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Green-Mountain freeman. (Montpelier, Vt.) 1844-1884, August 09, 1844, Image 1

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in Lyman's building, Main st. near the Union "House
J. C. ASPENWALL, Editor.
J, POLAND, Publisher.
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fully received and executed with neatness and dispatch.
for AGENTS see last pane.
Liberty Mottoes.
I wish you to understand, as my fcelingslhat tho ques
tion of slavery, and, most particularly, uie question auoui
the domination of tho slave representation, which over
burdens us all, is the great question on which your in
terests are concerned in tho government of the United
States.. Q. Mams, at .Dedham, 1813.
There is onlv one proper and effectual mode by which
the abolition of slavery can be accomplished, and that is
by legWiaffce authority, and this, so far as my suffrage
will go, shall not be wanting. Washington.
Then come the Liberty Party, embracing a large portion
of the virtue, intelligence, and legal knowledge, the Chris
tianity and Patriotism, of the North. Taking the ground
first occupied by Washin'on himself, that, shivery was
tho creature of the law, and nhorild ho abolished by law.
they appeal to the ballot-box, not the bayonet; lihc the
great Irish reformer, having faith in the power of reason,
truth, and virtue, they expect lo achieve a bloodless revo
lution more glorious than any vet arising from force and
arm's. This party, a few years ago, numbered but seven
thousand voters; now, in 1843, lliey poll sixty-five thou
sand men at tho ballot-box, having doubled themselves
fiverv vear from ihe time of their organization. At such a
continued rate of increase, I leave it to the reflecting lo
determine how long it will be before they absorb the whole
political power of tho North. Cassius M. Clay.
And em the liberties of a nation he thought secure,
when we have removed their only firm basis, a convic
tion in tho minds of tlu people that these liberties are the
gift of God? Indeed, I tremble for my country, when I
rnrWuhol Clod is nut: that His justice cannot sleep for
ever; Unit, considering number?, nature, and natural
means only, a revolution of the wheel of fortune, an ex
change of situation is among possible events: it may be
come probahlo by supernatural interference! Tho Al
mighty has no attribute which can take side with us in
ouch a contest. Jefferson's Notes on Virginia.
nishes a ground for organized political effort on
the part, of those whoso province, interest, and
duty it is to bring them into strict conformity.
And, as has already been insisted, this is the only
ground upon which such organization can be jus
tified. All associations that proSeed upon n differ
ent basis are formed mid can exist only for the
purposes of mischief. ,
And now, in its order, the question presents it
self, By what party in tho. country isjhis ground
occupied? Tho whig State Committee, in its Ad
dress to the electors, last February, wrote out an
elaborate statement of tho objects for which that
party, is organized. One of the items in the spe
cification was as follows" To abolish the odious
institution of domestic slavery wherever it exists
by any nnd every constitutional means." But, be
tween the publication of this Address and the
holding of the Burlington Convention, a change
would seem to have taken place in the councils of
that party; for the reported proceedings of that
Convention contain no allusion whatever to this
feature in the policy of the whigs. But it has
been urged in favor of tho nnti-slavcry proclivities
of that party, that the legislature of this State, in
which the whigs arc ami have been a majority
had from time to time passed resolutions asserting
the right of petition, and instructing our rcpreson
tatives in Comrross to use their influence to effec
the abolition of slavery in the District ff Colum
bia and Territories. True. And it is also true
that the whig candidate for the highest office in the
gift of the people while in the Senate of the it S.
aided in the disparagement of the right of petition
Willi the whole of his influence. And with regard
to the instructions to our delegation in Congress,
they have not only not induced any methods or
acts of aggression upon slavery, as it exists miner
the authority of the General Government, on the
part of that delegation, but when, during the last
session of Congress the resolutions of Mr. Holmes
were before that body, containing the severest de
nunciations of "all incipient measures" that look
ed to emancipation, no one of our representatives
.,vr. l.U vnti- nr hazarded a whisper of rcmnn-
' . ..... ......... .,
strance against tliom, even tnoiign uie action oi
our legislature, in giving these instructions, fell
within the sweeping prohibitions of those resolu-
dated Ashland, July 1, 1844. We copy the mate
rial paragraph:
" As to the idea of my courting ttie ahoiitionists,
it is perfectly absurd. No man in the United
States has been half so (fiuch abused by them as I
have been. I consider the Union a great political
partnership, and that new members ought not to be
admitted into the concern at the imminent hazard
of its dissolution. PERSONALLY, I COULD
ATION OF TEXAS; but I would be unwilling
to see the Union 'dissolved, or seriously jeoparded,
for tho sake -of acquiring Tcxas."
So Mr. Clay personally has no objection to
annexation, and will oppose the measure only at
the 'imminent hazard' of the Union, From whence
will proceed disaffection to ;-ani , the Union, in
the event of annexation? "by from the nnti-
slaveiy men of the North, to j"o sure. Judge, then,
which will best conduce to prevent tho annexation
of Texas for the abolitionist of the tree States
to combine their influence in. favor of a Presiden
tial candidate who is an out-spoken and consistent
opponent of annexation under all circumatances, or
break up their organization, and vote tor Henry
Clay, who personally has no objection to rnnexa
tion. and who declares it to be the duly of the gen
eral government to protect and defend tho nistitu
tion of slavery !
The facts above recited fix the relations of the
Whig parly to slavery and its abolition, to the
slave-power k. the measures on loouor ihuuvci
sion, too plainly to be misunderstood. If a propo-'
sition had been introduced into the Baltiiunio con
vention lo assume the abolition of slavery and the
subversion of the slave power, as party objects; or
had resolutions been introduced carried, speak
ing in terms of Commendation of 'incipient efforts'
to sectite, however remotely, either one of these
objects, the convention would on the instant have
been disbanded, and the party would have neen
hopelessly dismembered. That the representatives
of the Whig party in Congress have, from what
have the effect, to fortify the institution of slavery
against the influences that were threatening its sub
version, and to perpetuate the domination of the
slave power in the country, tin array of reasons
was presented invincible by any argument that
could be brought against them. But the slave
power, strong in the confidence inspired by un-
fiumbored victories in similar emergencies, showed
tself equal in, yea, superior to, the crisis. Dis
daining argument, remonstrance or solicitation, it
uttered its behests on the floor of the Baltimore
convention in the brief and emphatic dialect of
command. Consistency honor country free
dom justice mercy truth humanity God
were alike forgotten its mandates were obeyed
the alternatives of peace and war were presented,
and though peace was oftercil only on terms of
recreancy, subjugation and vassalage, it was pre
ferred to the righteousness and renown of just nnd
glorious resistance. There is no longer an alli
ance between slavery and 'Democracy;' they are
lost in each other by mutual absorption. But the
people will withdraw themselves from the crimin
alitv nnd defilement of this amalgamation.
It has already been urged, that to bring the leg
islation of the country into conformity with its po
litical faith, is the only ground that can justify the
organization of a political party. Neither the
Whig or,Dcmocratic. party has any 'aim' at this
object though its attainment is as important as
tho principles to the recognition of which it re
lates. To allege that the application ot a princi
ple is a matter of subordinate consequence, is to
derogate from the importance of the principle it
But joy to the slave to the free to the country
anil to man! This ground of associated action,
unoccupied during half a century of party conten
tion, is unoccupied no longer. In 1840 at a time
when unscrupulous devotion to party was regard
ed as the highest political virtue, and when the
of motives to induce fidelity to party was
.....i.l ...:n: 1.. l.ni:n.rn t, ho pmn mpnd M 111 0 1 pu. '.I
we woum v.n.ug , - former period of our history-
mot ves, wthstood in greater numbers than then j
' . . . ...... ,, ft. f.nriint nnd determined men were seen to
a opponent.-, the daring, and nitnerio nui
Fellow Citizens: At a large and highly re
spectable Stato Convention of the Liberty Party,
nssembled in Rochester in February last, for the
nomination of candidates for state officers, the un
dersigned were charged with the honorable trust
of addressing the freemen of Vermont. Waiving
all apology other than what is to bo found in ilie
claims of the cause itself, we ask your candid at
tention to the following remarks:
The principles of the Declaration of Indepen
dence command the assent of the nation. There
is then no call for a party organization to vindicate
those principles as n matter of political theory.
But here an important query arises: Are those
principles enforced in the legislation of the coun
try? If they are, then no change is needed, and
parties ean only exist for the purposes of faction.
If they, are not thus enforced, then men tdiould at
once unite their efforts to secure their recognition.
This suggests the only ground upon which politi
cnl associations can justly be formed. Compare
the laws of the country with its political faith; and
whether we should do anv thing as individuals, or
as aating in concert with each other, in any man
ner to vary thoso laws, will depend upon the result
of that comparison. If there is a strict confortui
ty between the laws nnd the principle, then the
Ballot has already achieved its highest end. If
there is a non-conformity, then an occasion
conjoint effort is presented to the citizens. .
And now the question recurs: Does the legisla
tion of the country embody its political faith ? Has
tho great central Truth of Republicanism the
liberty, equality and common brotherhood of man,
been clothed, in all its glorious universality, with
the form and authority of law? To this inquiry
there can be but one reply. The legislation of the
country subverts utterly its lending and character
istic dogma. Wo have brotherhood and equality
of all natural and social rights written in the creed,
and caste, and alienage, and thraldom ordained in
the law.
And it adds to the criminality of this dereliction
that it has been voluntary and gratuitous. In its
more repulsive aspects it does not admit even the
palliation of a constitutional necessity. Where is
the provision of the constitution that mokes it ob
ligatory upon 'the nation to uphold slavery in the
District of Columbia and Territories nnd to toler
ate the inter-State slave trade? It has been said
that Congress has no authority to make a Ving; -
fend it has been asked, Where does it get its au
thoritv to make a slave! It may bo said, with
greater assurance, that it is under no obligation
to make akimr, and asked m a bonier tone oi in
diimnnt incredulity, How is it under obligation to
make a slave! The fundamental principle of
Republicanism is then subverted by the action of
,a ,.A.,ni.nWitnt nnl itint. ton. in contravention of
the organic law. Tho humane, tho wise, the just
the enoblinsr maxims of Freedom have been dis
carded, and on tho American soil have been sub-
But the question is not, What is the position of
the whi"s of Vermont with regard to slavery ami
its abolition? but. What is the position of the whig
party, extending as it dues throughout the country,
and having its supporters in every state. The
Baltimore Conft-ntion that nominated Mr. Clay,
met, deliberated, resolved, and separated, hit took
no action whatever on this momentous Mibjec;.--Mr.
Clay has recently stated categorically the ob
jects for which his party is organized emancipa
tion is not named in the list.. In his speech in tho
Senate in 1830, he insisted that slavery was sanc
tioned and sanctified by the legislation of more
tli.'in twn hundred vrars: and he rnoiccd thai it
was not TauR, that either of the two great politi
cal parlies in the country hail any design or aim
it abolition. He has since declared that he would
uffer th.? tortures of the inquisition, before he
would sign a bill having for its object the abolition
of slavery in the District of Columbia-, or in any
manner give countenance to the project. And in
a speech delivered at Raleigh, a short lime prior
. ,i,n mi-ii-.. Cnnvphtion. ho renllirmed alt tne
opinions contained in the speech of 1830. And
yet, with a full knowledge of his position on me
o,i ,..wt;,. of ..mane nation, lie received tne
unanimous nomination of that convention.
.,-,. ..hin-ncter has been claimed
r. ,i,n .rminid that it is opposed
the annexation of Text. That a vast majority of
the Whigs of Vermont, and of the North, are op
posed to it, wc do not doubt; but that that parly
is oppose
. e,.naCti nttnmnu tn tnhfi from the people the
right of petition, we do not deny. .But that a prop
osition to break up the iniquitous connection be
tween the national government anil slavery, in all
its intricate entanglement.-;, would be entertained
withdraw themselves from the fight, of faction
they took counsel one with another they saw that
all the settled maxims of enlarged, general policy,
... . L ' I .....I r.foiMinl
and tne requirements oi iuiiuuuiuijuu mm
truth, were lost sight of by parties who were pro-.
vidinsr for nothing, and would contemplate noth-
The encroachments of slavery upon the rights
of the free states on the one hand, and the spirit of
servility displayed by northern partizans on the
other, should admonish us to use tho lawful weap
ons of defence which are yet unsurrendered.
To show with what facility the interests of frcfl
labor can bo set aside when slave holders pro
nounce their mandates, we have need only to ad
vert to facts which are fresh in the recollection of
all, upon tho subject of a tariff. The Whigs of
Vermont so lately as 1840 and 1841, gave thti
world to understand that nothing short of "pro
tection for the sake of protection," or "protection
for its own sake," couV.1 possibly be recognized as
politically orthodox in the canons of Whigism.
This ground was generally assumed in their jour
nals, and was moreover fortified by the authorita
tive sanction of legislative resolves. The Demo
crats of this state at that period were found advo
cating a tariff for revenue, with incidental protcc
tion. Where are the Whigs of Vermont now?-
Verily proclaiming tho same creed, for substance(
which they repudiated in 1840. Incidental is
the important adjective now placed before protec
tion, alike by Whigs and Democrats. The reason
of this revision of the whig creed is to bo found tit
the published sentiments of Mr. Clay. The tw
slave holding candidates are now in such charm
ing unity upon the tariff, according to their latest
epistles, that it may be instructive to note thoit
declarations in juxta position;
CUT, p o l W .
Let the amount, w hich I am in favor of a taf
is requisite for an eco-;iff for revenue, such ft
nomical administration of one as will yield a suffi-
the government, when cicnt amount to the tren
we are not engaged injsury to defray the expen
war, be raised exclusive- ses of the government,
ly on foreign imports; economically administer
n.iMistliur !i t'ii-iff. fur rd. In adjusting the de
that purpose, let suclvtails ot a revenue tarm,
discriminations bo niadejl have heretofore sane
as will foster nnd encour- tioncd such moderate dis
age our own domestic criminating duties as
industry. All parties: would produco tho a
ought to be satisfied withjniount of revenue need
a tariff for revenue and ed, and at the same time
discrimination for pro-lnfford reasonable protec
inHlnn R:ieech at Ra- tion to our homo indtts
. i . ,i., l,..
m any general council oi uku pn,,y, - . (,nllfiIIficiM of the hour. They
. i i . . K. "-J
Ami when tne assumption o. n , - , . . ... . .
Pjiivy U jnjvti in -- n
State, and above all that is called God, which not
only threatened an eternity of thraldom to the slave,
hut to subvert nnd annihilate the freedom of the
tree. They resolved to correct tho wrong, and
avert the danger. They formed a league, and
iiuiile its sole and distinctive object tho realization
a party would involve its dismeyhernient and dis
persinn, the fact that the pntiy -exists, furnishes
satisfactory evidence that such assumption is deeli-
But an
for the
served the highest and dearest aims of despotism
.. all l. .....li. ilu
to it, or that it ever win m,
present organization, wants confirmation. 1 here
is as clear a distinction between the objects of a
r.nwv nnd ihe onvate views of its members, as
there is between the chartered eiuis oi a uu.
tion, and the opinions of the individuals that com
pose it. If the Whig parly is opposed to annexa
tion, why did not the Baltimore Convention avow
hostility to the project, and, as the Grand Council
of the party, pledge the party to resistance: aii
the letter of Mr. Clav is levelled only at annexa
tion as presented in the Treaty then pending in
the Senate. If the assent ol Mexico can no cm...-
t,wl IU- f'1r Ic nn whom committed against an
nexation. Moreover, it is well known that in tin:
tinnUu in the AVhiji
ranks not only put the construction upon that let
ter which wo have given, but argue that he is a
firm nnd reliable friend of the detestable scheme.
At the Whig convention held at Mildcgeville, Ua.
for the purpose of nominating Electors of Presi
dent nnd Vice President, the following resolution
was adopted unanimously:
favor of tho annexa
tion of Texas to the United States at the earliest
practicable period consistent with the honor nnd
good taith ot the nation.
Mr. Rives, Whig Senator from Virginia, in a
speech made only week before last, anil reported
in the Richmond Whig, said he himsclt was not
opposed to the ultimate annexation ot lexas ami
declared his belief that MR. CLAY WAS FOR
ULTIMATE ANNEXATION the -whole course
ot Mr. Clari showed this, and ho was willing to
leave it in the hands of Mr. Cloy." But wc have
a nearer approximation to Mr. Clay's real views
upon this subject, in a letter from himselt to tne
The Whig party, then, in the language of him
who is said "lo bo the embodiment of its princi
ples, has no design or aim at abolition. This con-
. i i' .. ...l.:..U t.n .ii'!tr liv ifj
f usion is nut ine verou-i mii n ui.. ......
reco"nized head, has itself demanded from us,
from the tribunal of the people.
Wc would now invite your attention to the pres
ent position of the Democratic party with regard
. i i r., .. l..,..'mn-;i 1 j
to slavery ami tne slave powei . u.i.
not now with the past. History has done its office.
The vigilance of tho sentinels on tne w nicuiui.i
have supplied to her the materials for making up
her record. The betrayals of Freedom, nnd the
names and cognizance of llieni :hat betrayed her
the traitor and his treason, and all the strategy with
which guilt, feti i ful of exposure and retribution,
sou"ht to cover up its traces arc written out in
all trieir revolting details on her imperishable page.
In otfier times, Freedom has been opposed, thwar
ted, betrayed and trampled on, with comparative
impunity; but in these latter days, and m this
Western World, he who dares to encounter her,
is fated to learn that a righteous cause is delemleil
by a strong arm.
It will not be contended that the Democratic
party, as at present organized, has 'my aim or dc
si"ii' towards the emancipation of those slaves who
are held in thraldom by the autlfority of the na
tion, or towards the emancipation of the North
. . f .1... !....
from the tyrannical usurpations in mi; "i,...
er. It cannot be claimed evert that it occupies the
ground of neutrality between Freedom and its an
tagonist. But to show that it hatdefinitely turned
itiTback upon Freedom, and cspmucd the quarrel
nf slavery to tho full; that it justifies and mingles
.. . irt ! .11.1...
in its wildest frenzies, and lends itscil, witn an tne
munitions in its magazines, and with all the force
it can muster, to further its schemes of aggrandise
mcnt the proof is overwhelming. A new chap
ter in the history of this party was opened at its
recent convention in Baltimore. Up to tne Hour
when Polk nnd Dallas received the nomination ot
Ani-ntiiui nf Tovna 1i.nl rnpt
that convention, mc - - -- . , , b or
ot the North,
leigh, in Nat. Intel. June
29, 1844.
in the legislation'of the country, the great idea of I
universal freedom. They gave to their associa
tion a name that indicates the end to which it is
devoted. Weak in number.', though daily adding
to its strength unskilled in the arts of partisan
chican'-Ty, and always disdaining to use them -the
try. 1 am opposed to a
tariff for protection mere
ly, and not for revenue.
Letter lo J. K. Kane,
June 13, 1844.
We invite your active co-operation in the Sur5
port of principles which yourselves admit must
prevail ought to prevail. Bitter experience dem
onstrates the danger and folly of postponing the'
claims of justice nnd humanity to matters of finance
and state policy. For more than half a century,
the policy of ibis government has been dictated by
the slave power. Shall we longer crouch beneath
the yoke?
"Bend to the earth our pliant knefs,
And speak but asour masters please?"
Are you prepared to yield the few remaining ves
tiges of freedom for the paltry consideration of a
nartizan triumph? If not, we conjure you to rally
. . I .1 . C 1 1 n i Intltnlinna
r :.n,., I'..ii immU-p ts nmiea s to t in lilgner ua- 10 uie rescue ui oui prim.... .ui....w..a
ture of man, and places its reliance for success on up as firmly in defence of tho freedom and free-
r:,i ,l Truth. &. its own spirit of devotedncss and lalior ot tne iwm as u.e n.uiu. u. D,a,c. j .....
sacrifice. It was not formed to be used as an in-
. . e. r... !.. nnmncracv'
witn no lavui nui" "' -j
or from its delegation in the convention. Tho able
letter of Mr. Van Buren opposing the scheme ol
annexation as now advocated, . was every where
spoken of in terms of approval and commendation.
Originating under the auspices of Mr. Tyler, an-
nexation was on au minus cKcnuu..v ...v. .,...v,
cratic party in the North as a measure of hostility
strumentality for tho gratification of mercenary am
hitinn, nor as a means by which hungry idlers. and
their posterity after them could be quartered upon
the government; nor yet for tho purpose ot nooi
less and unprofitable broil. Before tho Liberty
nartv entered the field, all the ambition in the
country that aspired to political distinction for the
... i .1 1 1 tl,n
sake of it, and all the mendacity in too mm. iu..i
clamored for spoils, that its emptiness might be
filled, was possessed of every means and appliance
necessary to success. This organization sprang
from the necessities-of the times from the exigen
cies of affairs. It was the offspring of occasion.
The formation of this party could not have been
longer delayed in a community where the citizen
is left free to net upon his own convictions of pub
lic duty atid ns in most cases where tho remedy
is fashioned in view of the evil to be corrected,
it supplies a means appropriate to the end to be
...... i Li-'iiw Imclr ilin eniintrv. torn hy eon-
tending factions, to the love and practice of true
It has been urged that, however wrong slavery
may be in principle or in practice, still there are
"other interests" beside emancipation, which chal
lenge the watchful support ot our citizens, lo
this we have to say that if the efforts of tho Liber
ty Party were calcuatcd only (o restore to two
millions nnd seven hundred thousand of our coun
trymen their birth-right of freedom, this single ob-
thy to summon every true-sou icu
American to its standard. I he first care ot a just
Government should be to throw around every one
of its citizens the shield of its protection. lie
' i c ro,A,.ilirnn irnvernment is, not to
primary uulj ui n -
create rights, but to guard & defend such as already
exist. If it fails or refuses to do. this, as well m
respect to the weak as the strong, it practically ue
.. . . .. 'T'i,.. .on Un nn "interest"
ma its nroiession. aiicic -
uniformly done in support ot "the sum 01 an vn
lanies." The two hundred and fifty thousand
slave holders tho virtual lords political of this
hind, would no sooner vote lor a practical adher
ent of the principles of the National Declaration
than for a Seminole Indian! Men of the North,
not listen to tiw
respect vourseives, it you wi
cries of your countrymen in chains!
The Liberty Parly have presented tho names of
known and tried men capable, faithful, honest
nnd of good moral repute, for the various impor
tant stations to be filled at the approaching elec
tions. We venturujo invite nli our fellow-citizens
discarding tnT minor differences which are
now sought to be magnified into grave party is
SUCcto yield them a cordial support.
d. P. Mii.i.1
J. Poland,
B. H. FuLU".n,
J. Cooper.
August 10, 1S40.
A. J. Roweli.,
S. A. Webber,
Wm. Scales,
M. D. Miller,
Voice of a Veteran.
At the Liberty celebration of i ml e ntl e n c e d n y
in Bloomlield, Trumbull county, Ohio . the Liberty
erald tells us that .Ben amin Malth.e, a venera
ho patriot of the revolution, 94years ot "Khose
tottering step and trembling voice remind us of
h neaP approach of the period when the l"s' of
ho "e noblemen must be gathered to his fathers,
Sood upon the platform, and spoke nearly as fol-
"Mv friends, we ale all candidates for tornity,
0rtmnis.in a critical
been putting n votes for friends ot slavery v ui.f
1 . . . .. i ..i . i. .i ,
to their organization, mteuuuu , u, . . , of the gov-
ueuuuui:i-u r - ,. .
eminent has in the practical applicant
bition of a political aspirant. It was
as unconstitutional as a dangerous innovation up
nn the settled policy of the Government in its in
tercourso with foreign powers irreconcilable with
tho faith of treaties an infraction ot the laws ot
nations as involving us in a war of conquest and
spoliation with a friendly power as aggressive
upon tho rights of the ixortn, ana as endangering
tho stability of the Union. All these things were
true and when taken in connection wi'li yet an
I abhor a friend ot slavery. . . - -esha,l alf
of the same principle. It tins goes on
be in the same situation as m ..u
I t.mnt VOI1 tO bo all
What wo
. fundamental principle. But the question oi eman
cipation is by no means to no regains
the narrow light which tne onjucuo.. ,v
It is a national question, vitally aneci.mj b--cral
welfare, tho pecuniary, and political rights
and interests of the people. As a question of po
npnnomv merely, wo hazard nothing in at-
firminsr that it towers heaven -high above tho top-
... i.:i. hi.h m-o nerioiiica IV serv
ICS ot party u;m".s , --
un ... ... ... ,
want is liberty, liucny : Btrectod by
Tho audience was eviuu....j
this address.
BE.EVOLENcIrrotho the help'
If I.
. 1 ! 1 - 1? n nfrn t-1 I n IT
other objection, it poss u,o . "h the party preM 0f the.country
rharncter. that annexation was intended, and would I cd up ny me i j i
less orpnnn s Bi -leceased some years
in Catou ta be eVtl.ed 20,000 mutually t
"q ualb Tb'eralTona.ions to oer charitable insti
tn ions in-different countries, which gamed bin
This discrepancy between

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