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Green-Mountain freeman. (Montpelier, Vt.) 1844-1884, May 24, 1844, Image 1

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"Give me JLiherty or give me flcflfi."'
X s -mil .
Vi 5-
In Lyman's building, Main st. near the Union Home.
3. C. ASrENWALL, Editor.
J, rOLAND, Publisher,
T E K M S !
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For AGENTS see last page.
or liberty? to keep 'our youth from licentiousness
and bloodshed, or the contrary? You that have
children, think and do you think, who fear God?
Would Christ give his vote for such men? Will
von follow his example, or will you, Judas-like,
deny him? Here you must choose between a good
and an evil. Which will you choose!
of the pro slavery parties prevail over their too
nrincinlpa. mid thev he;: the privilege of vot-
"'"V r. 1. .. .-V ',; ri
in" "just this once" witn umv jmi ira-i,v "
in' down " just this oneo" in the " house of Rim
mnn It i true that many "f the causes of your
voting for Henry OJay are to be found in your pe-J
ctilinr circumstances, ana are, mereiore, wiuiuui
any bearing on the persons of whom I speak.
Notwithstanding, wnen mey i;ni juui u, ami
IIinf.sbuugh, May 10, 1311.
Bito. Asi'Enwaix: If an exchange of labor is
agreed upon between Rev. Messrs. Glecd and
Garnet, put down ior lliuosuurgu fta.uu lowaius
defraying the expense? , as mentioned oy moiuei
B. H. F. of Stow. Our culls are numerous, nut
with the blessing of God on our labors, we can,
and we will, do a little for nil that we believe will
be for the benefit of our brethren in bonds.
The cause of abolitionism gains with us slowly,
but surely. I do not know of a single case ot j
sound conversion to Liberty Party principles, in I
which there is the least danger of backsliding.
Among our Whig friends in this region, there is
determination to choose the least of two evils!
Yes, astounding as is the fact choose the least of
two moral evils!! This reminds me ot the toiiow-
anecdote, although I do not vouch for the truth
n 7 i i
of it. A clergyman, having taken passage on noaiu
1,; mmia pnrs wore much Pained with
the profanity of the sailors. He conversed with
the captain on the propriety of making an effort to
. i. . i i- . . . ...
plain. For if things unpleasant and disreputaoie sllp1)n;sH jt !vn(i Was told that the thing was lmpos
attach to any public character, the an is his own, sjuctimt they would not obey him unless he used
lint his who nlaces them fairly before the public. limf.in:tv. The clcrsrvman, however, insisted up-
For the Green Mountain Freeman
Moral chracter of Rulers.
Mo l?.rnn! When any man consents to
brought forward as a candidate for office, he vir
tually gives every voter a right to inquire into his
oualifications for that office. And when nothing
but the truth is fairly stated, no one ought to com
Public men should remember, that they stand out
before the world, and they should so conduct, that
thev may not be ashamed to have their conduct
reviewed before the world.
Is Henry Clay a man w hom a moral and Chris
tian people can select with propriety as their chief! moved;
ruler? This is a serious question, involving con- tapping him on the shoulder, said" Swear
on the experiment being tried, noon tutei a vio
lent storm arose, and the commander, according to
gave his orders without any oaths; but
no one moved, no repeaien uisuiuus, vim -lent
gestures and tone of voice but not a sailor
when the Rev. gentleman stepped up, and
sequences of the last importance to this great na
tion. And every man who means to cast his vote,
nlv fntM- mto Ins own heart, and as
an accountable being, decide whether Mr. Clay
has those qualifications which God in His won
requires in a ruler. It is written, " He that ru
letJi over men should he just, ruling in the fear of
God." Such, "should be not only able men, but
such as fear God, men of truth, hating covctous-
noaa lelhra. " Take vou wise men, men of
understanding, known among your tribe, for ru
cvb."-t-Moscs. " Rulers should be a terror to
evil doers, and a praise to such as do well." Paul.
The while biblo assumes, that rulers should be
just and good men, always condemns those that
select wicked men, and warns them to expect God's
displeasure. " When the wicked bear rule, the
people mourn. Righteousness cxalteth a nation;
hul sin is a renroach to ami ijconle." And if we
trace the whole history of Israel, we shall uniform
ly find that this was the case. When they feared
God, then they prospered; but when they chose
fallowed their example, then He
WIVIVCVk itiiU) v
rnat them off. Witness Jeroboam, who made Is
rael to sin; and they would not be reclaimed until
they were consumed from their land. Has sin
chanced its nature, or has God changed His moral
government since the days of Jeroboam the son of
Nebat, who made Israel to sin? If not, how can
any people hope to prosper, when they deliberate
ly choose men to rule over them who have no fear
of God before their eyes? Do not men who'so do,
plainly declare that there is no fear of God before
their eyes? Can a Christian people so do, and
prosper? Many leading men in this nation are
bold enough, I doubt not, to say all this by their
practice. They have loved strangers, and after
them they will go. But is this the hopeless case
with moral and religious men ? Are these prepa
red to turn away from all the counsels and warn
ings of God's word, to join hands with the ungod
ly, and to sav by their acts that they prefer an un-
trodlv man, destitute of those qualifications which
God renuire3 in a ruler, to one that docs possess
them? Is the church gone over to tho camp of the
enemy, and disposed to honor the wicked, whom
tho Lord abhorreth? or is there yet a remnant that
sigh and cry for the abominations ot our land, and
who will not follow a multitude to do evil.'
The wise man says, "better is ho that rulcth his
hn Hint tnkcth a city." Look at
4JWU B(JlWfc)
Mr. Clay, armed for battle, and hastening to the
bloody field. Does that man exercise any salutary
rule over his spirit? Can any man believe that his
example will promote the cause of temperance, of
pu rity, of regard for God's holy day? Will those
youth, who hear his daily conversation, lie likely to
fear an oath, or tremble to tako God's name in
vain? How can the oppressor rule with God,
when the Lord abhorreth him, and says he will be
a swift witness against those that "turn aside the
stranger from his right, and fear not me, suith the
Lord of Hosts." By swearing, and lying, and kil
ling, and stealing, and committing adultery, they
break out, and blood toucheth blood! Here I shall
not attempt to show that Mr. Clay is a slavehold
er, or a duellist. Those who pretend to deny these
facts, are too ignorant to bo reasoned with, or too
wicked. They are owls, who grow blinder as the
v.crlir inci-eases. Such men-worshippers have
men's persons in admiration, because of advantage
All attempts to pour truth on such minds, is labor
ihrnvvn nwnv. The wiser course is to let them
alone, until they are filled with their own devices
But will not Christians pause, and ask their own
what effects must result from placing tin
swear a little "
Yours for the oppressed,
John Allen.
Gcrril Smith's Review of Cassius M.
s Letter.
fioflljy nicn over this nation? Will it tend to pro
mote "nprality or immorality? the ovo of slavery
Peterboro' March 29, 1844.
Cassius M. Clay, Esq. :
My Dear Sir: I have this day read your letter
to the Mayor ot uayton. on, noiwiuisuuiumg
vou had loi ty inousnnu nonius in siuvca, uui a
.... J i ...k:l
slavcholdm;: reputation auu lnnuuuue, which
inoncv could not measure, vou have surrendered
al!, and censed t ) be a slaveholder ! God be prais
ed for this glorious triumph ot the truth, wnicn
American abolitionists have been inculcating, lor
the last twelve years! God be praised for having
made them willing to suffer so much loss, and to
count not even their lives dear unto themselves,
for the sake of inculcating it! And thrice blessed
I,,, you and you will be for having yielded to its
power! No victor is so happy, be his conquests
never so numerous and extolled, as he who suffers
himself to be conquered by truth. Such a one is,
indeed, the greatest of conquerors. His captivity
is the establishment in his own soul of the suprem
acy of virtue over vice of right over wrong. It
is the matchless victory of gaining the rule over
one's own spirit.
1 welcome your letter, not only because it con
demns slavcholdimr condemns it as an outrage on
epublicanism and Christianity; but liccaiisc u lays
down the principle, that a slaveholder is unlit to
be a civil ruler. I wish that the northern political
ami religious press concurred with you, in this
ntcr respect. But, even the New York tribune
-your favorite newspaper, to which you sent the
letter lying before me makes elaborate argu
ments against this principle, that the slaveholder
is unworthy of civil office. lam very sorry to
observe that, even in your own mind, this princi-
i) c is not one of entirely universal appncaniiny.
You plcaii lor nn exception io it: h singiu i-.w-i-r
tion, it is true: and such an exception as, I own,
it seems rather ungracious to blame you for plead
ing for. Henry Clay is your kinsman, neighbor,
friend. He has stood by you and given you effect
ive help in your most memorable perils, lie is,
withal, the leader, not to say the idol, of that par
ty from which you are not yet fully weaned. Now,
that in these circumstances, you should purpose to
vote for him is. indeed a fault but a fault so mit
igated bv these circumstances, that none, and es
pecially'thcy who are the subjects of the admira
tion, gratitude and love, excited uy me unmnoiim
tion of your numerous slaves, can find it easy to
fix their eye upon very steadily or sternly. And,
what alleviates this fault still farther, is, that it is
only for once more you would have even Henry
Clay voted for. Your proscription of slavehold
ers is to extend to him also, after the next presi
dential election. The dispensation of republicans
mid clivistinns to vote for a buyer and seller of
men, even though he be Henry Clay himself, you
would have cease next .November.
Your letter will be of immense service to the
anti slavery cause. Such testimony of one of the
noblest minds ol the south against slavery testi
mony no longer contradicted by your slaveholding,
but sustained, proven to ue deeply sincere, and
made solemn and impressive by tho emancipation
of your slaves, will tell upon every northern
neighborhood. And even the declaration of your
nurnose to cast your vote for Henry Clay will
' . i .t r i.t , ..
work lar less injury man many icur. r or, isi,
that vote is too obvious a violation of your own
admitted principles, and too obvious an inconsis
tency with yourself, to carry mucn intiucnce with
it. 2nd, it will be regarded as a yielding to the
nrcssure of circumstances and to human weakness
1 .i . i : o . .1.1:1
es, rather man as tno conclusion ui wise, uuuuur-
nt. unbiased rcasoiiinis. 3d, those amongst us
who are hunting for excuses for their intended
vote for Henry Clay, will not una any 111 your in
tention to vote for him. I hat you, his neighbor
warm ncrsonal friend and relative, should be irre
sistibly tempted to vote for him, is a fact having
no application to themselves naving 110 imputa
tion to persons in circumstances so totally unlike
your own.
Nevertheless, a littlo harm will mingle with the
great good of vour letter. We have a class of;
abolitionists jWho are called "the just-this-once
men." They generally vote the anti-slavery tick
el; hut, occasionally, the intoxicating expedients
enn thnt vou reserve to vouiselt llie privilege ot
" iust this once," in opposition to'the principle of
anti-slavery voting, nicy wm "i'1 "-'-1
that they now have the authmi'y of an eminently
wise anil upright man to justify the departure from
ii nf which thev are thomselves occasionally guil
ty. In vain will it be for us to remind them that
your opposition to this principle is to be but for
once, and that theirs has alrftuly been repeated.
They will rcply.tliat the fi:-ime they violated
inle. thev were as siiTc that they should
not violate it again as Cassius M. Clay now is,
that his adherence to it will never relax after the"
next election.
1 observe vour two excuses for casting a pro-
slavery vote at the coming election. One is, that
darkness prevails in respeci iu mo tniinuui mm
criminality of slavery; and that light will not take
the place of this darkness until after the next e
lection is past. Be it so, notwithstanding, I totally
fail to understand it, that the next election will
rimve to be the dividing line between darkness and
light on this subject; nevertheless, how will this
gfve you, in " whom darkness is past and the true
li'dit now shineth," the right to cast a pro slavery
vote at that election? It all other men arc, your
letter shows that you are not ignorant, that it is
wrong to make a slaveholder a civil ruler. And
if, in their ignorance, all other men voto for a
slaveholder, I know not what right you have to
voto in their danuiess, rauiur man in juui uwn
li-i-lit: and to make their ignorance, rather than
vnnr own know edge, uie siauuuiu ui vour tun-
J . . ' 1 rrf-.l -. :.l I
1 net. It. Ill the DlOVUience 01 uoti your innm nus
been singled out for illumination by his truth, arc
vou at liberty to defer to a benighted majority,
and to act as iiactsr 1 amuwuio mm ouny ji.
of Missouri, denies the right to call in question tho
conduct of the majority: but I am also awaro that
a higher nuthority than Judge L. says, "Thou
alinlt not follow the multitude to do evil." So far
from your being at liberty to act, in the supposed
case, ss the majority acts, you are to regard the
revelation of truth to your mind as your commis
sion and obligation to employ this truth for the
enlightenment ofthat majority.
From the doctrine ot your letter, tliatgood men
can, tnrougn iguoinucu, nvu uvuu m ;uiiui
few nbolitionists will be found to dissent, liut
you will pardon me for not being able to per
ceive, that either your doctrine, or your quotation
from Macaulay, which, 1 chcerluliy aunnt, serves
to justify it, has any pertinence whatever to the
question before us has any bearing whatever on
the point of voting. I find no fault with you for
intimating that Henry Clay is ignorant of the
moral nature of slaveholding. I find 110 fault with
you for numbering him, as you impliedly do, with
" religious, great, good nm patriotic men." But
what I contend for, "iff, that you" have no more
right to vote for him, under the supposition, that
he does not know, than under the supposition that
he does know, the sinfulness of slavery no more
right to vote for him under the supposition that he
isa great and good, than under the supposition
that he is a little and bad man no more right to
vote for him, under the supposition, that he is a
christian, than under the supposition that he is an
. rti , 4 .1 .1'. I ....tiJ.l cm. thnt
llllldel. nlW III LUIS COllIIUCUun, 1 Huumoaj, iii'ii
1st. God docs not sacrifice the least right of the
lunst lmimr in nil his universe. To believe that he
does, is to believe him to be unjust, and to destroy
the very foundation of our confidence 111 nun.
All men should feel that they are his servants, and
that their conduct must harmonize with his princi
ples and character. The Bible declares imparti
ality to be an attribute not of God only, but also
(Mat. v. 45) of all them who are accounted to be
worthy to bo his children. 3d. When we baiter
nwnv the in-pnt. oricrinal. inherent rights of one
man for another man's more secure possession of
such rights; and most emphatically, when we take
those sacred rights from onenian, and barter them
away for the promotion of the mere pecuniary in
terests ot another, we outrage some 01 -me pim
f the divine government, and
prove ourselves to bo atheists and rebels, instead
of the servants of God. 4th. But, is not tin) wil
lingness of certain anti slavery men to elect a
slaveholder to the presidency, provided nis views
in respect to the tariff and other financial measures,
agree with their own, red with the guilt of the
iri-t kind nf such 11 barter? Do thev not virtual
ly sav, " We will consent to leave the slaves of
the District of Uolumhia and 01 tne imuuiui
Florida in their chains, for the sake of securing
an improvement in the pecuniary circumstances of
the whites? for the sake of it in our own circum
stances? Thousands of professing Christians are,
this day, defending such compromises, and ueciai
ing them to be indispensable. But, before I can
beconvinced, that men can innocently, and must
necessarily practice such compromises, I must be
convinced that God is so great a bungler as not to
be able to carry on his government, without invad
ing the rights ot some ot his subjects.
I see that you approvingly quote the maxim,
" the greatest good to the greatest number." The
frequent repetition of this maxim in the celebrated
letters of " O. P. Q." written a dozen years ago
in the city of Paris, gave it a fresh and increased
nnnnbii-itv. But. the maxim is no less false than
popular, unnstianity requires "tne gruiiiuaiguun
to the whole number." It is in accordance with
this maxim, that the individual is so often sacri
ficed in answer to the claims of society. Society
has proved itself to be a bloody Moloch, on whose
altar millions of individuals have been slain. It is
in accordance with this maxim, that nations give
up millions of individuals to be slaughtered on
the battle field. And this same maxim is the jus
tifying plea of slavery for crushing millions 111 its
iron folds. Would that the practice under this
maxim did not exceed its letter. But, like every
other permitted wrong, it transcends its prescribed
limits. A community sets out to promote "tho
greatest good of the greatest number," by means
of the sacrifice of a" small number. But soon,
however, tho foul and murderous wrong grows
into the policy of benefitting a select and aristo
cratic few, at the expense of the many. Who
will deny, that it has already thus increased and
magnified itself in South Carolina, Mississippi and
Louisiana, in each of which States the slave pop
ulation exceeds the free? the sacrificed the sacn-
re-absorbed by those parties from which we came
out and from which we came out ior ine very
reason, that they allow these questions to come
into competion with, and even to merge, the claims
of the slave. The liberty party, which you had
the honesty and courage so recently to eulogize in
a public meeting in your own State, would then
be wrecked and ruined. The American anti-slavery
cause would then have perished from the trea
chery of its own friends. I know, that from such
inevitable consequences of our suffering the con
sideration of dollars and cents, instead of that of
inalienable human rights, to govern our votes,
your spirit recoils, as promptly and as widely as
our own; and that, whilst you are yourself yielding
to the peculiar and strong temptations to leave
irnni-nwn dnlv iinrlnne. oil bid US 20 forward
.. J . Jn I Ana
and manfully do ours- nest assureu, wj
sir, that we shall not disobey such righteous in
structions. If you can afford to cast one more
pro-slavery vote, we cannot. We have repented
too sorely of our past voting against the slave, that
we should ever again repeat ihe enormous crime.
And, besides, we have stood by him too long, that
we should now forsake mm. vv e win continue iu
hold up the standard of freedom, as well as such
feeble ones can. Next autumn will witness your
last sin against our enslaved brethren; and then
vour strong hand will also grasp that standard;
J . . a i 1 I f U .Minn ndj
and then, too, tnousanus aim iens ui niuuao..
will flock to it under the'inspiration of your exam
ple. Slavery will succeed in the approaching elec
tion. A slaveholder, or a guilter servant ol slave
ry, will then be elected to tho Chief Magistracy.
But one consolation under so painful a conclusion,
is that this will be the last political national m
umph of this svstem of matchless fraud and hor
rors. The presidential election four years hence,
if indeed God shall spare our guilty nation so long,
will write upon our standard, " Jehovah has tri
umphedhis people arc free."
I am, dear sir,
With regard, your friend,
........... - . . . nous, uu iv
the leading consideration 01 too uuo.muu.M. in .us glnv(j ;no ,hc ,inn,a
vote is extensively niisappieuuuuun. ims ui
thousands of persons suppose that the abolitionist,
in his bigotry and narrowness, votes for his can
didate, because he thinks hint sinless; and with
holds his vote for rival candidates uccause ne
thinks thcin sinners. But they are mistaken.
The abolitionist passes by pro slavery tickets, not
because tho names on them arc sinners, but be
cause they are the names of men who, whether
saints or sinners, will, if elected, refuse to wield
their official power for the overthrow of slavery.
God bo nraiscd for the plain teaching ot
word, that one man's rights stand not in the way
Of another's that every man is every other man's
brother nay more, that every man is bound to
see in every other mnn another self. Mj friend,
my brother, from the bottom of my heartdo I com
mend to you this plain teaching. You have, and
blessed be God for it! you havo begun to drink
of its spirit. Drink deeper of it; and you will
then be prepared to say. that, come what will of
banks and tariffs, and other dollar and cent qucs-
ill never again voto power over tne
of the slavo holder. Drink
deeper of it; and you will then regard all sueli
but "'the small dust of the balance,"
compared with personal rights. Drink deeper of
if niw! vmi w ill then be ready to admit, that the
in,! ,;riit nf thn ln.ist infant among the tens of
thousands of our fellow immortals, whom slavery
font in tho District of Columbia and
in Florida, and who are thus trodden on with the
express approbation of our general government,
Clnv. he is entitled to an infinitely
1 . . J ' . . . i i .i r .uf
at ine mums oi mm
r.ilrniu i-i I'Afnpl i nn
He prefers tho anti slavery ticket, not because its ,.nmpll t .,mi 0f Henry Clay, than are all
names are those of sinless men, but because they ,,..;..., ;ntp,.pStM of the nation.
are the names of men who, however impeded l rc-0 tnat y0 did not find it in your heart to
their practices or principles, will, if elected, use . oJ ,,.; linswcr to the question, whether
their office, as far as they constitutionally can, t0 ff voll w(M?e a citizen of Ohio, you would vote the
deliver llie lauu ll urn nn; v u i iu ui biutuj.
this the abolitionist exhibits his good sense. When
I nm nhnnsiiiir a man to act tor mc, 1 must see to
it that I make choice of one who will act upon,
and act out, my own principles. When I am
voting to fill the officc,which has power to grant or
withhold licenses for making drunkards, I nm to
concern myself, not so much about the general re
ligious character of the candidates, as about the
question of their faithfulness to the principles of
temperance. So, too, w hen I am voting to fill the
office of President, of the United States, it is an in
sufficient excuse for my pro slavery vote to say, as
you virtually do, " The man for whom I am vot
mr is, indeed, in favor of slavery; but he does not
From the Morning Chronicle.
Theodore Frelinglmysen.
The nomination of this distinguished religionist
by the Whig party, a nomination dictated, too,
by the southern branch of that party, is, to our
apprehension, a most pregnant sign of the times.
We regard it as a sheer tribute to the already felt
influence of the Liberty Party, and the exalted
principles which it has avowed to govern the se
lection of candidates for all the high offices of trust
and honor. By the efforts of the Liberty organi
zations, the people of the North are already arous
ing themselves to a consciousness of the deep deg
radation into which they have fallen, in nominating
and supporting men known to be destitute of mor
al principle. They are rapidly becoming awako
to the awful political heresy involved in their old
maxim, that religion has nothing to do with the
ballot box. In a word, the'eonscienceof the North
hn hppn nric.ked. Heiu v Clav. the duelist Hen
ry Clay, the gambler Henry Clay, the slavehold
eiy (and we know not how many other immorali
ties we might add,) is felt to be quite as much of
that kind of burden as the already nauseated stom
achs of religious Whigs were able to bear.
A sedative must be administered, ami precisely
those qualities concurring in Mr. Frclinghuyscn,
which five years ago would have rendered him to
tally unavailable as a candidate, have become, by
the change which Iras come over the public mino,
just the thing needed to retain the uneasy men of
conscience, from a total abandonment of that stalo
harlot of the slaveocracy the Whig party.
All this was absolutely necessary in a Whig can
didate for4Vice President. The active friend and"
patron of Bible societies, Sabbath schools, and all
the appliances of pious reform, was just the man.
One other ingredient, however, was indispensable.
Hn must he n man auite safe, that is, having no
conscience touching slavery. Hcncu the South
must select, that the South may be satished on that
score. Uoulu both onus nave ueen uuuci muiuiu
than in T. Frelinghuysen? The Whigs have sur
passed themselves in the wisdom of their tactics in
this move, and while we nan u us a u nunc w uui
principles, yet, let every liberty man rememner,
that it is a tribute forced from unwilling minds,
and take courage and PERSEVERE.
know slavery to be wrong; and lie is, moreover.
religious, great, good, and patriotic man
I have, as I trust, shown the fallacy of one of
r . 1 I ill....
your excuses tor voting inr.iienry tmj. nu
other is, that no is souuti m ruspuci 10 suvc-un
questions ot political economy, men you enu
merate, and that HIS eiecuou is uiqmi mm. iu
Liberty Party Electoral ticket; or to the question,
whether, if there were such a ticket in your own
tititr. vnn ivnulfl vote it. Liberty will probably
liovn im lif-lrnt in TCnntuckv the nrcsent year. If
would find it much harder
than to vote for Henry Clay
Would, my dear sir, that you might experience
such a baptism of the spirit of liberty, as should
nrftkc you willing to cast a solitary vote for her!
Would that she might irresistibly impel you to
tn r,. Wniild that she might irresistibly
impel you to compose a vote of black men, if
nm nnt whitn men avc. of slaves even, if
there are not freemen, in your state, to represent
.rni. nnti iilnvcrv nrinci nlcs. Posterity would nc
rri-il nmi'n honor to VOU for casting such a vote,
than to your distinguished name-sake for the most
,. Miinn innt niCCPSS Ot 11 3 PlfflieSt aiUUliluu.
i,,..,in ,nn. dear sir. that I have so freely ex
pressed the concern ot my neart, respecting u;e
character of your vote. Take, if you please, in
likn libertv with me and the anci-slav-
north. Tell us how you woum
If you shall not voto an anti slave
proper disposal of these questions. Now, I will, cry mPM 0f the north
f.,,. n.lmii nil that vou claim for Ilonrv Lm na vrr If vou
II JUU jjiuuo., t.vi.ii. .. j t - ,fiii(i!i.0.wv. j n ,t Mil tl rtv
Clav concerning these questions; and yet, your- rv electoral ticket, next fall, you will have the ex-
self beinf indue your own letter being my author- cuse that no such ticket was nominaten i" "
r b . . . r 1 .!... i .. i,..n ..t ijin nnr it will not
ill he is not entitled to your voiu. . . tuc y- uuu . "7
your loiter says that the election ot nenry v,iay be lor such a lacit, aim wu ?.i.n.
. .. , 'im,,. .... , nnti k nvnrv electora tick-
and the propor disposal 01 mesu uuubhuhh, u exuusu. " , , . .1 3
cessary 0 prepare the way for triumphant action ets in all the free States. Shall we vote them?-
against s avcry; aim 1 allow, umi in uui uuui ui j niuicmaiu tllM",ll,u " ' ' ' , ,
n J 7 c ...i. I -t ' i- t him vmii hniii't would
i.nct n e imu rr nim 1 11 vul" worn wo imr. 111 vu u tiiuui. ui -
Anecdote of John Randolph. When Henry
Clay was Speaker of the House of Representatives
and John Randolph a member of that body, the
latter indulged himself in drawing a fancy portrait
in something like the following- words:
"We will suppose, Mr. Speaker, a young man
born in Virginia, destitute of principle, who has
spent his patrimony in dissipation and gambling,
removes to Kentucky, and by some lucky chance is
elected to the State Legislature. We will go fur
ther, sir, and suppose him elected a member of
this House, and still further, sir, and suppose him
raised to the elevated station of the presiding offi
cer of this very House; and suppose ho now Hits
in the chair" pointing his long sarcastic finger to
Clay, who immediately called Mr. Randolph to or
der. Mr. R. appealed to the House, which sup
ported the call to order by the Speaker. Mr. R.
then rose, and in a manner peculiar to himself, ob
served: "1 drew a picture from imagination you
applied it to yourself and the House has confirm
ed its application,"
thic vnn hrive. fit least.
ing for him. But 1 know, too mat your leuei in-
an virMirtllv fill VQ thnt. be his financial -cr other
views what they mav; provided he remains a
slave holder after the "next election, he will, and
too, whatever mav be the result ot such election
however unfavorable, in your eyes, its bearing on
the economical questions referred to be unwor
thy of the office of a civil ruler. I put it to you,
then, dear sir, kindly, but irresistibly, whether I
need summon any other witness to tho stand than
yourself, to prove the emptyness of this other ex
fhr TTnnrv Clav, and to deprive
you of even all show of excuse under this head for
such an unjustifiable vote?
But it is hard to use a man lor Ins own condem
nation and in the present instance entirely unne
cessary. Your excuse can bo easily shown to be
unsound, without quoting yourself against your
self. It cannot, lor a moment, abide the test of
Christianity. I mean, not the spurious Christiani
ty of this land, but the pure Christianity of the
. . 1 . ....C.l.Tnltinc tfi tliA cnusn
"neve miteriy over oui uniani""""
which is dearer to you than any other cause. It
you shall not vote an anti-slavery ticket another
of your excuses, as we have seen, will be, that
vou dwell in the midst of great darkness respect
ing slavery. But if you shall not-we who live
...1 n.wla nf l'.-rlit nrn noured forth on this sub-
vmirsplf m nmonir the very inst
; ' ii. tv'irli nnr iittei'lv CXCUScleSS " fel
lowsl in with the works of darkness.'' It you sha I
not vote an ami slavery ticket next fall, you win,
t 1.. Intmi- mfni-ms us.
as we nave airoany e.i
mU mnr.li nf nil OXCUSO aS VOU Call OUt Ot 1116
fact, that you voted in accordance with your views
on the tariff and certain other questions in politi
..imiimmv. But it by no means follows, that
.,vnld have us turn away from our anti slave
J , . ... c... n,on ilir w ill i cnresent our
-y tlCKClS IU vmu iu. i,
views on such nucsfions. All of us have sympathy
with the whigs or democrats on these questions-
ih the oilier: and
a pari wan J"") " r" - 7. ' ,i,
I .... follmtr l,ia avinnnlllV
therefore, were our voi 10 iuh no .v
Horrible. Or. the 20th of January, the Brit
ish war steamer Thunderbolt arrived at the Cape
of Good Hope, with three slavers, which she had
captured, with 1223 negroes on board. It is stat
ed in a paper published there, that in some of tho
slavo vessels, recently captured, the space between
the decks, where the living cargo was stowed a
wnv. was so small that young children, hoys and
nrls, from 3 to 12 years of age, could not creep in
on their hands and knees, they werepushed in, or
lying flat on their faces, crawled in UKt worms!
ftfj- The revenue collected at New Yorkdurinjr
the past four months exceed that collected during
the same period last year $4,617,226. The fim'l
this year, for the four months, is 87,627,551. i
Tho inrv in the case of Gov. Dorr, oil trial al
Newport for treason against tho State, yesterday
morning returned a verdict of guilty. This ver
dict has created a good deal ot excitement among
the partisans in Rhode Island.
The number of journeymen shoe-makers in th
United States is estimated at 150,000.
rO-Large and enthusiastic meeting bave been
held at Cincinnati New Orleans, Philadelphia
and other plaee5, in favor of the immediate annex
ation of Texas.
there would be no liberty parly left. It would be

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