothing, when com pared with the uncertainties, the disorders, tho perils, the oppressions attending a government all at loose ends, vacillating nrd distracted by I he va rious opinions and conflicting theories of those who may successively be called to administer it. Governments without number have been brought to nought liy what is called a lilieral construction of their powers; but few have sufl'ered loss by a rigid one. The liberal construction of to-day is not unli equently made the ground-work of a, more liberfd, if not a licetious one to-morrow. To your second question " Supposing it Con stitutional, would you be favorable to annexation on any terms?" 1 reply, I would not. The permanent success of a government must have some relation to the extent of its territorial limits. While they may, doubtless, be too narrow for the highest development of national prosperity so may they bo too large. Without saying that our territory is too large, I say, it is large cnougi; for all the just and useful purposes of Govern ment. i i,.,. ,,., ,-u 1.1 ,!:.. ... No'frth Tele iiiniv uu 'ihi iiuun ,vuv tit Qiiuuiii Hi o, or ere ie line 'pex;is uniled to us. The United States and Texas are not connected by large rivers watering b-ilh; nor are they separated from other nations by deserts, or by chains of mountains forming joint barriers of protection, und indicating that they ougli' .to be one nation. If we desire annexation because she is conterminious with us. Texas once obtained, we shall, for tho same reason, burn for the annexation of Mexico; nor shall we be With the color of ul)'? wholly t0 quench our thirst but in the Oceans which wasn on uu emus, inu comment which we inhabit. So far am I from thinking the annexation of Texas, would be beneficial to us, I wish she were re-united to Mexico, and that, as one people, they were rapidly advancing to the highest grade of in tellectual and political power. To have such a power on our uoniers one w tiosc diameter anil whose rights we could not help respecting would most favorably affect us, as 1 ihink, in a variety of ways. One only I shall allude to: it would re strain that wild, buccaneer spirit of adventure, un happily existing to a great extent in our country; a spirit that is at war with all solid improvement and true civilization, and which, unless juster no tions can be made to prevail, will soon begin to set at defiance the restraints of our own government, and render the condition of weak communities on our borders one of constant insecurity and alarm. As a private citizen, I would do nil that I honor ably could, to defeat the scheme of annexation. So would I in any other public station than the one to w hich your note refers. The President is a department of the Government, and stands in nn altogether peculiar relation to tho country. " Powers" are entrusted to him, not so much with a view to his dictating or even leading in any par tieular line of policy which wholly regards the or dinary pecuniary interest of the community, as to his bei ig the Conservator of the Constitution and of the honor of the Government. Should he hes itate to use these powers to prevent a violation of tin; constitution, or to resist I lie Legislative bodies acting under the impulse ofnn inflamed constitu ency, misled and demanding of the government v, hat it would be manifesto unjust and dishonora ble in the a'ovennnent to g:int as, for instance, the repudiation of the Naticnal debt, or the fraud ulent evasion of the ohliulious of a treaty he would prove himself unworthy of the high trust reposed in him. Such a President as Washington taring much for his country, little for himself would, in such cases, breast the torrent with all his coiMiitniional might, trusting, that in due time wisdom would be justified of her rh'.itli nn. Hut in matters u, -ely of cx$ed?.n- for polinj, the Plxecu t ; v o ought not to he evp-Ttf'o eber...!i the feel ing, or manifest the pcrtinmyy that is generally considered allowable, if not commendable, in indi viduals differently situated. His duty (hen is, to fill in with the wishes of the people, matured and embodied in the deliberations of their representa tives, although their views may, in important re spects, differ from his. My answer to your thip and last enquiry " Would you be willing lo receive it as a Slave Territory!" may be antic'qiited generally, from what I have said in answer !b your second enqui ry. I'ut I trust that you vvilj receive indulgently a brief explanation of my vit ws on this suliject. 1 allow not human laws, he they primary or secondary, no mutter by what numbers, or with what solemnities ordained, the least semblance of ri'rht to establish Slavery, to make property of my felhxe, created, equally with myself, in iht image ul God. Individually, or n-s i!it:cal communities, men have no more riht to enact Slavery, than they have to enact murder, or blasphemy, or incest, or udultery. To establish Slavery is to dethrone right, to trample on justice, the only true lbuad'a"; lion of Government. Governments exist, Dot-' V: the destruction of liberty, but tor its dolqncejvJnotJ c... i... ...... c. r. ..:..i.. . i ... .irf;J.';.i,.-.f H ioi nit: uiiiiiiiiiaiMiii m uiuii n iimi, uu i meii rtx-v. ervation. Do they incorporate in theii''i(M-gtihic: law the element of injustice) do they liver '.'ra4" nutting-it in practice.' Ihen, do iheV; Wesfroy; their own foundation, and absolve all riwrt frotfitlitsV duty ot allegiance, is any man so Desoueii. u&K'ri a moment, to suppose tnat the SlavcuoMer. any atom of right to his slate; or that ihicKfcrafc'e', has resting on him nn atom hf obligation; i3flfuhj the laws that enslave him, that rob Mint? '. the act of acquiring territory and in the provision made for the permanency of slavery; a third of kindred complexion with the last, may be added. Instead of confining the operation of the treaties to the cases of the resident slaveholders of Louis iana and Florida; tho only ones provided for; the slaveholders of tho Slates were allowed, w ithout restraint, to introduce their slaves into those terri tories. From the first, this was permitted under ourshiveholding Executives, and it has been per sisted in so long without being interrupted oreven questioned, that Louisiana and Florida slavery, as parts of the whule system, are now considered to be as firmly established; aye, and as lawfully too as is the slavery of Georgia or of South Caroli na, under their respective black codes. The unauthorized purchase of Louisiana must he regarded as, in its consequences, the most dis astrous event for our country, to be found in its political hist.'iry. In saving this" I neither forget nor underrate the advantages of the acquisition, in a uwru territorial point of view. But might not those advantages havo been as certainly secured, without bringing on ourselves the odium of the ills which we are now suffering, from having ex tended and strengthened the empire of Slavery? Won Id not the people, on being properly appeal ed to, have so amended the Constitution as to have authorized the acquisition, whilst they carefully guarded n-rainst the countenance and diffusion of Slavery in tho, vast region, out of which three Siave States have already been carved. Next to thfe purchase of Louisiana, in cahimit ous consequences to the country, was the admis sion of Mifcso.jri into the Union, as a Slave State. Into this. strtj'rgle the slave power entered with a fierceness fhniilid not seem to characterize it in former tiiHRsVi .' But it did not forget it never does to ;e1;,ei out the lion's skin with the fox's tail. That strfrl in which, too, treachery in the Nortbdid.itpnrt but too well, issued in the com plete. wi-SW-phi-.fitFjhe enemies of the Constitution, ttjfflwdfi'vftlqwisheil, betrayed, retired discour- Llt f (!W JfttSfieM.':, From that time till the pres- Btn, tbo.-goySiMiihfiOt has been swayed by men who .s.buWf in tfe'jVrislavement of their fellow men, how T(el-tijf-se.jthe truths of the Declaration '$ifa$$njfftoefty.men whose lives are but the .eijHdii barbarian contempt with frli'eVfe:rryIaf'trf of humnnity, and which every ffeiAefu&iftnd equitable govennnent may be sVvitef tinttihtfbfited on in the factSlif Cfod and iirf-j-l'fitti'r-pd'ery too, has beeiv exercised in .tJVo'inkWe .jnsolefitsbirit of overseershiiVtbat' marks cratie. members of Congress from the free States! llow basely servile has it been, with some few no ble exceptions. How unscrupulously huve they surrendered the rights of the North in compliance with Southern dictation. They have gone, almost in a body, against thesacrcd right of petition and when the infamous Atherton distanced all com petitors in the race of servility, he was rewarded by a democratic Legislature with a seat in the Uni ted States' Senate. - We might relate a hundred kindred facts in proof of our proposition that the democratic party, as such, is a mere tool in the hands of the Slave Power, and is utterly unworthy the confidence of freemen. Let no abolitionist be deceived into its support by the name it hears. The slave has nothing to hope for at its hands. It is the antagonist ol democratic liberty, and there fore should every true democrat abandon it, as a testimony for democracy. And as regards Vim Huron and Clay, the only dif ference between them in respect to slavery, is, that one is a Southern man with Southern princi ples, and the other a "Northern man with South ern principles." Both are prepared to do the bid ding of the Slave Power Clay, because he is a part of that Power; Van Buren, becau.se this is tho price which he must pay for Southern patronage. Neither is entitled to the suffrages of men who, loving freedom for themselves, demand it for all men, in the name of God and humanitv. There are many democrats who call themselves aboli tionistsand we entreat them, by their regard for consistency, by the love which they bear the slave, by their desire to preserve unimpaired their moral influence, by their hope that our country wiil be saved from the vengeance that smote guilty Egypt, and by their confidence in God, to break off from a party that has proved itself so false to human mrlits and, takniL' Libertii for their watchword. unite with those who, in accordance with our Dec. nation of Independence, and the saint of our Constitution, would rescue the Government from the usurpations of the Slave Power, and make it the protector, instead of the destroyer, of Human D-.U.. 'I. 7.' ' inputs. wt. freeman. him,- fit '-! ii.- ,wtnl -j-nlrtLnlflriiriA nvpr thn rnnriA cfrirofiiin-j nt thing of himself? No olio: eise why Ut'tiRKpjViat ity pirf .H vn ri&R-" T Ji free States send men oi an couim icy rejoice, wiien uiey viiear -'iimi.. the oppressed of any land hve achieved their' lib- erty, at whatever cost to tlwir tyrants: - ryA On this ground, were there no other, I should' say, we cannot receive Texas as a Slave-Territory. We can have no right to continue chains, which we have no right to forge or impose. But there are, other grounds: the Constitution of the United Scutes does not permit liio organiza tion or Hie 'continuance af oiaver! on domain brought wiibv" its t.chi e ':u; is!i:tiw;,. jvaic of the specified pen era iiit,';orine vhe establish ment neiies'-a: v or proper fir carry ing into execu tion any oftiie.se powers. Again: Two of the objects of the Government set forlh in the pre ambit! of the Constitution arc to establish justice and secure the blessingi of liber ty, in tho land. With justice and liberty, slavery is wholly incompatible. All men so regard it. What, then, shall we do? Shall we so, interpret the .silence of the constitution on this matter, as to make it outweigh the establishment of justice, and the perpetuation of the blessings of liberty, those high aims of the Union, expressed in the dircctest terms? Surely not. But, admitting, that, on Constitutional grounds, no valid objection can be inaile against the acqui sition of foreign territory; who does not know, that every institution, law, usage or custom exist ing in the acquired territory, consistent with the fundamental principles of the government, mak ing the acquisition, ceases, at the moment of an nexation, as a matter of course. This is so plain ly the instruction of common sense as to call for nothing but the mere statement of it. Thus. when the District of Columbia vvus ceded to the United States, the Slavery then cxistr g within it, being iiTcooiieileublo with the fundamental objects of the 'wcrnment, the establishment of justice and the blessings of liberty, became extinct the moment the transfer was made. There was not there is not there cannot be, a slave within the District ol Columbia, without totally disregarding not only the spirit but the letter of the Constitution. The legislative indirection by which flu very was con tinued in the District i.uer tho transler, was a de vice wholly unworthy the representation of a peo ple who had just adopted such a Constitution as ours. Could the question of the constitutionality of Slavery in the District, he submitted to a com petent tribunal one not made up of actual slave holders, and others under thi) bias of slavery lucre could not be a uioinent'sdoiibt of the charac ter of the decision. Before sJch a tribunal, the slavery side of the question would be too bald for argument. J , So too, in regard lo the slnve.x that cxifleil m r on by our rulers that -I should b- su -lamed. VV ith chat view, as the most feasible devise, provision was made in the treaties of purchase, for securing to the then resident slaveholders of territories their right (?) of continuing ! hold their slave properly. By what authority? No power had been imparted by the people, (admitting lor ni-gu-u.ent's sake, that they could impart such power,) ro tho ftnuPi-niMonr iuplf nr to any department or ofu e of it, to establish or continue slavery yviihin her jurisdictional domain. To inter from the si lence of the Constitution in regard to shivery as a National-Goveinnieiit-concerii, with full knowl- oiig, too, that UeUimrulion on ims muj -) "o"n ed the attention of the convention; to infer, 1 say, from this silence, that the people intended to clot he the President and two-thirds of a quorum of the Senate with authority to introduce slavery into the Government, and this, too, knowing, as we do, that justice trnd liberty had been placed as senti nels in its vestibules, would not onl3' be absurd, but eminently disrespectful to the very sourco of ,11 CmctiMit.r,!!-.! ninhoritv. Had Mr. Jetierson ,.i m.. Mn.i,-na ur.,-pnied treaties providing for securing their peculiar privileges and tnimunuies to an Order of Nobility, or a Religious establish ment, that might have existed m Louisiana and Florida, when they were respectively ceded, they ,1.1 rt In an loin". linVO stlOWll a niOI'C Will 111 ,i;..-om,,-,i J.fihfi flnnstitutioi'j and of the People by whose authority it was ruade, than they did in mihlfiiv of this accursed system over the largest and fairest portion of our natioual do main. . . To this twofold violation of the Constitution, in J. GLEED. tbcir. me timers of Congress to Washington to be Overawed; corrupted iand- despised. The venal 'Orators; and tleclaimerst Athens, who sold them selves and their eoiintryto. Philip, were not look ed oh with supremer contempt by their supercili ions purchaser, than are the betrayers of the North by their slaveholding overseers when driving them to their daily task of official meanness and servility. Such is the comytion ot our allairs now one tor which we hnve been prepared, mainly by the two annexations that have already taken place, and by 'he admission of Missouri into the Union. It is a sad condition but not devoid of hope. For again are tho friends ot the Constitution and ot universal liberty rullymg,aiid fast swelling the ranks of a party in whose success lies, ns I firmly believe, the only reasonable ground of hope for the rescue ot the liepjlihc from its most insidious foe. Al ready it is evident, that the constancy, and energy and activity of the Liberty party are not without some ot their proper Iruits. 1 he sagacious begin to discover, that tho slave-power has met with an adversary more formidable than any it has had to cone with that confusion and despondency are slmwin:r themselves anions the leaders of the bat talia; that the rescue of the government fi om that dark power, and the crowning blessing ot our holy struggle, t'i.s utter and everlas'ing overthrow, shall, at no very distant period, cause the song of praise and thanksgiving to ascend from all the borders of the land to Him in whose might we have fought, and who lias given us the victory. At such a tunc in such a crisis, to receive 1 exas as a slave terri tory would be a grievous event to be added to tho already unhappy catalogue of events of a kindred character, that have nil been used to establish in justice in the hud, nod to perpetuate the evils o the most abominable tynanny that man has ever usurped over his fellow-man. I am, gentlemen, very respectfully, Your obedient serv't, JAMES G. BJRNEY, To Messrs. William E. Austin, David Shields, James Clarke, Committee. Louisiana and Florida nt tlieUlri ot their translei to the Uniied State. Butitflwis determined on lie not Deceived. True democracy is the antagonism of slavery sham democracy is anything for the sake of votes, without heart, without principle, without con science, a tyrant and a sycophant by turns, un scrupulous in its use of means, and seeking merely its own advancement, without any reference to the real intevenis ol the country. As the sham olten nuts on the airs of the true, and uses its set phra scs, and prates a great deal about "the dear peo ple." it is sometimes necessary to caution the un suspicious that they be not deceived, and by the iinnndeiit nictensions of the false, mistake it for the true democracy. A little honest scrutiny isall that is needed to detect the client. v hen you henr n limn rlfinoiiiicinr the Banks, and defending sla very, ad vncnting universal suffrage, and the (lis fraiichisement ot our colored citizens, eulogizing the sub-troasiirv, and sneering at men on account of their complexion, mark him for a counterfeit democrat, and act accordingly. iMo parly that jus tifies slavery, or pleads for its continuance, or leg islates for it;- support, or elevates its champions to office, can justly claim to be democratic yet all this, an 1 more, is done by the party in our country which arrogates to itself this title. But again we sav. he not deceived by' names. The so-called democratic party is wedded to a hateful oligarchy, and is democratic only in name. It obeys the be hest of slavery, anil wages cruel war ugamst the rights of man. It is the enemy of human progress. It tramples upon tho weak in its allegiance to un licly power, and every friend of God and humanity should, therefore repudiate it. Let us not bo misunderstood. W o do not suy thnt there nre no true democratic principles, nor democrats in this party. There nre undoubtedly ninny. But the party, as such, is corrupt and pro shivery. Its leaders have sold it to the slaveholders Tin- southern patronage and when any of its prom inent members, like Leggett or Morris, have dared to stand up like freemen and rcbuko tho insolence of the slavehjlding oligarchy, they have been de nounced ns faithless to tho party. We speakof no torious facts. Look st tho conduct of the demo- From the Bangor Gazette. TIte True Issue. A great deal of ammunition is wasted bv our no- litical opponents in attacks upon castles mountaiu high which exist only in nir. Their heaviest ar tillery is levelled against armies composed entire ly of men of straw. We will therefore devote a hort chapter to teaching our opponents military tactics or in other words, to enlightening them as to the true issue. It is a subject to which we shall often have to recur: for the whole science of on- position to our principles and to our politics, con sists in an adroit evasion of the real questions in volved, and meeting other questions not raised by us, nor involved in the controversy. It js said we are hostile to the South. It is not so. j1, von those who charge this upon us, nnnt that the south would be greatly better ofl'if slavery were abolished. Southern statesmen her own most enlightened sons admit, nay, urge it. Jeffer son urged it, Madison urged it, liutledge urged it. ho did JVJa.-on, and similiter, and uastun. So onco did Clay, now, O, how fallen ! He urges it no longer: but the name is not lost to liberty! The name of Clay is yet to be ranged on the side of liberty, and by a son of proud Kentucky! Hostile to the South! JNo: he is the true friend who is ready to tell unpleasant truths, who is ready faithfully to point out the errors of a friend. Wo point the South to the path not of Justice and Hu manity merely, but of prosperity and greatness. We point her to resources wasted and wasting; her fertile soil nnd delightful climate, half desert, and half teeming with a degraded population of serviles, while four fifths of the other half, nomi nally free, is scarcely less degraded than the slaves; and in contrast we point her to our own rugged hills, nnd frozen v inters, and show her the wealth and dignity, the education and virtue, the civiliza tion and happiness, that follow in the train of free, paid labor. We ask her why she still will he un just to her position, unjust to herself, unjust to her free poor population, those unable to hold slaves, unjust to the holiest sympathies of human nature, unjust nnd cruel to those she holds in relentless bondage, when the fruits of her injustice all recoil upon herself, and poison the fountains of her great ness! True, we complain, and ought we not to complain? that wc are sharers in her infamy that the reproach of her slaves fall upon us making us a byword among the nations. True, we tell her that she disturbs our repose, and that her slavery causes our consciences many a twinge. True, we complain, and can we too bitterly com plain? that we are taxed millions upon millions to support oppression that is crushing her that our trade is kept in constant fluctuation by the eternal disttibancc, created and kept active by her traffic " in the souls of men;" by which thousands of our most enterprising merchants are involved in bankruptcy, and through them the whole commu nity robbed of the fruits of honest free labor. W thai she hugs to her bosom this viper whoso sting not only penetrates Her heart, out leaches our life-blood. But no enmity to the South rankles in the breast of a true Liberty man. Pity moves him pity .to the slave, pity to tho State "made servile pity to the deluded master who looks for prosperity thro' injustice who looks for the blessings of heaven in a path where curses are inscribed on every object that meets his eye ! Our pity requires us not to palliate her wrongs. We tell her her faults; and kindly invite her to the path of her own properity. Talk not then of our enmity to the South! Soutlicrn Morals. A man by the name of Two good was brutally murdered at a political meeting lately in New Orleans. A quarrel ensued between him and a man named Hornby; who knocked Twogood down and stamped his head, faeo and stomach till he died, and no person interfered to stop the brutality of the fiend. All in keeping with robbers, duchsls, and adulterers. Mr. Lewis Tapnan, in the Journal of Commerce, "acknowledges the receipt of one thousand dollars from 'A Friend' in New Haven, Ct., to extend tho ireulation of Anti-Slavcrv Mission publications. and for the support of Missionaries who do not re ceive aid from Hoards that leJlowsnip siavenoiacr$ as Christians." Graceful Compliment Jrom a Child.r Washing ton, visiting a lady in his neighborhood, on his leaving the house, a little girl whs directed to open the door. He turned to the child and 6aid, "lam sorry, my dear, to give you so mm h trouble." "I wish sir," she rcplicd,''it was to lei you in."