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1 r n JJUJ1 1 Liberty and Equality, Wn common birthright, God"$ richest gif tR eli gio n and Late their defence. BY POLAND & BRIGGS. MONTPELIER, VT THURSDAY, OCTOBER 23, 1815. vol. ii, no. T1 Td Fn 10 1 I'eacc Department. - Tot the Green Mountain Prwmu. Considerations for the Commercial ;i '. Coiiiiuuuily. " Messrs. Editors: At a town meeting re cently held in Birmingham, England, to remon strate against a prop sed increase of the British 'Navy, Joseph Sturge, a geutleman long and deeply interested in commerce, made the fol lowing statement; "I know something about . chartering and insuring ships, and I do not hes itate to say, that if the whole of the navy were ; scuttled to-morrow and sent to the bottom of the , ocean, I could go to Lloyd's and insure ships and cargo without paying one shilling more pre mium, and I could charter vessels to any port of the globe without paying any more freight" tThis bol4 and somewhat startling declaration, from such authority, has led me to see if it could lie supported by the evidence of unerring statis tics. I here present their testimony for the consideration of those of your readers who are engaged or interested in commercial pursuits. The amount of tonnage owned by Great . Britain, embracing every kind of vessel engaged i in the Domestic and Foreign Trade, is 3,047, " 178 tons. The amount owned by the United States is 2,158,602 tons. ' . Thcostof American shipping is $60 per ton; and an experienced ship-owner has estima ted the value of our whole mercantile marine at $40 per ton, new and old. The cost of ship , building and its materials are much lower in . Great Britain, but admitting that all the mercan tile shipping which that nation has afloat, is ., worth $40 per ton, then the value of British tonnage would be $121,885,920 American do. 86,344,080 French, 389,619 tons 15,584,760 Value of the tonnage of the three nations, $223,814,760 As the interest of capital invested in trade, ; ought not to be added into, but deducted from, Ml? profits of that tratle in order to arrive at its precise net gain, we shall be admitting a very liberal profit to this amount of shipping, if we estimate it at 15 per cent, after deducting the interest of the capital employed. And we sub mit this estimation to any ship-owner, as one sufficiently high, for such an amount of tonnage, even if there were not one uninsured vessel lost on the ocean during the year. Then the net annual profit of all the shipping owned by Great Britain, the United States and France, at 15 per cent., is $33,572,214. - Now, intelligent ship-merchants, will you not stick a pin at that fact? And, now, another, at at this? The appropriation of the British Government to their Naey, for the uirrent year, is $33,620,200!! ".Now I appeal to your sober convictions, if these two facts are not of some significance to the commercial world ! Think of it, for a mo ment! The profit of the whole mercantile ma rine of these three great nations, falls short o( the annual expense of supporting the British Navy ! And is this the protection which Com merce owes to Navies! Here are the three great commercial nations expending annually fifty-two millions of dollars on their combined navy, whose principal function is to protect com merce and navigation; while all their mercantile shipping can earn, above its cost, is but a little more than thirty-three millions per annum! Look at France: in 1837 she appropriated a- bout $12,000,000, to her navy department, and she owned that year about 370,000 tons of shipping; which, at $40 per ton, was worth $12,800,000,a trifle more than the cost of its protection! But let us bring this matter nearer home. We have about 1,000,000 tons of shipping en gaged in the Foreign Trade; the profit of which, at the rate we have taken, is $6,000,000 per annum. To protect this interest is almost the only avowed object of our navy; and to render it adequate to tne service, Die government ap propriated, for the current year, $0,350,789 ! ! Now is not such a mountain load of naval pro tection like millstones about the neck of Com merce; a grievious burden to her canvass wings? Nations which do not own a single vessel of war, are underbidding those whose bullying, blustering n ivies whiten the ocean. ' And I will close this article with the words of an extensive ship-owner in this country, and which are singu larly coincident with the declaiation of Joseph Sturge : "If we had not a single ship, we could receive apd send away everything we wished to buy and cell, by foreign vesaels, which would do their wa fighting; and, instead of charging our com merce with a farthing for naval protection, would carry all onr freight at a cheaper rate than is now paid for the same service.' 1 Worcester, Sept 28th, 1845. E. B. Religions. ; Gethsemane, And being in an agony, he swaat as it were great drops of blood falling down to the ground." In; contemplating the example of our Lord, what'scene is more full of touching interest than that in Gethsemane. The hour of anguish, of conflict with the hosts of earth and hell was fast approaching. Jesus, the brightness of the Fath er's glory the adored of heaventhe hope of earth was about to fulfil hit mission of suffering, He"stood alone human sympathy was not offer ed 'y human Wretchedness and the sin of the self ruined, were the theme that induced that prayer of agony. Suppose he had fainted beneath the weight that was pressing upon him, and calling for legions of angels, had with them ascer.ded on high, leaving the work of our redemption incom plete. Man might have done thus, but not so our Saviour. Although he so well knew The price of pardon waa his blood, His pity ne'er withdrew. That hour in Gethsemane ! How precions and hallowed the associations, that cluster about it Who can look upon the sufferer there, and real- ize why it was that prayer ascended, and, that blood oozed forth without soul-melting "sorrow for the sin that cost the sacrifice? Who can look by faith within the veil, and hear that same com passionate voice now interceding for the sinner, and then with an eye of love fixed on the soul say ing : " Borne unto me, nil ye that labor and are heavy laden" without flying at once with ador ing gratitude to one thus able and willing to save? Fcr the tried and tempted no place is like the garden and the cross. Nowhere else can the soul acquire such lessons of humility and love. How delightful is it to learn there that " earth ,has no sorrow that heaven cannot heal." In the light of Christ's sufferings and sacrifices for us, what can we endure worthy of the name of sufferings and sacrifices? What are earth's trials compar ed with that eternal banishment from his pres ence, that had been our doom but for his bound less love. ., In sickness, in bereavement, amid persecu tions, afflictions, and the blight of every cherished hope there is one unfailing panacea, viz : a view such as faith gives, of a suffering, risen Saviour. With this mental visbn, united with the remem brance of his own gracious words, that come thronging in quick succession A joy springs up amid distress, A fountain in the wilderness. It pleased Him to make the Captain of our salvation perfect through suffering. Are we will ing to tread in his steps by receiving with filial cheerfulness whatever cup his hand shall mingle, or permit to be mingled for us? "Are we willing, if need be, to " resist unto blood, striving against sin?" 01 the company above it is said, " these are they that came out of great tribulation." Who ol us shall join their number when a few more days are fled? Who of us are living near the cross like Enoch walking with God like David meditating daily upon his precepts and like Job feeling though he slay me yet will I trust in him? Who of us can count it all joy when we fall into divers temptations? Who of us have the kind spirit of the primitive disciples live for others as they lived rebuke sin as they rebuked it seek to save the lost as they sought to save them, and realize the value of the soul as they realized it? With the same Saviour, the same gospel, the same commands and promises, why should we not, living or dying, imitate their holy example? Advocatt Moral Reform. CHRISTIANITY An Exthact. When I consider the source from whence Christianity sprung the humility of its origin (he poverty of its disciples the miracles of its creation the mighty sway it has acquired, not only over the civilized world, but which lour missions are hourly extending over lawless, mindless, and imbiuted regions I own the awful presence of the Godhead--nothing less than a Divinity could have done it ! The powers, the prejudices of the earth were all in arms against it it had no sword nor sceptre its founder was in rags its apostles weie lowly fishermen its inspired proph ets lowly and uneducated its home a dungeon its earthly diadem a crown of thorns! And yet, forth it went that lowly, humble, persecuted spirit and the idols of the heathen fell and the thrones of the mighty trembled and pagan ism saw her peasants and her princes fall down and worship the unarmed conqucrer. Swearing. Whatever may be made by perjury, I believe tlinro never was a man that mude a fortune by swearing. It often happens that men pay for swearing, but it seldom happens that they are paid tor it. It is not easy to perceive that honor or credit is connected with it Does any man receive promotion because he is a no table blusterer? Or is any man advanced in dignity because he is expert in profane swearing? Low must be the character which such impertinence will exalt ; high must be the character which such impertinence will not degrade. Inexcusable, therefore, must be the practice which has neither reason nor passion to sup port it The drunkard has his cups ; the lecher his mistress ; the satirist his revenge ; the ambitious man his preference ; the miser his gold; but the common swearer has naught; he sells his soul for naught, and drudges in the service of the devil, gratiB. Swearing is void of all plea: it is not the offspring of the soul, not interwoven with the texture of the body, nor any how! allied to our frame. For, as Tillotsou expresses it, "though some men pour out oaths as if they were natural, yet no man was ever born with a swearing constitution." YOUMi .UKA'S' EPARTnE.T. Young Men, Help Yourselves. " Providence," we are told, " helps them who help themselves." A true proverb, and worthy to be stamped on every heart. Passing on through life, you will find many a stream that will cross vour path but don't sit down and mourn. If you can't wade across, throw in stones to stand upon, or bring forth a dead tree from the forest, and you will soon make a bridge and be safe on the opposite side. To-day you are opposed in your pioject. ' Don't stop don't go back meet the opposer persevere and you will conquer ; Providence will assist you. You have failed in business come out from under the toad-stool of despondency and try again. , Zounds ! if you don't help yourself and persevere you will do nothing, and be punched at by eveiy beggar and every pauper on crutches, who passes along. Your friends have died bury them but don t linger in the church-yard, mourning because they are gone and you may go next. Up with you wipe off your tears and go to work and be hap py 'tis the only way. In fine, help yourselves in all places at all times, and Providence will assist you, smile on you, and make life a scene of active enjoyment and real pleasure. Origin of the Great Ones of the Earth. An English journal publishes the following: " Moses was a shepherd ; Noah, a farmer; Con fucius, a carpenter ; Mahomet Ali, a barber ; the present Emperor of Morocco, a seller of curios ities; Bernadotte, law King of Sweden, was a snrgeon in the Martinique garrison at the time of its invasion by tbe English ; Mme. Bernadotte was a washerwoman at Paris ; Napoleon descen ded from an obscure Corsican .family, was only a major when he married Josephine, the daugh ter of i tobaoco merchant, and creol of Martin- ique; Franklin was a printer; President Boyer, a mulatto barber: President Tyler, a militia cap tain; Oliver Cromwell, a brewer; President Polk a tavern keeper; the father-in-law of Isabel, Queen of Spain, and brother-in-law of the King Christopher, of Hayti, a slave; the present Pres ident of Hayti, also a slave ; Bolivar, a druggist; General Paez, a cow-herd ; Vasco de Gama, a sailor; Columbus, a' sailor ; Louis Phillipe, a schoolmaster at Switzerland, at Boston, and Ha vana; Catharine, Empress of Russia, was agris sette in the regiment; the present Governor of Maderia was a tailor, and the Minister of Finance ofjprtugal a simple wine merchant of Maderia. At the present moment, Spain and Portugal count a goodly number of, dukes, marquisses, counts, and barons, who were formerly cooks, tailors, hair-dressers, coblers, sweeps and mu lattos. These characteristic traits suffice to PVtff ft"lt from the lowest degree in society have arrived to the pinnacle of honor, power and fortune, and have even teized upon thrones, crowns, and altars. What would the Almack's exclusives of Bos ton have said to this? the little "upper crust" fifty, who boasted their levees had never smelt of the shop ! - The Governor of Maderia, a tailor ; Mehem et Ali a barber ; Mahomet an ass-driver; Murat, the husband of Napoleon's sister and King of Naples, a pastry cook: and Mme. Bernadoitea a washerwoman Oh my ! To the Young.( there be one crown deep er set with gems than another ; if there be one robe finer than another in its texture, and more white in its aspect, that crown and that robe may be set aside to adorn the brow and to grsce the spirit of that youth, the freshness and prime of whose affections were given to God! who shun ned the crowded avenues of dissipation ; whose young thirst for pleasure was slaked at religion's fountain ; and whose lofty aspirings were not for the honor which cometh from man, but for the honor which conielh from God only. If, then, such a diadem be wreathed for you, will you not "gird up the loins of your mind, and run with patience the race that is set before you, looking unto Jksus, the atthor and finisher of your faith." Sunday Reader. For Husbands and Wires. Whispers to Husbands. The happiness of the wife is committed to the keeping of the husband. Prize the sacred trust, and never give hor cause to repent the confidence she reposed in you. In contemplating her char acter, recollect the materials human nature is composed of, and expect not perfection. Do justice to her merits, and point out her faults ; I do not ask you to treat her errors with ! indifference, but endeavor to amend them with wisdom, gentleness, and love. Do not jest about the bonds of a married state. Make it an established rule to consult your wife on all occasions. Your interest is hprs; and undertake no plan contrary to her advice and approbation, then if the affair turns out ill, you are spared the reproaches both trorn her and your own feelings. There is a sagacity, a pen etration and foresight into the probable conse quences of an event, characteristic of her sex. that makes her peculiarly calculated to give her opinion and advice. If you have any male acquaintances, whom, on reasonable grounds, your wife wishes you to resign,' do so. Never witness a tear from your wife with apathy or indifference. Words, looks, actions all may be artificial : but a tear is un equivocal, it conies direct from the heart, and speaks at once the language of nature and sin cerity. Bo assured when you see a tear on her cheek, her heart is touched, and do not, I again repeat it, do not behuld it with coldness or in sensibility. Let contradiction be avoided at all times. Never upbraid your wife with the meanness of her relations; invectives against herself are not half so wounding. Should suffering of any kind assail your wife, your tenderness and affec tion are particularly called for. A look of love, a word of pity or sympathy, is sometimes better than medicine. Never reproach your wife with any personal or mental defect ; for a plain face conceals a heart of exquisite sensibility and merit, and her consciousness of the defect makes her awake to the slightest attention. When in the presence of others, let your wife's laudable pride be indulged by your showing that you think her an object of importance and pref erence. The most trivial word or act of atten tion and love from you gratifies her feelings; and a man never appears to more advantage than by proving to the world his affection and preference for his wife. -Never run on in enthusiastic enconiums on other women in presence of your wife ; she does not love you better for it Much to be condemn ed is a married man who is constantly rambling from home for the purpose of passing away time. Surely, if he wants employment, his house and gardens will furnish him with it, and if he wish es for society, he will find in his wife, children and books the best society in the world. There are some men who will sit an entite day with their lips closed. This is wrong, you should con verse freely on all such occasions. Be always cheerful, gay and good-humored. When abroad, do not avoid speaking to your wife. Few women are insensible of tender treatment. They are naturally frank and affectionate, and in general there is nothing but austerity of look, or distance of behavior, that prevents those amia ble qualities from being evinced on all occasions. When absent, let your letters to your wife be warm and affectionate. A woman's heart is pe culiarly formed for tenderness, and every ex pression and endearment from the man she loves is flattering and pleasing to her, A husband, whenever he goes from home, should always endeavor to bring some little pres ent to his wife. In pecuniary matters, do not be penurious, or too particular, Y,our wife has an equal right with yourself to all your worldly possessions. Besides, really a woman has innumerable trifling demands of her purse, many little wants which it is not necessary for a man to be informed of, and which, even if he went to the trouble of investi gating, he would not understand. ADDRESS OF THE Northern and Eastern LIBERTY CONVENTION, Held at Boston, October ht, 1845, To the People of the United Slates. Turn not away from us but hear us. If, as a rep resentative of the Liberty Party, a little and hated par ty we have but small claim to your attention ; never theless, as your countrymen, your fellow men, your fellow christians, bound up with vou in common in- .'iJi.tts'und common hopes, botli earthly and heavenlv. we are to be respected and listened to. If the cause we would plead before you were of less importance, less sacredness, and less urgency, you might at least with less guilt put us off until you "have a convenient season." But it. is a cause than which there is none more humane, more holy, more urgent, more comman ding. Slavery that most stupenduous fraud and most at trocious piracy on human rights still lives. Although more than eighteen hundred years have passed away, since this earth was wet with the tears and sweat and blood of Him who came to preach deliverance to the captives, "millions of slaves still drag their chains up on it" And not only in barberous and heathen nations docs slavery still live, but even where liberty and civ ilization and Christianity are most loudly boasted of. Here, in republican and christian America, is slavery. Here, too, is the slaveholder the most shameless : for here are his most diligent and desperate efforts to ex tend and perpetuate the practice of man-stealing. Now, it is to rid our land of this foulest pollution and greatest crime, that we come to you for your help. We beseech you not to refuse it : and you will not refuse it, if you will look at American slavery as it is, instead of what its apologists represent it to be ; and at the means for its overthrow which we do employ, rather than at those which we are said to employ. Of the many reasons why we contend against slave ry, and claim your help in the contest, we can hero specify but few. 1. Slavery is Sin. The defenders of slavery claim for it the sanction of the Bible. We bow to the exter nal and internal evidences of its truthfulness and in spiration. We cannot, now, certainly know that we should reject the supremacy of the Bible, even should we discover, that amidst the principles and teachings of this blessed book, sherter can be found for a system, which is utterly and promptly condemned by what seems to us to be the very instincts of our nature, and the very laws written upon that nature by the finger of God. We cannot certainly know, until it is put to the trial, whether our faith in the Bible could survive the shock of such an astounding discovery. Whether we could still cling to the Bible, even after we had found it full of the grossest Belf-contradictions even after we had found it, whilst condemning in detail all the elements and characteristics of slavery, neverthe less approving of their sum total is indeed, possible ; for what of our future sense of duty can we affirm to be impossible. That, having treasured the Bible in our hearts, as the Book of Revelation, we should be confounded, distracted, wretched, at seeing it refuse to concur with the Book of Providence, is not to be doubted. That, in such circumstances, we should feel ourselves left to guess and gope our pathway amidst doubts and darkness deserted of our Heavenly Fath er, and reduced to the most sad and pitiable orphanage could not be strange. If ever we shall come to see, that slavery which buys and sells men, and classes them witJi brutes and things, is approved of the Bible, how gTeatly we should be puzzled by those parts of that book, which teach that men are made but "a little lower than the angels," and even in the very image of God ! If too, we should find, that the Scriptures, although containing the command, "Search the Scriptures," do, nevertheless, approve of the system, that forbids the reading of them, and that, as in the recent instance in New Orleans, drag a man before the civil court for no other offence than offering his fellow men a copy of them ; what after this discovery, shall we think of the Scriptures? We are aware, tint Northern apologists for slavery say, that the slave code, not slavery, should be held responsible for the provision, that slaves shall not be taught to read. But, the framers of this code justify the provision on the ground, that it is vital to the con tinuance of slavery ; and to allege that it is not, is to stamp them with such a character for wanton, gratui tous wickedness, as we arc not willing to ascribe even to slaveholders. If, too, we shall find, that slavery, which forbibs marriage, is notwithstanding sanctioned by the Bible, which teaches that marriage is a Divine institution shall we still be able to cling to the Bible ? Here, again, it is said, that the slave code, and not slavery, i responsible. But a sufficient answer to this remark is, that slavery and marriage cannot co-exist. American slavery would immediately cease, were the right to marry conceded to its victims. The paramount title to themselves and to each other, with which this right clothes husband and wife and children, would bo fatal to all the slaveholder s assumptions of power. Hence, though the Bible declares "forbidding to mar ry" to be one of the "doctrines of devils," slavery must nevertheless, forbid to marry. "The slave is never prosecuted for bigamy," say the Maryland reports. Not being capable of marrying once, how con he mar ry twice ? It too, we shall ascertain, that slavery, which pro vides impunity for the innumerable murders of its vic tims, is at the same time, justified by the Juiblc, which declares, "Thou shalt not kill" will our faith in the Bible he found strong enough to endure tins trial also? We are not to wonder, that tlio instanco is yet to be recorded, in which a white man in a slave State has been put to death under law for the murder of a slave. hy should uiuge or lury consent to the death ot a man for his having done what he pleased with a mere Hung? It is obvious, that this impunity tor murder grows out of tlie very nature of that system, which re duces a man to a mere tiling. Is it doubted thatslaves are, every day, murdered ? clearly, technically, mur dered ? W ould there ever a month pass in Boston without a murder, were one half of its people the ab solute owners of the other half? Does self-interest, as it is alleged, restrain all masters from murdering thoir slaves ? Then does it, also, keep all men from drunkenness and licentiousness. Then does it, also, keep all men from all sin ; for what sin does not work against the interest of him who commits it ? In spite of their interest, men will suffer their appetites to drive them to drunkenness and licentiousness : and, too, so in spite of their interest, and the unequalled horrid ness of the crime, men will suffer their passions to break out in murder. Slavery heathenizes its subjects. Even the synod of South Carolina and Georgia virtually admits this, by admitting, that the colored population of the South is a heathen population. For what can have made it a hea then population, if it be not the system, which forbids marriage, and the reading of the Bible, and markets men as beasts, and authorizes murder ? At any rate, this system being so fully adequate to the production of such heathenism, it would be very unphilosopical to pass it by, in quest of some other cause of the evil. And, now, the question arises, whether our taith in the Bible would be a blind er intelligent faith, if it could reconcile with the requirement of the Bible to spread salvation over the whole earth, the Bible sanc tion of a system which makes heathen of its victims ? iJut we will proceed m giving reasons, way we must war upon slavery, and why we are entitled to your help. - 2. Stavtry does infinite wrong to the Slave. Slave ry subjects its victims to every wrong, and deprives him of every right , Is he our fellow man? then we are to care and contend for him, even as for ourselves then each of us is to look upon him, as, indeed, an other wlf. His stripes arm his compelled and unre- quited toil, we are to feel, as if they were our own, and tli e darkening of his mind and imbruting of his spirit, as if the outrage were upon ourselves. 3. Sluvcry controls and shapes the policy of the Gov ernment. That it does so, is accounted for, both by the grasping and aggressive disposition of slavery, and by the fact, that, however much slaveholders may divide on other questions, they promptly and perfectly unite, when summoned to the service of their "peculiar in stitution." This power to unite its upholders makes slavery an overmatch tor the tar greater numerical strength of the North-that strength being divided ; ftnmnirxt vnrinns interests? nnn fntvjp intproata inutonl i amongst various interests : and those interests, instead of identifying themselves, their schemes and hopes of j prosperity, with truth and righteousness, being busy in courting the slave power. Hence is it, that those in terests, whether commercial, manufacturing, agricultu ral, political, or ecclesiastical and especially such of them, as the free labor of the free North is most con cerned in all lie at the mercy of slavery. The North in a word, has sunk herself into the servant of the South a servant of how base a spirit may be judged from the fact, that when her eminent citizens, are, for no crime, expelled from the South, she murmurs but faintly and briefly : and, that when her ever lamented, ftveaaemembcreu. and ever pravd for, Torrey, nnd other of her philanthropists, are, for no crime, ca3t in to the dungeons of the South, she murmnrs not at all. Whether of Presidents, Heads of Departments, Fed eral Judges, Represcntativ'83 at Foreign Courts, or whether of Military and Naval officers, the South, notwithstanding her very inferior numbers, claims, and gets, the Lion's share. The South, coveting the lands of the Cherokee and other aboriginal tribes, makes the North join hor in driving them, at the point of the bay onet, from much loved homes and still more loved graves. The South, determined to cut off from her oppressed children every refuge, makes the North join in the bloody work of expelling and exterminating the Florida Indians. And after all the additional territory that hud been given up to the dominion of slaves by the purchase of Louisiana and Florida ; and after all the superlatively guilty violence done to the Con stitution, to humanity and religion, by subjecting that territory to that cruel and murderous dominion; the South has just now succeeded in making the North believe, that slavery must be kept alive and, that, to keep it alive, it must be suffered to spread itself over all Texas, and as much more of Mexico, as the South may choose to call Texas. For all this increased room demanded by slavery, the North must pay, and when required, niuet fight. 4. Oar hops is, tlutl this nation may ever en'oy, U7id fiir more perfectly lh::n no:o, repu'tlicanformi of govern- merit. Jjiit, this hope will not be realized, it slavery shall much longer hinder the growth and spread of intelligence. It has already come to pass, that, in the .Southern half of this Nation, more than half of the adults cannot read. So fur, too, are the upholders of slavery from being alarmed at this ignorance, that they rejoice in it, as the most essential prop of the system, which prefers darkness rather than light A few years ago, the boast was made on the floor of Congress, that there was not one newspaper printed in all that part of proud Virginia, w hich the boaster represented. 5. This Nation, to lay the foundations of which cost our fathers so much blood and treasure ; and for the pros perity of which so many good men of successive genera tions have toiled and prayed, we would have perpetuated. But, slaveholders are men of robbery, and violence and blood : and therefore, whilst this nation cherishes m her bosom hundreds of thousands ol them, it will be impossible for her to enjoy the respect of the other nations of the earth, and difficult to maintain peace with them. If too, she should be left to struggle in war for her continued existence, what a clog upon her energies, what an enemy in her camp, would she find her slavery! If, in the American Revolution, and when American slavery was comparatively in its infan cy, a whole State could withhold her quota of troops for the assigned reason, that they were required at home to prevent the revolt of her slaves ; if, at such a time and in such circumstances, slavery could be the occasion of so much peril to our National existence, what might it not prove to be now, when the number of our slaves has increased five fold, and when our slaveholders care so much less to preserve the Nation than to preserve slavery I Detaining you no longer with reasons, why slavery should be abolished, and why you should help abolish it, we proceed to another branch of our subject, and assert, that it was right to begin at the North the work of overthrowing Southern slavery. We will, in this connection, show how entirely un founded are the objections to the North's concerning herself with slavery. These objections are 1st. Thai the South needs no aid in the work of ridding herself of slavery thut. her own wisdom and justice and merry we sufficient for this gnat work. The subjects of a vice are not the first to assail it. If drunkards shall take up and consummate the temperance reformation, it wn 5, neverthelessrfor the sober to begin it. So, too, they who are not already benighted and corrupted by slavery, must make the first movement towards its overthrow. But why hope that the south would make such a movement? Such a movement 1ms already been made; and so far is the south from falling in with it, that she is still at work, not to contract, but to extend shivery not to throw it down, but to build it up. The first stop towards destroying slavery is tbe discussion of its character and remedy; and not even this step will the south consent to have taken. It has been contended, that they object to such discussion, only when carried on by other than their own citizen. But, we have a recent and vorv signal instance, in which the right of such discussion is denied by them to one ot their own citizens; and this, too, notwith standing, that he, to whom it is denied, has all the in fluence which wealth and talents and fame confer; and, notwithstanding, also, that this denial takes place in a State where slavery is said to be a rejected and expir ing, rather than n cherished institution. Moreover, it is noteworthy, that many distinguished men were of the mob which enforced this denial; nnd that whigs were as numerous us democrats in it, although the ob ject of its vengeance is a whig a whig, too, who has rendered unwearied, magnanimous, aim eitecuvu ser vice to his party and although the whig doctrine at the north is that whigs, every where, aro law-abiding that whigs at the north are anti slavery, and whigs irt the south but slightly pro-slavery. The other, and only other material objection to the north's concerning itself with slavery, is that Hie north is alreaity sound on tlic. subject of slavery. But not to sav. that the more sound we are on this subject, the more are our labors against slavery needed, we will present a few tacts to show that the north is exceed ingly unsound on it. The people of the north should not be regarded as deeply hostile to slavery, so long as they rote for slave holders. It would be very wrong to say that they who vote for sheep thieves and horse thieves, abhor sheep stealing and horse stealing. But clearly, it is not less wrong to say, that they abhor man-stealing, who vote for man thieves. And why should the people of the north be regarded as thorough haters of slavery, so long as they form parties, cither ecclesiastical or polit ical, with slaveholders', or so long as tney welcome slaveholders to their pulpits? Why, indeed, should a strong anti slavery sentiment be ascribed to the north ern States so long as slavery lingers in some of them; and so long, too, as these relics of slavery call forth no rebuke from the other Suites of the north? How little sympathy is manifested, even in the northern States, with the vigorous and praiseworthy efforts of our dis tinguished fellow citizen to make New Jersey a free State? How deeply disgraceful to her, and to the whole north, that slie should remain a slave State! In its variniw persecutions and oppressions of tho free people of color, wo have another and not less con clusive reason tor saying, that the north cherishes no deep hatred of slavery. The south has two doctrines, cither of which it would be content to have the north adopt The doctrine, so abundantly set forth in the speeches and writings of her Calhouns id McDumes, and rickenses, that trie. laborer, whatever his complex ion, should be a slave, is the one which it would prefer to have adopted. But, as the north is not yet prepared to adopt it, and will not be until slavery has had oppor tunity, for anothor generation or two, to increase the dishonor it has already put on northern labor, and to infuse more of the spirit of the slaveholder into the northern employer, and more of the spirit )f the slave into the northern laborer, hence all that the south now requires of the north is, to respond to this other and loss sweeping doctrine the doetrina that the black man la fit but to be a slave. That the north has responded to it most fully and heartily, is abundantly1 shown by tin numberless and measureless wrongs which it has in flicted, and still inflicts, on its own colored people. To those who will not reflect upon the subject, no ar gument goes so far to justify southern slavery, as that which is drawn from the humble circumstances and humble character of the free people of color. Had not the policy of the north, in its laws and customs, been to debase its own colored people had the policy to its white people and had its colored population been : 1.1 t . . , . wards tnem neen we opposite policy pursued toward as in that case it would have been, as honored and el evated as its white population it would be found ut terly impossible to reconcile the north to the enslave ment of the colored man. Now, however, the white man of the north finds it an easy inference, that tlia. race, to which the cp.st-out, hated beings around him belong, is just suited to wear the yoke of slavery; and, hence, little violence is done to his feelings by south ern oppression. No proposition is more true, than that the wrongs which the north has done, and continses to do, to its colored people, enter moat largely into th explanation of its pro-slavery spirit, and famish the most influential argument in favor of southern oppres sion. We will mention some of these wrongs; and, ere doing so, will remark, mat uie ftiiiooiy vie..-, J most historical proof will hardly suffice to convince a right minded posterity, that their professedly republi can and christian fathers were so bigottcd and cruel as to inflict them. I. In some of the northern States, the colored man is, by law, disallowed a residence. 2. In some of them, his complexion shuts out his testimony. 3. In a majority of them, he is not allowed to vote. 4. A largo share ot' the primary, and a still larger share of tha other schools, in the northern States are closed against people of color. 5. A large share of the people in the northern States will not consent to work by the side of the colored man; a still larger share will not content to eat by his side; nor to sit bv his side even in houses of worship; nor to be buried by his side. Tbe bodies of colored persons are excluded from many cemeturies; and the instance is not unknown, where, aa if to sur pass all other demonstrations of malignity towards tha African race, the published rule of the cemetary is- tint "No person of color, and no person who has boen a subject of execution," shall be interred in it Remainder next tceek. . The Legislature. Senate Monday, Oct. 13. The President appointed Messrs. Sabin, Fifiold end Brow nell a committee on public documents. Petitions, numerously signed, from Westminster, Hincsburgh, Rutland, and Mount Holley, were preson-. ted and referred to the committee on Education. Bills introduced for the relief of R. F. Abbott; mn king it the duty of the court, in any action bro'tagainrt an attorney, wherein it shall be proved, after judgment for the plaintiff, that the damages were for money col lected in the capacity of attorney, to issue against tho defendant an execution having the same force and ef. feet as in actions founded on tort empowering the ct to issue, in mesne process, an attachment against de fendant's body in such action, provided the plff. file an affidavit stating that such defendant is in the receipt of monies collected for his use, which be refuses to deliv er ; each appropriately referred. Several portions of the Governor's message were ro ferred to appropriate committees. Adj. House Prayer by Rev. Mr. Comings. Standing Committees were appointed as follows; On Elections, Lawrence, Edgei ton, Tilden, Wonted Plumb, Gardner, Keeler. Of Wavs and Means Adams. Rice, Howe, Rising Carpenter. On Military Affairs Harlow, Howe, Nelson, Blaci mor, Clark. Judiciary Committee Swift, Kellogg, Stevens, Rus sell, Marston. Of Claims Stoddard, Clark of M, Jones, Jrtort onU Bogue. On Roads Hall of B.f Cheever, Bowman, Newell, Hollister. On Banks Butler, Fletcher, Harmon, Keyes of P, Thomas. On Education Faiibanks, Danforth, Fan-child, Con verse, Hoi ton. On Manufactures Kendrick, Hutchinson, Goodhue, Perkins, Hitchcock. On Agriculture Pease, Jenney, Wilcox, Holden, Middlebrook. On Lund Taxes Drury, Nelson of Derby, Plielp, Beckett, Gilmore of Ira. To make up the Grand List Buck, Bebee, Morse, Balloii, Luonaid, Bucklin, Strong of Walthnm, Foot Ross, Forbush; Lougee, Burton ; Phebn, Bruce ; Dar win, Roli'e; Wilmarth, Welch; Maynard, Mason i Joslyn, Kay ; Benson, Chaffee ; Burbank, Matthews) Hazen, Ijiindon. General Committee Crowley, Batchelder, Aiken, Churchill, Langdon, Buchanan, Townshcnd, Bliss, Blanchard, Barlow, Smith of Barton, Waterman, Fry, Davis of Alburgh. Distributing Committee Bentley, Harrington, Bar den, Spafford, Smith of Ripton, Bailey, Chase of Cal ais, Farnsworth, Hutchinson, Andrus, Wheelock, Page, Belknap, Holcomb. Committee on Bills Maxham, Bill. On the State Prison Hammond, Gilmore of Rut land, Lathrop, Lawrence, Rice. Committee of Revision Russell, Jones, Stoddard. Committee under the fifth Joint Rule Stevens, Kal logg, Fairbanks. The vote of Saturday referring the petition of Charles Walker and otliers on peace, to the committee on Agriculture, reconsidered, and the petition was mad and referred to the Committee on Military A flairs. Resolutions, appropriately referring portions of the Governor's Message ; instructing the judiciary com mittee to inquire w hether any person is holding a seat in this 1 louse from an unorganized town ; instructing the committee on ways and means to inquire whether the burden of taxation on personal and real property may not be more nearly equalized ; instructing the ju diciary committee to consider so much of the Govern or's message as relates to a Geological Survey, and in quire whether the annual appropriation should be in creased nr lessened : refen inff so much of the Gov ernor's message as relates to expenses of supreme and county courts to the judiciary committee; instructing tho committee on education to inquire into the expe diency of defining the powers of school teachers, par ticularly in reference to corporeal punishment seve rally adopted. Bills introduced From the Senate, repealing the proviso of 1814 relative to offences against private property ; to charter the Bank of Brandon ; relating to lire engine companies ; all referred to appropriate com mittees. Petitions referred. Of Patrick O'Flanegan, to tb judiciary committee ; of John Nichols and others, ana Jairus Andrews and others, to committee ou u tion ; of Enos Merrill and otliers, to committee on mil itary affairs. Adjourned. Se.nate, 2 o'clock, P. M. Petitions, numerously signed, from Chester, and Fairfield. Referred to com mittee on education. Bills introduced. In addition to act incorporating village of Woodstock. In addition to chap. 28, K. 8.,, dispensing with the removal of corn in the stpcjtrand' in the ear, when attached, upon registry in tho town, clerk's office. In amendment of chap. 63 of R. S..aU. lowing a divocre in case of wilful desertion for three vears, although such desertion happened when the parties were resitting m nuuuicr umus, i'i" party deserted shall have resided in this State two years after 6uch desertions all appropriately referred. Resolution. Instructing committee- onJond taxes to inquire into tho expediency of so altering the law as to require tho grand list to be finished on the first day of' August and the taxes to be collected, immediately thereafter. Passed. Adj. Horse. Monday,?. M., Billajntrodnced. To - ; tor name of Mary Arabella Parker. To alter tiie JB. dicial system, (;he supreme court to eonsist of hre; judges," and tha Senate to bo divided into three judicial, circuits, with a judge to mch. eircujt) Referrs to; proper, eommitt..