Green-Mountain freeman. [volume], November 06, 1845, Image 1

About Green-Mountain freeman. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1844-1884

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. Liberty and Equality, Plan's co m m on & r I hr i h i- t'i o r i ' s richest i f til e I i g i o n a n d a w their defence.
BY POLAND &BMGGS. MOM'PELlEli, YT., THURSDAY, NOVEMBER (i. 1815. VOL. II, NO. 45.
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THE FKEIJMAJ
For the Green Mountain Freeman.
Consistency of Chiisliiiii Abolilionists.
No. 6.
TO THE METHODISTS.
Messrs. Editors : The hope of finding a conve
nient place to bring my remarks to a close, 1ms led mo
to protract them to an extent beyond what was at first
anticipated. And, in consequence of ill health, and
' other unavoidable circumstuncos, I have been much
longer than what I intended to have been, in saying
what I have had to say. But if our friends will still
have patience with mo, I will endeavor to be a little
' more expeditious and get through as quick as I con
sistently can. My object is not to cover up or to apol
ogize for the sins of the church, but by an impartial in-
' vestigation to bring her true position fairly and fully
before the world. And in order for this, it seems ne
cessary that every thing should be said that can be
said, both for and against. If I should err by leaning
a little too much in her favor, there are those who are
both able and willing to set mo right j and I have no
other expectation but that they will so do. I find in
my 4th No. a typographical error w hich, as it makes
me speak a sentiment to which I could not subscribe,
I must beg leave to correct. It makes me assert that
it was owing to a provission of original principles that
the church bsciunc a mighty bulwark for slavery. By
substituting the word perversion for provision, the error
may be corrected, and the sentence read as I wrote it,
and will be, as I believe, in accordance with the truth.
For, although I am free to admit that slavery is, at the
present time, emphatically the sin of the church, yet I
am far from believing that it was so originally, or that
it is so now, constitutionally. But that it is so, on the
ground that the church, being commissioned from on
high to enlighten and reform the land has, so far as the
extirpation of slavery is concerned, neglected her duty.
For, although she has, in other respects, been the light
of the land, and from her has emanated all that has con
stituted us, as a people, either great or good, our prin
ciples of civil and religious liberty of morality and of
benevolence our institutions of learning, and above
all, and as the foundation of all, our institutions of re
ligion ; yet there are in our midst a people, entitled by
their Creator to equal rights, and who have an equal
claim on the church with ourselves, who have, neverthe
less, been left in a state of society the most degraded,
and of bondage the most cruel that the world ever saw;
the church interfering not in their behalf; and even
urging, as an aology for her course, " that she had
nothing to do with slavery. That her commission to
reform the land did not authorize her to interfere with
this institution. It was a political sub ject.and the church
had nothing to do with politics. But that God would, in
his own due lime, and in his own way, accomplish the
work." But, as on morul questions a neutral position
caii never be maintained ; so the church could not a
void sustaining slavery when once she had ceased her
opposition to it. Indeed her attempts at neutrality were
nly so many acts in favor of slavery f No doubt God
will overthrow slavery in his own duo time, w hich wo
have reason to believe is near at hand, and in his
own way, which will bo through the medium of the
church, provided she consents to be that medium. And
if she docs, she will thereby save herself and be the
honored instrument of bringing tbout a great and glo
rious work. But if otherwise if regardless of all ex
postulation, she utterly refuses to conic up to the help
of tho Lord against tho mighty, as there can be no
neutrality in the case, she must, in the nature of
things, become identified with slavery in fighting a
gainst God, and with the overthrow of slavery be over
thrown. Thin is, indeed, an awful consideration and
concerns not only tho Methodist church, but every
church in the land. An awful storm is evidently fast,
gathering over both the church and State. God is a
bout to have a day of reckoning with his people. And it.
should bo our chief concern to be in preparation for
it. In order for which, wo are not to abandon the
church as Father Shaw recommends; but to do all in
our power to extirpate this great evil, not only from the
church, but also from the land. And this, as Methodists,
we are in duty bound to do. I nm aware that these
views differ materially from those of Father Shaw, as
expressed in a late No. of the Freeman. But between
the views of Father Shaw and of the slaveholders there
appears to be a great discrepancy. lie maintains that
our influence, so long as we remain in the church, is
wholly against the slave; and they, that it is wholly a
gainst the slave holder. Accordingly, they have ever
maintained that we ought cither to be peaceable, and
not interfere with their domestic relations, or elso do
as Father Shaw has done and advises to do peaceably
withdraw from the church. Had we done so, the prob
ability is, that they would huvc quietly remained in the
church, which would still have been their great bulwark.
But as we have determined in opposition to the entrea
ties, both of slaveholders and seceders, to abide in tho
.church, and to do our duty there, tho most o f thorn,
thinking that the church could no longer be their great
bulwark, have concluded to leave it. And if we are
itrue to our trust, the remainder will soon follow. Un
,der these circumstances, and with these prospects,
though 1 respect Father Shaw, and appreciate his good
wishes, yet I cannot feel myself at liberty to accept of
his kind invitation to leave the church and unite with
the True Wcslcyans. Indeed, if I had conscientious
scruples about remaining in my own church, I should,
on the same account, have scruples about uniting with
his, so long as men are suffered to remain in it " who
have Clay in their eyes or I'okcs on their necks." And
from remarks made by Rev. Mr. McKce, the True
Wesieyan President, in an anti slavery lecture which I
heard him deliver, I inferred that this evil prevailed in
their societies in this State to a considerable extent.
But if it be otherwise, and as Father Shaw intimates,
there be but few that are thus guilty, yet if the evil
bo not put away, a little leaven may soon leaven the
whole lump the influence of the few destroy the in
fluence of the whole church. Surely, if the True Wes
leyan church were to retain but one individual in her
communion who held slaves, under any circumstances
whatever, Father Shaw would not call her a Liberty
church, or say that she already acted against slavery;
ibut on the contrary, would denounce her as proshivery,
and at once quit her communion. And yet, I venture
,jtQ say, that he will admit that those men who have se
ceded from the Methodist Episcopal church and have
joined the True Wesleyans on account of the sin of
slavery, and have gone to' the ballot box and voted to
have three millions of people hold in perpetual bondage,
are as great nnors as it is possiblo for any slavehold
ers to be. Apd that they are actually doing more to
sustain the system. I know he trusts that those1 who
have thus sinned, have done so for the last time. But
I confess I should be afraid to trust them at all. And
what ground he has for his confidence I know not; but
if it be founded on promises made at the time of com
mitting tho act, "that they wore going to sin but tins
once," I hope, seeing another election is now passed,
that Father Shaw will examine into tho affair and see
whether they have fulfilled their promises, and let us
know the results. If there has been a change for the
better, the church and tho world ought to know it. But
if it bo found to be otherwise, then the rule of disci-
plino in tho case ought immediately to bo put in force,
or else uie irue wesieyan cmircn snouiu come uown
from her high professions and take her rank with other
proslavcry churches. If I am wrong, I hope that Fa
ther Shaw, or suine other one, will set mo right. It
seems now to bo n'iie when the position of every
church in the land should be fully known. And in re
lation to my own church, this is what I most anxiously
desire. And I have no wish in relation to the True
Wesieyan church but that she may stand out in bold
relief, occupying such a position ns will enable her to
be instrumental in arousing other denominations, espe
cially the Methodists, into action, thereby provoking
them to good works. But I utterly despair of this, un
less she can keep herself clear in this matter. But to
her own master she must stand or fall. I have thus
fur digressed, because father Shaw's notice of me
seemed to demand it. And though I have been thus
plain, yet I um confident he will take no otl'ence, for
plain talk always suits him the best. And if he should
see tit to reply, I hope ho will deal plainly with me.
Ho is an old friend of mine. And I trust I shall not
think him any less a friend for telling me tho truth.
" Let tho righteous smite me; it shall be a kindness:
and let him reprove me; it shall be an excellent oil
which shall not break my head."
To bo continued.
GEO. PUTNAM.
Enoshurgh, Oct. 17 tli, 1S45.
Religious Protest against American Slave
ry, bv 170 Unitarian Ministers.
We, the undersigned, disciples of Christ, and
ministers of His Gospel, in bearing our solemn
testimony against the system of American Slave
ry, deem it proper in the first place do declare
the grounds of our action.
We owe it to three millions of slaves, our fel
low men and brethren, to do what we rightfully
can to undo their burdens. The wrongs of the
slave, however distant he may be, are our wrongs
for Jesus has taught us that every sufferer
whom we can relieve is our neighbor, though a
strangei, of another race and in a distant land.
AVe owe it to slaveholders, our fellow-men and
brethten, whom we believe to be in a position
hostile to the influences of Christianity, to speak Because it tends to defile the soul of the mas
a word ot warning concerning the moral evil and iter, as unlimited power must generally produce
inhumanity of the system with which thev aip (
connected.
We arc more obliged o bear this les:
because the Gospel of Christ cannot now
lv m cached in the slavchnldimr suited"- m .. "
could, it might be less necessary to express , our
views in the present form. But violent and law- should be proud to mutate. But we know that ! Iil,vs. u Kenluc ky but live out their days with N0 , , n,lllle9i ipf
less men, ns is well known, and as recent instan- the pret ailing tendency of the system is never- reflection that the most they can hope for eiQ.1n in Kentucky into an alliance with
ces in our own experience show, have made it thclcss evil, and that it must 'always offer mani- m 1,10 ""'"re. i tlisit their dishonored names abolitionism.
impossible for the Southern minister to declare fold temptations and inevitable occasions to sin. will be swallowed up in the magnanimous for- When at last, however, serious apprehensions
the whole counsel of God by speaking freely of Because this system, as the indispensable con- gctlulncss of coming generations. began to be entertained that Texas would come
that particular sin with which the community he dition of its continuence, must restrict education, Mr, Clay proceeds to give the particulars of the into the Union with its unequal representation,
addresses is especially concerned. Consequent- keep the Bible fn in the slave, make life insecure Lexington moh, and the lawless removal of his press slavery, and national dishonor; I felt it my duly
ly Southern men of better character, who would in the hands ol irresponsible power, deprive (e- ""d types, and adds: to go, and give aid to the cause of my country
not, perhaps, themselves sanction such constraint, male innocence of protection, sanction adultery, Thus on the lHth day of August, 1845, in whatever field of battle she called me. I w ent
arc nevertheless left without instruction as to tear children from parents and husbands from were the constitutional liberties of Kentucky by the advice of one of the central committee
their duty in relation to slavery. And if neither wives, violate the divine institution of families, overthrown, and an irresponsible despotism of for the Whigs of Kentucky, by special in vita
religion nor the instincts of humanity, nor the and by b ird and hopeless toil jnake existence a slaveholding aristocracy established on their tion from about fifty Whig clubs of the North,
first principles of American liberty, have taught burden. ruins. They who did the deed, call it 'dig- by the request before and after my departure of
them that the system is wrong, their ignorance Because slavery, as all history testifies, eats i nilied,' and they supposed that its dignity would four hundred and sixteen committee men, reprc
may not be wholly at fault, but it would be ours out the heart of nations, and tends every year j shield them from the indignation and curses of representing clubs, counties and conventions
wire we to suffer it to remain. That they h ive ' more and more lo sear the popular conscience . nu n. Did they J No, they were not. so con- by the irresistible persuasion of fifty patriotic
been educated to believe that slaveholding is . and impair the virluc of I be people. It neutral-' temtihh; silly as that. They found it necessary j Whi;f women id" Ohio and last of nil, by the
right, may be a reason why we should not se-1 izes the influence which we ought to exert on ', in order to cot or up the enormity of their crime! tacit approval of the leader of the Whig party,
verely blame them, but it is also a reason wbj the world us a nation whose mission it is to ex-j (.murder, cool and premeditated, and only not Henry Clay. The day before I left Lexington,
we should show llieui the truth ; since the truth tend the principles of political fieedoin. It de- ; eon.Mimatecl b-causo no resistance was offered, j I called upon Sir. Clay, tinil told him the purpose
. . i ..!.... . . I : i' . .. 1 1 . . I i . . . . . :. . i . i ... i : r ...... t ' i i . r . I . : 1. ... :. . 1. .. .1 . i , . i
on i ms sn ojeci inusi come 10 mom, u .u uu, mini
the free states, through books, writings, and pub-
lie opinion. declare "th.it all men are equal, and yet persist loosing on in sullen silence, ready to die in my ; position, willi the anti-slavery, anti-J exas voters
Those reasons would induce us to speak even j in holding a poilion of them r.s slaves, who de- defence,) to publish a manifesto to the world, j of the free States, which no other ninu could,
if the North were doing nothing to uphold slave- j clare that "all are endowed wilh certain inalien-1 full of darkly studied and damning calumny, in i and that I was willing to go, if I could aid the
ry. But by our political, commercial and social j able rights, among which ate life, l.berty, and ; ord'T toshut nie out from the sympathies of men, j W big cause. Mr. C. said nothing, but nodded
relations with the South, by the long silence of; the pursuit, of happiness," and yet lake these and abate the horror of their criminal avowal his head, with an approving smile; and after
Northern Christians and churches, by the fact i rights from a sixth part of their ouu community. ! and dastardly revenge. j sonic unimportant conversation he offered me let-
that Northern men, going to the South, often , Constantly to profess one thing and constantly j They supposed, no doubt, that I would cither t tors of introduction, which I declined as unue
become slaveholders and apologists for slaver-. , to practice another must destroy the sinews of fall by disease or violence, and, 'as dead men eessnry. Whether 1 accomplished anv good or
we have given the slaveholders reason lo hi
le'ieve
that it is only the accident of our position which
prevents us trom engaging in tins system as nil -
ly as themselves,
Our silence tlier
lore is un-
holding slavery, and wo must speali
agiuust it in
order not to speak in its support.
Especially do we feel that the demomiualioii
which takes for its motto "Liberty, Holiness and
Love," should be foremost in opposing this
system. More than others we have contended
for three, great principles individual liberty,
pertect righteousness, and human brotherhood, i practices recorded in the ( )ld Testament, as a cim;. -and I am declared returning home, ' the one ol the pillars ol (he great temple of Amei i
All of these arc grossly violated by the system of - libel on God and Christ, which would tend, so j organ and agent of an incendiary sect.' ! can liberty.'
slavery. We contend for mental freedom ; shall
we not denounce the system which fetters both
mind mid body? We have declared righteous
ness to be the essence of Christianity ; shall we
not oppose, that system which is the sum of all
wrong! We claim for all men the right of
brotherhood before a universal Father ; ought
we not to testify against that which tramples so
many of our brethren under foot?
These reasons would lead us to speak individ
ually and separately. But our combined voices
may be heard more widely and be more regar
ded ; and we therefore speak in company. As
we do not, ns a denomination, combine in sub
scribing creeds and fixing systems of theology,
the more should we be ready to unite in practical
endeavor to remove moral evils. As our prin
ciples of religious liberty do not permit us to ex
clude our brethren who are slaveholders from
our Christian fellowship, the more should we tes
tify against the slave system itself. Some indi
viduals may think they hold slaves for the good
of their bondmen, in order to give them their
liberty under more favorable circumstances. We
cannot regard such slaveholders as we do those
who hold their fellow beings as property for the
sake of gain or personal convenience. Leaving!
to God to decide on the comparative guilt or in
noccncc cf individual slaveholders, we pronounce
the system unchristian find inhuman.
And more especially do we feci bound to lift
up our. voices at the present time, when the
South has succeeded in compromising the ra
tion to the support of slavery; when it lias lit en
made a great national interest, defended in our
national diplomacy, and to be upheld by our ii :
liouul arms ; when the nation has, by a ne ,v
measure, solemnly assimed the guilt and respi ri
sibility of its continuance ; when free Northern
citizens, without any alleged crime, arc thrown
. o . ...l..,- : i i .i . .
in in oouuieiu prisons ami sold 10 perpetual Imn-
(ac : when our attempts
to appeal to tin
with contumely
Fedcral Court are treated
so that the question is no longer whether skrve.iv j
shall continue in the Southern states, but wheth-j
er freedom may continue in any of the states, i
Novvthcrcfore, when our ,veli,itif . political j
measures had failed, it is IhcTmie to trust mure'
fully in (lie power of truth. To the scheme., i.'Vnitiistrrs, nearly three fourths of the ministers
party loaders to political majorities, to the "J?f 'but fleno-nir.iitioii in ihcFrie States.
ted treasures, an, is, doiiiuius mid interests of the
nation. nledrcd lo the extension and iipmetua-i
tion of the system, let us now oppose the simple
majesty and omnipotence of truth. "I'm who
knowcth not that truth is strong next the Al
mighty V
We, therefore, ministers of the Gospel of truth! They who on the eighteenth day of August,
and love, in the name of God the universal F;i- j 18-15, rose in arms, overpowered the civil au
thor, in the name of Christ the Redeemer, in the j thoritics, and cstahlslicd an irresponsible despo
name of humanity and human brotherhood, dotism upon the constil utional liberties of this
solemnly protest against the sin of slavery us I
unchristian and inhuman.
Because it is a violation of the law of right,
being the sum of all unrighteousness which man
can do to man, depriving him not only of his
possessions but himself. And, as in the possess
ion of one's self are included all other rights, be
w ho makes a "man a slave commits the greatest
possiblo robbery and the greatest possible wrong.
Because it violates the law of love, which sajs
" Whatsoever ye would that men should do unto
you, do ye even so unto them."
Because it degrades man the image of God,
into n thing; changes person into property; and
by violating the dignity of the human soul, is u
constant sacrilege against that Soul which the
Scriptures, declare to be the "Temple of the Ho
ly Ghost."
Because it necessarily tends to pollute the
soul of the slave producing vice, and fostering
habits of indolence, sensuality, falsehood, treach
ery, theft, moral stupor, and perpetual childhood
by taking away hope, which God has appoin
ted at the lightenerof toil, the spur to exer
tion, and the seed of progress, and by destroy
ing the sense of responsibility, which is the bond
that connects the soul with God.
sel!-ini!uleucp, licentiousness, cruelty
.f
unw,' jf fi."U txttiin , ki of
,'! V,l ""tf- ' ,m' ' ""i V"" '" M
Jithoe Hifiatiiees aud bnow'a us vir lui.s lncii we
gr..sie. our u.iunmii cnai acier, making us ap-
j pear before mankind as solemn hypocrites who
: national virtue.
j In pun? obediea -,e
to I lies
principles which
and no time can
; no circumstances can obscure
cliuii
ge, vve.pr
.lest
t any attempt to defend
this system on the ground that the slaves are of -
ten treated kindly. It is iml a question of treat -
inent., but of right; and the greatest kindness!
would be no compensation for the rights which
are withheld.
We protest against, any attempt to defend the j
system from the letter of the Scriptures or from I
, far as the attempt succeeded, to destroy our con-
lideuce in the Bible. If this system was not pro -
libited among ancient nations by positive law, it!
was not for the reason that it was ridit, but that!
'like polygamy and other evil practices, "it was
suffered for a time because, of the loudness of
their hearts.'' And if, from the imperfect, j ;i- ll is imputed lo me as a crime, that 1 had ! ited compliment, and loves more to deserve
knowledge under the old dispensation, "the time ' prepared to defend my property and press, a- S praise than to receive it. but because much en
of this ignorance God w inked at," yet now in ! gainst the illegal violence of the people. i mity and denunciation hav e been poured upon
the light of the Gospel, "he commands all men j ' lain accused of crime in characterizing ; me here, charging me with being the cause of
everywhere to repent." American slavery, as 'the lowest, the basest, lire Mr. Clay's defeat, by my visit to the North, and
Finally, while we prescribe no man's course I most nuimiigaicd the world had seen' of being! by forcing him into the Gazette letter.
or action, we earnestly implore all lo put Ibrtl
their full energy, and in the most efficient modes,
to show decidedly their sympathy with the slave,
and their abhorrence of the system of oppression
ol which be is made the victim. We implore
our brethren at the South, especially those who
hold the same faith as ourselves, in show their
faith by their works; to come out from all par
ticipation iir this sin, and, in the way they deem
nest, "io unuo llielieavy burden anil let the on-
pressed go free."
We implore our brethren at the North, who!
go to reside in slaveholding regions, to ro deter-
! mined to make every sacrifice of profit or con-
veuience rather than become abettors of this in -
human institution
We implore till
Christians and
Christian
preachers to unite in unceasing prayer to God
for aid against this system, to lose no opportu
nity of speaking the truth and spreading light oil
this subject, in faith that the truth is strong
enough to break every yoke. We pray them to
remember those whose hearts were in this cause,
who have ascended on high. If Channing, Pol
len, Worcester and Ware, are still mindful of
what is passing below, they must be looking to
us to take their places and do their work.
Wherefore seeing we are compassed by such
witnesses, let us lay aside every weight, and do
the work of him who sent us while it is day.
And we, on our part, do hereby pledge our-
selves before God and our brethren, never to be
weary of laboring in the cause of human rights
and freedom tilt slavery he abolished and every
skive made free.
Signed by one, hiinlrrd and seventy Unitarian
"'-" '"-" -
Hr'We take the following extracts from the elo-
qtient Appeal of Mr. (.'lay, which apnears in the l'th
number of his " True American," occupying more than
eleven columns of that paper.
OUR APPEAL.
Commonwealth, in justification of their conduct
"appeal to Kentucky and the world." So
he
it. Let Kentucky and the world judge.
When the public peace is disturbed when
the laws are defied when the Constitution is
overthrown and w hen by the avowal of mur
derous purposes, natural right and Divine justice
are impiously violated; not the loss of property
not the individual wrong and suffering not
even the shedding of blood, arc to he weighed
n moment; but the great principles of liberty
only are to be home in mind, whilst individuals,
however high or low, nre to be forgotten. If it
hall turn out that these principles were by me
violated or endangered, then was it right that
my house should have been rudely entered by
personal enemies, threatening me with the dread
alternative of death or dishonor then was it
right that the sick chamber should not wake in
the bosoms of the stern vindicators of the law
some feeling of pitying sympathy or magnani
mous forbearance--then was it right that my
wife and children should for long days and nights
suffer the terror of impending ruin then was
it right that I should have my property confis
cated then was it right that I should be out
lawed and exiled from the laud of my birth, and
the buried ashes of my own loved blood and
ever cherished friends. But if, on the other
and not I, have done this deed:
, U) ni let m
.'.oiintrv.m
'jJJV '
;iu H v
usjioieaooi.il felon's (Ins
'llttJ M te l'Jl-' Uii J-'i -t'mvAim.
m coi uuig e i i ueir or, u nutiussion mil in rcaniy,
because they found hundreds of brave men
tell no tales,' it would be easy to blacken niy;Uot, remains for otherst t-.i say. It. is enough
memory, and cover up their own infamy. This for me to know, if 1 were vain enough to assume
last liuisbiii
touch was needed to conuilele the
dark portrait of perpetual slavery that mankind
' looking upon this picture of slaveholding cruelly,
; wrong and smooth-faced hvpocracv, iniuht be no1
longer deceived forever !
In this manifesto, and indictment, and verdict,
1 am accused:
I. Of being an abolitionist, in its Southern
sense my Northern visit is imputed lo me as a
j 2. I am accused of desiring to put into prac-
1 1 ical operation the sentiments of the leadinri
article of the True American of the I Ith nuin -
her, where 1 am spoken of as the veiy author
: "I
j il'
I" the same ' 'I
le Western apostle transcends,
lossihle
lis mission.'
t a
aring incendiary, burling his fire-brands of
murder and of lust' of 'responding as a baiigh
ty am
to a i
infuriated fanatic, in terms of outrage,
oniiniuoc of gentlemen, who made a won-
derfully mild request' and of 'denying the
right of the citizens to consult together on such
a subject' of being a 'mailman,' or of 'preparing
himself for a civil war, in which lie expected the
non-slavebolding laborers, along with the slaves,
io hock io ms standard in callrirg mi tlie 'la-
borers for whom I have sacrificed so much,' of
summoning slaves to my help,
5. 1 am accused of 'attacking the lentrre of
slave property' of being 'a trespasser' upon
: slaveholders and of pushing the community lo
i extremity.
These are
rucl
charges,
and most cruelly
have they been avenged. Time was when men
were heard, tried and punished; now being pun
ished, may I yet be heard f
am so I
far an abolitionist as certain men named George
Washington and I nomas Jeflcrsou, and some
other such 'fanatics,' who got together in ITTIj,
and enunciated some very 'mad and incendiary'
doctrines. I have followed up the same Wash
ington who, some years after that memorable c
vent, declared that so far as his vote could go
towards the abolition of shivery, it should never
be wanting. The same Washington, at some
time subsequent, liberated all his slaves : I was
'fanatic' enough to follow bis advice and exam
ple, and would have others do likewise, thinking
it better to be jusl than rich. On the other
hand, I am opposed to the violation of law in
any respect, either for the purpose of liberating
a slave, or of murdering by mobs a loyal citizen.
I look upon Hie rebels of the 18th, who bore
death and arms in their hands in order to per
petuate slavery, as infinitely lower in crime and
infamy than the 'incendiary sect,' ' suck tlirrc
be, who would use similar means to liberate the
slave. God forbid, that I, or my countrymen,
should form an alliance with, or submit to the
despotism of either. Neither the Liberty parly
nor the Garrisonians hold any srch murderous
doctrines; they are monopolized by the ' respect
able gentlemen' of tic I Sth of Aii-iust. The
Garrisonian abolitionists are non-resistants ; they
hold, with O'Connell, that no revolution or
change of government is worth a single drop of
human blood. The Liberty parly holds the doc
trine put forth ly their Convention held at Cin
cinnati, on the 11th day of June, 1815. They
s.iy of slavery, 'we believe that its removal can
be effected jieeircbli, constitutionally, without
: real injury lo any, with the greatest benefit to
all.' So that if 1 was nn abolitionist in its
broadest sense, there is no cause or excuse for
any number of respectable gentlemen lo come
upon me, and murder me, or trample upon the
constitutional liberty of speech and of the press.
The Whigs call me a Whig I w rote to the
Abolitionists on the 1 1 in of June, a letter pub
lished in the True American, where I call my
self a Whig the Abolitionists call me a Whin
and the Democrats call me a Whig ; I hold
the principles of the Whigs of '70, 'eternal rc
sistence to tyrants' and all the renegades, apos
tates and traitors in Kentucky shall not shake
me from whatever measure I choose to advocate,
or with whatever men I choose to ally myself.
When my visit to the North is imputed to me
as a crime, and so voted by prominent Whigs of
Kentucky, it is time that I should cease to suffer
in reputation for their sakes, and speak plainly
to them and the nation. Time after time did 1
receive the most urgent invitations from Whigs
! : pome and aid the cause yet .as
'risejinJihKl ".
;l-iU!.(risS;iiiit' lSUtS:''jH,fc:C my 'itpjjo.iieius
I
i my mission, uiai 11 was iiiougm uy our urienus
I that I could have an influence, from my peculiar
to myself consideration which belongs to the vi-
tal interests which were at stake in the canvass.
that never did any man of my age in America
draw together so lare and intensely intere-tin.;
audiences. The greatest intellect of the nation,
the gieate.st orator of ,mv age, said to mo, 'Thev
j bad rather hear you than me.' The most large-
! sonled, uncompromising man in tht I'nioti was
pleased to compliment me ; ' We regard yen as
j 1 mention these things not with the silly rani -
i ty of sell-elation, 1 knew iheu undeserved, and
jthe overflow' of hearts touched vvith sympathy
; for a man who bad suffered proscription in the
cause of justice and Iruth for a man of proper
cause of just ice and truth for a man of
feeling is less wounded by censure than
feeling is less wounded by censure than uuiiier-
My war is upon slavery, not upon slavehold
ers I repeat once more. As no man in Ken
tucky had more to lose, so no man had more
reason than I to avoid oven the suspicion of in
surrection. All human probabilities conspire to
sustain me, when I assert before heav en and earth,
that such a thought never entered iny head.
Come then, ye laste cavillers, 1 say the proposi
tion is Irue, in ils letter, and iir its spirit, and in
its broadest meaning ! Yes, this much abused
article, but. reiterates that virtue is the. only se
cure basis for republics. Such Iras hecn the doc
trine from Longiuus, running down through all
t writers upon government till the final repetition
of il in Washington's Farewell Address lo the
i American, neonlo The consciences of slavehold
ers bear testimony to its immortal truth, and
neither calumny nor murder can eradicate ft
from the convictions of mankind. Need I rriaiq-
With regard to the first allegation : I
tain an argument to prove that slavery issubver-
sive of virtue, and consequently dangerous to re
publics and death to liberty ? Go, listen to your
Hammonds and let pulpit hypocrites stultify
themselves and you, in discussing and refuting
the language, reason, and the irrepressible axiom
of the heart. Shall I contend that slavery is at
war with the rirttie and justice of this nation ?
Beheld our broken constitutions our violated
laws our tarnished faith our wounded honor
our rapacious wars our plundering conquests
our insulted ambassadors our imprisoned cit
izens; our robbed presses our murdered people,
and tell me if I lie a ' fanatic' when I say that
slavery tlijgal'ci.aH bHiW-" A ' '-' -t
of republic
loss of life:,
For w li-,
sir hiiinh-ttt Liwmtrnd fr'tit irhite fahonrs of Ken
tucky! Against whose every vital interest slave
ry wages an eternal and implacable war F For
them I lost caste with the slaveholding aristocra
cy i f the land ! For them I liberated my slaves !
For them have 1 sacrificed all chance of politi
cal elevation in my native State! For them
have I lived--and for them have I stood ready
to die ! They v. ho have never eaten ol my
bread, and stabbed me in the dark ; they, who
have stood by me again and again, without hope
of reward ; they, whose children gazing in my
face wilh lovely eyes and reproachful confidence
seemed to say, 'what are you as a legislator
doing for us? shall we net be enabled to be fed
and clothed as the children of slaveholders?
shall we not have school bouses and churches,
and be taught to know bow to work to advan
tage? shall we not be so placed, ns to be able
to possess a small piece of land, or at all events,
if we are manufacturers to sell our wares, or if
we are mechanics, to find continual employment
at fair wages! shall we not change our log cab
ins daubed with mud, and chilled by the winds
of winter, into comfortable little cottages, with
some evidences of taste in yards, of flowers ami
shrubs 1 save us, we pray you, from necessary
idleness, -and dishonorable, work spare your
selves the expense of jails and penitentiaries, and
rescue us from the chances of a felon's fate I'
yes, these arc the men, the great majority of the
people of Kentucky, whose interests in 1841, I
swore I never would betray for whom I then
fell, and now suffer. How long, my country
men, seeing you have the power of the ballot
box, shall these things be 1 Will you not at least
be relieved from prejudice, which poisons you
with hatred and injustice to the blacks ? En
slaved by passons vvhichtPW'''m?r?t;'
i-infeo !;--.'- 'i-'M: '.!, i;;"--
i,10 at J,;5'
tiMii.ittiidraUfr'Crxite, this living
death
Not upon the slaves did I calf. How could I T
Is any man in Kentucky so base as to charge
that I have held secret conference with th
slaves ! N , not one ! How, then, could I call
upon the slaves, who could not read one in a
hundred ! With all my relations and kindred,
slaveholders, many of them ministering in turn
at my sick couch by day and by night all to
be involved in one common ruin warring one
county against a whole State and I prostrate,
and unable to raise my head, to cull upon the
slaves to rally to the standard of civil war I I
refrain from expressing the great indignation
which such gross and monstrous calumny cannot
but. generate in the coldest bosom! Go search
my secret and public life from the cradle up, and
tell the world by what steps I have gradually
prepared myself for this last round of unmixed
depravity ! When have 1 stripped the poor
, hen
i when
daved the sycophant to the powerful
have I lied what party betrayed what
friend deserted when have I stolen or robbed
when did I counterfeit whom have I secret
ly injured in what penitentiaries have I served
an apprenticeship to crime whom have I secret
ly poisoned u hotn have I openly murdered?
Then, before this charge in the face of Kentuck
y, and l he world, I stand mute ! Poor and friend
less broken in spirit and in hope outlawed and
exiled though I be, there is something yet re
maining, of what a man a proud, just, honest
man, should be, and I shall not stoop to plead
not guilty, nof here, nor now!
!
' On l be 1Mb dav of August were the c( nstitu
tional liberties ol Kentucky forcibly overthrown,
and nu irresponsible i ligarchy of slaveholders es-
j tablished on their ruins.
They may allow Gov. Owsley to retain
.seat at the head of the executive department
i they mav' permit the Legislature lo pass such
iws as suit them they may in a woru sutler
1 ,i
ic forms and machinery of a free government
tn go on but he assured, men of Kentucky, you
are nevei thele-s slant.
j Be assured that you live under an anarchical
, despotism. The same moo w ho robbed me of my
i press, have s.it as a jury and justified the deed,
ami declaied that theie was no offence agauist
the laws! What care they, w ho plot murder,
for violated oaths J The respectable slavehold
ing mob of the ISth, sat in judgement upon the
'iingentlemanly' inch of the I'lth by arms and
force, claiming for themselves alone supreme ir
responsible power. The 'canaille' of the 19th
were drawn up before the courts and pmiishei'
the respectable gentlemen of the ISth beyond all
human computation more guilty went uuwhipt
of justice surely the king can do no wrong!- -Whilst
I speak, there are now ordered some Inn
dreds of armed men by the Governor into Clay
county to preserve what little remnant of civil
authority and the old fi r m of government may
yet remain. What will this crrne to? Where
does it all lead ? It requires no prophetic to see
blood flowing knee deep ere this damnable usur
pation come to the still grave of unresisted and
hopeless despotism ! Did they say to stevenson
of (ieorgetown, print no more on the subject of
slavers Has the Louisville Journal been silenc
ed ! In Lincoln, and Jefferson, and Nelson,
will a peaceable cilizen he nrawn from his bed
at midnight mid be hung to a limb, or shot dowlj
like a dog in the day, if 1 e venture to read "