Green-Mountain freeman. [volume], February 26, 1846, Image 1

About Green-Mountain freeman. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1844-1884

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Liberty and Equality, Man's c o mm o n b ir t h r i g ht, (i c tl ' s i c h c s i ' g i ft" elision and Late their de rente.
M POLAND & BRIGGS.
M0NTPEL1EE, VT., TIIUliSTiAY; 1HBRUARY 26, 1846.
VOL III, NO. 9.
GREEK
STIR T-T. filM A !
Temperance,
Forllic Green Mountain Froeman.
The cause of Temperance in Franklin
County.
Messrs. Editors: It is no doubt a mutter of sur
prise, both to the friends and enemies of the temper
ance cause, that Franklin County, which, last year,
elected anti-license commissioners, has this year taken
a "Jim Crow" jump, wheeling and turning about to
the opposite side. The circumstances, which, in my
view, have brought about this change, are instructive,
and should be held up before the w orld as beacon
lights, teaching us not to place too much confidence
in men when parly interests seem to come in collision
with their principles, however long and strenuously
they may have been advocated.
It will bo remembered, that of the six senatorial
candidates nominated last summer by the whig and
democratic parties, one was recognized as a true friend
lof the temperance cause, one was a c andidute of the
rum party, for commissioner, in January previous,
one had for years been a mm-scllcr (and these were
elected) one had been writing long articles against
the license law and the other two were in favor of
license, if not opposed to the law. From the fact
that such nominations were made, it is presumed that
the "wire-workers" of each of these parties feared,
that in case they put up staunch temperance men, the
other party would got the most votes from the nun
interest; or, they feared that, the indignation of this
class had been so dangerously excited by the election
of anti-license commissioners, that to appease tliem,
and keep them in the party traces, the interests of the
temperance cause must be given up into their hands.
It also appears evident that they calculated safely and
shrewdly on the fact, that however much temperance
men might regard the cause, they would not desert
their party to support it. It must be supposed that
many in these parties were pained to find themselves
in this dilemma. Much was said in favor of an inde
pendent temperance ticket; but the cry of party disor
ganization was raised", and the idea was abandoned.
Bitter as was the dose it was swallowed. In this town,
which is often called the "pattern town" as regard."
temperance, and in which a great proportion of the
legal voters are members of temperance societies, and
therefore may he supposed to show as strong a tcm
pwa; :e front as any town in the county; there was a
falling oft' of only 7 votes from the regular whig tick
et. But it does not appear that these votes were cast
against thu ticket, nor does it appear that there was
any falling oft' from the democratic ticket on account
of ti'Liiperance principles.
It is not surprising that the best FrionJ? of temper
ance, who had awaited the result of the election with
painful anxiety, were disheartened, and lost confidence
in those reputed temperance men, who by voting for
such nominations had apparently deserted the cause;
or that many were led to think that there was such a
gross inconsistency, and abandonment of professed
principles, by those from whom they had hoped better
filings, that there was little, or no hope that an tmti
license ticket could be elected, and that if indeed it
could be, the advantages to bo derived from it, under
the circumstances alluded to aboc, were extremely
visionary and doubtful.
Still, painful and discouraging as was such a state
of things, an effort was made to carry the county a
gainst license. To do this with any prospsct of suc
cess, it was thought necessary to select the strongest
men in the county as candidates. The names of F.n
ton, Whittemorc, and Brainard were accordingly pre
sented to the nominating ;onvention. Some political
friends of Gov. Eaton objected to his name being put
upon the ticket, on the ground that the whig party
might want him for a higher office, than he now held,
and it might injure his political prospects, &c. The
nomination was however made, and no one to my
knowledge, lias a reasonable doubt, but this ticket
might have been elected. Gov. Eaton however declin
ed, and the other two candidates on learning the fact,
did likewise. Another nomination was made on Mon
day previous to the election, but this was too late to bo
generally known and the result was as might have been
expec ted.
As still farther illustrative of the state of things,
and the extreme sensitiveness and jealousy of party men,
I wish to relate a fact of recent occurrence.
Feeling keenly that such a course on the part of
temperance men must, if persisted in, prove injurious.
if not utterly destructive, to their influence in favor of
the cause, for obvious motives, the w riter of this, at a
recent temperance meeting hold in this town, introdu
ced the following resolution:
" Resolved; That we will, whenever we have an
opportunity of going to the polls, vote against all ma
kers, venders, and users of alcoholic drinks, whose
names may be presented as candidates for any office,
whether executive, legislative, judicial or otherwise;
where, if elected, the cause of temperance may bo in
any wise affected by their official action."
After its adoption was moved and seconded, he en
deavored to 6how, that by signing the pledge "in all
suitable ways'" to "discountenance the use of alcoholic
drinks," wo had voluntarily assumed such an obliga
tionthat this was the only consistent or effectual
course, and that to stop short of this would be to par
alyze our best efforts, &c.
It would seem that no whole hearted temperance
jaan could object to this resolution; yet no sooner had
the speaker resumed his seat, than a prominent whig,
who is a Deacon in the congregational church, moved
to adjourn without day ! Failing in this, lion. II. Ea
ton made a few remarks, characterizing the resolution
as a "third parly movement" and protesting against
the "one idea" of those who favored such measures!
After an ineffectual attempt to lay the resolution
on the table, a motion was carried to adjourn one weok,
for the express purpose of debating and acting upon
the resolution.
At the opening of the adjourned meeting, the writer
again took the floor to advocate its passage. But no
sooner had he read tiie resolution, than the same whig
deacon interrupted him with the motion to adjourn
without day! This plan having a sufficient number
of advocates present to carry the vote, the society im
mediately adjourned.
' Thus, the society not only refused to act upon the
resolution, but resorted to this new fashioned gag to
prevent discussion, and stave off the question. VVoa it
because they dare not come to the lightlest their deeds
should be reproved? Or were they afraid to recognize
a principle, which, if carried out, would make liberty
men? .Messrs. Editors, you will doubtless under
stand tho riddle. Yours truly, A. II. B.
Enosburgh,' Feb. 11, '40.
War kills our enemies with the blood of our friends.
Itcligions.
For tlie Green Mountain Fretman.
Southern Methodists.
Messrs. Editors. That your readers may have
some idea of the present state of affairs in relation to
the Methodists at the South, I send you for insertion in
the Freeman several articles which I have cut from the
Christian Advocate and Journal, a paper which in
years past has been noted for its hostility to the aboli
tionists, and which has now a southern mun for its ed
itor. Yours respectfully, GEO. PUTNAM.
Through mistake, the order of the articles sent by
Bro. Putnam has been changed, and the following is
not the one marked for insertion first; but it is believed
it will make no essential difference.
Things at the South.
Rev. Dr. Bond: Dear Sir, Having a little leisuio,
I venture to address you a line upon the unhappy con
dition of our beloved Methodism in the South. It is
not my object at thisjime to say much about 'ho doings
of the late General Conference ; or whether the action
taken by that body in relation to the division of the
Church was right or wrong. But sure I am, the Con
ference did not see clearly the case as it is, or as we
now feel it. Had this been the case, there never would
have been a line agreed to, dividing not only the
Church, but relatives and friends. It is presumed that
the General Conference must have been misled. They
seem to have supposed that all south of such a lino
would desire division. This may have been said; but
it was not true ; and if the necessity of division does
exist down in the extreme South, (which is quite doubt
ful,) sure I am, that the same necessity docs not exist
in a large portion of the southern division. Now I ask,
what occasion have the north end of Arkansas, Easi
Tennessee, parts of Georgia, North Carolina, West
ern Virginia, Kentucky, aud Missouri, for a pro-slavery
Church ? There can be but little doubt, but there is
at this time, living within the above-named states, at
least one hundred and fifty thousand members, formerly
belonging to the Methodist Episcopal Church, wnbsc
peace is destroyed, and they know not what to do.
Let me say, the southern preachers claim us all
both preachers and people by contract ; although
hundreds among us have avowed our determination nut
to go with the South. They hold to us with an iron
grasp, and say we must go with them, withdraw, or be
expelled. They take hold of our characters in their
quarterly conforcw s, as though we had never made
any avowal on tii. matter, and were amenable to their
Church. And to complete our misery, we are told that
our destiny is fixed; that no minister of the old Meth
odist Church will ever lie allowed to put his foot in all
these lands; and should one be sent, he would be quick
ly sent back again.
Now, let nie ask, what have wo done that we should
bo thus treated ? And by those, too, whom we have
helped to make, and have fed and clothed. Wo may
adopt the language of the Lord by Isaiah : " We have
nourished and brought up children, and they have re-
belled against us." Now let me ask, Is there no rem"
cdv ? 1 look back ; I see Israel surrounded by moun
tains i ;i cither hand ; the Red Sea in front; and Pha
raoh and his host in the rear : but there was a remedy.
I see a Daniel accused of disobeying a law of the land,
thrown into a lions' d"n : still then- was a remedy.
Likewise the three Hebrew children cast into a fiery
furnace, and still they found a remedy. Now has the
action of the General Conference and of the Louis
ville Convention thrown us into such a woful predica
ment, that no remedy can be found ? If so, we wis!:
soon to know the worst of our case. What wo wish
to know here is, whether the Church will regard that
lino ot separation, or nut, in her future operations?
Wc wish to know our doom, and to know It soon. f
our case is decided only by a General Conference,
could not that body be called together belore the reg
ular time? These questions are i.T vat importance to
us, and to our children, and wo wish aspeedv answer.
Now if we are to wait for help till after the next
regular meeting of the General Conference, we are ru
ined ; for men arc now what they always have been.
When Moses tarried long on the Mount, Israel went
astray. In our present state of disorganization, we
shall become a prey to all who will devour us. If our
mother intends to help, we ask that help now. We
a e like Joseph; though sold and sent to Egypt, we
fill inquire for our parent and brethren, and still say,
" We are Joseph your brother ; come near us."
1 am vour alnicted brother, in the bonds of the Gos
pel of Christ, which knows no lines of separation, or
impassable gulfs, this side perdition. N
Jimlvn co. Jlrfc. btpt. JO, t)l;.
Comiuoii Schools.
A Lesson for the Thoughtful.
The Smith School in Boston, composed exclusively
of Colored Children, was taught for many years previ
ous to August last by a man who believed it impos
sible to secure the obedience ot lus Scholars without
a constant and vigorous use of the ferrule and other
kindred appliances. According to his faith were h s
works; he flogged the children most thoroughly on the
slightest provocation sometimes by blows on their
heads with his hand or fist, sometimes with a ferrule,
and occasionally with the bastinado applied to their
backs or foot, according to his humor. We believe it
was never doubted that be made full proof of nil the
instrumentalities known to the Science of Flogging
for the purpose of keeping his School in order. Du
ring the latter portion of the period above alluded to
we have understood that ho mingled bis floggings
wif e prayers and much pious counsel. But in spite of
all these means ot enforcing obedience the School
grew worse apace ; the children appeared to love
fighting better than study, and wore engaged in the
former quite as often as in the latter, and that, too, in
the School-room! The Scholars complained of abuse
and the Parents besought the proper authority for a
change of masters. An investigation took place, and,
strange to say, the Teacher did not lack defenders.
Christian men were not wanting who declared that
without flogging it would bo impossible to govern any
School, least of all one composed of Colored Children.
Like the old woman who protested that to take away
her total depravity would be to destroy her religion,
they contended that to put aside the ferrule and the
bastinado would bo sure to bring nothing but chaos.
The cruelties of the Master underwent a whitewash
ing from the Committee of Investigation, and the
hearts of Parents and Children were ready to sink
with despair. They persevered, however, till at length
the obnoxious Teacher was removed.
Then came up the question who should take this
School, confessedly the worst in Boston. The place
was solicited by a young man in whose heart was an
all-prevading faith in the power of Kindness to control
the wayward and the disobedient. So strong was his
onviction that Good was mightier than Evil that lie
sought a place in this School rather than any other
because it was universally regarded as the worst in
the City, and he wished the experiment of governing
Children by the power of Love to he tried under cir
cumstances which would serve to make the result as
impressive as possible. It was in August Inst that
Mr. Ambrose Wellington, the young man to w hom we
allude, entered the School as its teacher. JVol one of
his sclmlars tuts lie struck a blow from that day to the
present. By those gentle means only which are in
strict conlormity to his grand idea of Moral Influence
in distinction from Physical Force, has ho sought to
control the actions of those under his charge." And
what has been the result? In the first place his kind
ness won for him the worm affection and confidence
of his Scholars, and when these had been secured the
great obstaclo to the complete success of his experi
ment was removed. The fights and brawls which
were common under tho old system grew less and less
frequent, the Children gradually accquired a better
control of their passions, till at length a healthy senti
ment in favor of good order aud diligence in study
pervaded the School. The hardest boys ware subdu
ed to gentleness by the forbearance of their Teacher
and won to the path of virtuous emulation by Ins deep
interest in their welfare. Tho change in the aspect
cf the School in saidbythoso who have witnessed it to
)0 wonderful indeed. .V. 1. lrrfmne.
Peace Department.
For th Green Mountain Freeman.
Messrs. Editors : If you can make room among
your selected articles, for the following Circular, re
ceived by the Hibernia, you will apprise yonr mercan
tile readers of a new movement in Great Britain, in
which they are peculiarly interested. It certainly
would seem one of the most interesting social move
ments of the age; and, if met with a cordial response
and co-operation in this country, must give a new
strength and compass to the unity and beneficent en
ergy of the Anglo-Saxon raco, which is manifestly des
tined to till the world with the light of the gospel, and
the blessings and silken bonds of Commerce, Civiliza
tion, and Universal Brotherhood. It is a general ap
peal to the Merchants of Great Britaing, to address to
the Merchants of America brief and earnest commu
nications, demonstrating their dependence upon each
other, as citizens of the world ; the depeidcnce of ,
Commerce on Peace : tneir mutual interest and duty
to do all in their power to avert the dire calamity of
war, and to induce their respective governments to ad
just all questions of international controversy, by pa
cific negotiations or arbitration ; so that peace, pros
perity, and amity may reign unbroken and forever be
tween two nations, whom God has made of one blood
and brotherhood to fill the whole earth with the bless
ings of their unify. The following Circular 1ms prob
ably been sent, en; this, to most of the Merchants of
Great Britain, n.nd the next steam packet will bring
Out their appeals to their commercial brethren in this
country. Now, Mkssrs. Editors, if you can insert
this, even on the outside of your paper, it will serve to
prepare your commercial readers to receive, and res
pond to, the fraternal appeals of their co-partners in
Commerce on Uig other side of the Atlantic.
Ei.mu llriiaiTi.
Peace! or War? Commerce! or the
Sword !
Appeal to the Merchants of the Realm.
Friends and Fellow-Countrymen : That a war
with America would bo a direful clainity that it would
utterly blast your prosperity would, in fact, annihilate
commerce, no one will attempt to deny. As little like
ly will it be not to acknow ledge, that with such an aw
ful contingency before us, " England expects every
man to do his duty."
And what is your duty ? In the first place to think,
that is, to think seriously, what war is : and secondly,
whether you have it not in your power to avert so dire
ful a calamity. I am perfectly persuaded that you
have that it is in your power to maintain peace be
tween us and our Amoricaiibrelhrcn. without and com-
promise of national honor, without any sacrifice of
right principle, without any loss ot dignity, and with
out the most remote charge of pusillanimity.
Wars generally have been commenced, not for the
benefit of the people, but for the supposed benefit of a
class whose interests have by no means been identifi
ed with the people's interests. Happily, however, for
this country and for the world at h-rge, another aris
tocracy has arisen, our merchant aristocracy, who are.
identified with the people ; whoso very existence de
pends on the maintenance of peace ; and who are des
tined thus to bo honorably instrumental in banishing
the demon war. Let them exert their influence h"
the Merchant princes of the realm speak let it be felt
tliat anoOior aristocracy lias itri.'im which c
i command
an audience let uioin insist upon it that tlie dispute
bo adjusted in a rational manner.
If two sensible people quarrel, they agree to an ar
bitration. And there is no reason whatever why two
sensible nations should not do the same. It involves
no compromise of principle, no compromise of honor.
If we arbitrate, both nations w ill be gainers ; if we
fight, (which I pray we never again may do.) both na
tions will be losers; and the people of the two coun
tries are so intimately related, that wo must, hire men
to be murderers of fathers, and murderers of mothers.
At. the present juncture tho free, traders have a grave
duty to perforin. Without the blessing, the unspeak
able blessing of peace, free trade were but a name.
Recent events clearly show that this patriotic strugy'e
is all but terminated. A war gith America Mould in
definitely retard tho final consumation, and the peace
ful battle must then be fought over again. Could the
Free Traders be induced to orignate a movement, the
peaceful, powerful cry of arbitrate, arbitrate, would be
heard throughout the land, with a strength and a clear
ness that would force a responsive echo even from the
walls ot St. James's. America could not
r.ngianu
would not refuse.
Up, then, and bo doing. Let the Merchants of En
gland address the Merchants of Jhnerica ; and as fellow
citizens of the world, mutually dependent the one up
on tho other, as men, and as brethren, let them depre
ciate so dire a calamity as war, and entreat theirtnuis
atlantic friends to urge upon the American Govern
ment, that the dispute be adjusted by arbitration; and
let them say that they have urged the same upon their
own Government. The novelty of such a proceeding
is no argument against it.
The merchants of the two nations keep too much
aloof. Neither patriotism nor religion requires that
they should stand still and sue themselves annihilated.
No', but the love of their country, the love of their
common religion, require that they bestir themselves.
The cementing influence of one such address as I
have proposed, may be more easily imagined than des
cribed, und it would strengthen tho hands of both
Governments, in resorting to arbitration. What (hen
would be the effect of a hundred such addresses? They
would prevent a war.
Think of these things ; banish war from your very
thoughts ; and let your peaceful watchword bo, on all
occasions, and for all offences arbitrate, arbitrate, r
bilrale. You will thus find that you will have to maks
NO COMPROMISE.
P. S. Should public meetings be (inadvisable (which
I cannot think,) signntures might easily be obtained to
suc h an address in any other of the customary modes.
It would gladden the hearts of thousands on both sides
of the Atlantic, to see friendly addresses of this kind
from the Merchants of this Kingdom to the Merchants
of the United States of America.
II I S T O It I AL .
From tiie New York Evangelist.
Tlie Austrian Empire.
BY REV. JOHN S. C ABBOTT.
It is quite remarkable that though Austria is one of
the most powerlul and lnlluentm! empires ot Europe ;
though it is surrounded with historical associations of
the richest and most exciting interest; though it has
been tho theatre of tho most majestic movements of
the most majestic armies ; though it exhibits mankind
in all its phases, from almost the lowest barbarism to
the highest elevation of courtly grandeur ; though it
is, and long has been, the strongest hold of despotism,
and the most powerful barrier against tho rights of
man upon the continent ot Europe ; yet but very little
is known respecting Austria, even by the most intelli
gent men on either side of the Atlantic.
That vast empire, crowded with intellectual and in
active life, reposes in silent, Bombrc and solitary
grandeur, in the centre of Europe, tho China of tho
Christian world. It is the settled policy of this govern
ment, to seclude the nation as far ns possible from all
community of interest, and from all freedom of inter
course with ncigiiboring states. I'erdinand, the mon
arch, is in constant dread, that his territories may bo
invaded by those liberal opinions which arc circulating
so freely in other portions of Europe, and shaking the
deep foundations ot the most hrmly esUiblishpd thrones.
The government, whose despotic principle aro em
bodied in that most enftv of statesmen. Prince Mc
tornich, is laboring systematically to roll back the tide
iU:iviUzation. Austria is at the head of that misnam
ed "Holy Alliance," which constitutes the most for
midable conspiracy, ever entered into aguinst the lib
eries of mankind. It has been well said, by a distin
guished political writer, that " there is something char
acteristically and intentionally obscure in the move
ments ond policy of Austria. The dull monotony of
her existence, her affected gravity, the silence which
reigns over the vast extent of her territory, and the un
intrrupted luxury of her capital, have repelled curi
osity, and almost disarmed censure.
This powerful monarchy, with a territory superior,
and a population equal to that of France, is composed
of four distinct nations, each speaking different lan
guages, and governed by widely varyini customs and
laws. There is Hungary, a world by itself; gloomy
in its untamed, uncivillizcd wildness ; where the rocky
castles of proud barons still frown upon tlie cliffs, as
stable, as improgn dde. as sombre in their semi-barba-rirn
gloom, as in the darkest morning of the dark ages;
and courtly men and high born dames move in those
feudal halls, while the menial serfs, retaining the dross,
the mi'imers and the mind of generations long since
in oblivion, hover for protection in their miscr-
V ev avuBii t i' Vui-ra ; proud ot Jr.cir servitude,
j'.-.tring no ennnge, and never dreaming that, they
were born for a nobler destiny. Hungary is tlie twelfth
century dwelling in the nineteenth, it is a picture of
the middle ages framed in central Europe,
There is Bohemia, with its obsequious peasantry, its
haughty nobility, its nominal constitution, with its
mockery of a legislature, unendowed even with the
shadow of power. Its members, the dishonored tools
of absolutism, can only deliberate upon the means of
executing the king s commands, with no liberty to sug
gest anything, or even to petition for favor or redress.
There is Tyrol, the land of romance and of song ;
with her beetling cliffs, her gushing fountains, her
roaring torrents and her delicious mountain rills; and
where the traveler passing through the secluded Al
pine ravines, often sees through the latticed windows,
the gathered family kneeling around the humble fire
side, in the offering of their vesper praise ; or is warn
ed of his approach to human habitations, by hearing
the imles of their evening minstrelsy, floating through
the silence and solitude of the forest.
There is Austria proper, the nucleus of this vast
kingdom, the kernel of the nut, divided by the Danube,
Europe great artery ; embellished by tlie voluptuous
capital Vienna, unquestionably the most dissolute city
in Christendom, where worldly pleasure in unrcstrain-!
ed indulgence ever holds its high carnival ; where no
h!e ladies, frivolns and unlettered, are merely those
'prtf.y nothings" which help to adorn a ball-room,
s inii'ly conscious that they have either reason or
si tilV; where high-born men, exulting in their illustri
ous ancestry, have no nobler object in life than flirta
t'j)!, waltzing, and the gaming-table ; where all the
noblest energies of the mind are crushed by the incu
bus of absolutism which overshadows the land ; and
whore the peasantry, impoverished and imbecile, hug
the chains which bind them, and never desire or dream,
even, of a more enviable lot.
The German, the Italian, Hungarian, the Bohemian,
the lllyrian aud the VVallaehinn are among the con
glomerated provinces and cmniros of this heterogene
ous realm. And they are all slumbering together, in :
utter unconsciousness ot tlie progress ot tlie nine
teenth century. And when the Emperor Ferdinand
gathers around his throne the thunderbolts of war, and
unfurls his eagles, there rally, at the sound of the mu
sic of the Austrian bands, the submissive peasantry of
all these provinces, ready to inarch to the slaughter
foi : ixpence a day. And they willingly assemLlc, with
r.o iminticrs of discontent. There is infinitely more
of political dissstisfaction under the almost boundless
liberty of the United States, than exists un ler the ut
ter despotism of Austria,
The stream of thoughtlessness and gaiety flows in
1 !ui"f'jrruplcd streams through the Austrian capital.
.'lit is the objeci of universal pursuit. The
thelites, dancing saloons and gaming-tables, are tem
ple:: i.ver thronged with ardent votaries. No man is
permitted to take up his residence in Vienna, till ho
c;in prove that he is able to livo there. In the busy
throitw which crowds the pavements of this voluptuous
metropolis, or roll in their chariots under the overshad
owing elms of the Prater, the most beautiful park in
Europe, may be seen the haughty Hungarian baron,
with l,is gallant hearing, his gorgeous attire, his nuig
nilicent retinue and his feudal pride; the mindless,
smiling Austrian, without either a thought for the future,
or a reminiscence of the past ; the Bohemian noble,
with Ins strongly marked countenance and frame erect
with imagined superiority over the whole glittering I .
throng: the wily lllyrian ; the Italian, polished and
court'.y, smiling upon the monarch whom he in heart zation should be established to oppose oppression, unci
relentlessly hntes, as the conqueror of his country, and i it has been done by the Liheitv parly. It, in this con
in wl, ,se breast be would gladly bury his poniard; and' ,ection bc wortll. of .mark Ul. greal mmi.
the I'.'le, w ith a shade of melancholy and sell-huiinh-1 , , , ,. . ,
ati. iin;rling with his noble features, us in labored i '.v ot til0S0 wh" c"nde,l' P,,lltlCHl anti-slavery organ-
forgc'iiiiliiess of his country's wrongs, ho abandons I izatinns, and recommend moral suasion alone, aie men
hansel' to flic mirth-loving crowd. The result of the t wl,0 uu nothinir on the subiect of slaverv. This is ev-
: umvr.yai dissipation io wnicu tins city is surrendered,
umy be seen m the tact, that while m London hut one
in foi'i-tive dies a. nually, in Vienna one in fifteen is
e:ti h . -ir borne to his grave. This is a degree of inor-
t' lity "reliably unprecedented in any other city of Eu
rope.
The great object of the Austrian government that
to which its energies aro constantly directed, is to
crush the spirit of liberty, to paralyze the activity of
the n. mil, and to prevent, it possible, tho idea trom
entering the minds of the people, that they have any
thing 'o do with the government. During the Con
gross of Lnybach, the Emperor of Austria said to the
teachers of a public seminary, " I want no learned
men, 1 need r.o learned men ; I want men who will do
what I bid them." These wishes of the Emperor are
abundantly gratified; for there is not a single great
mun in literature, whom Austria can claim as her own.
There are but few Austrian names to be found upon
anvot the pages ot intellectual greatness.
Much has recently been said respecting the elemen
tary schools establishes m Austria. 1 heso schools
are established in but a limited portion of tho empire,
while tho millions who people the vast realms of Hun
gary, Transylvania, Croatia, Bucoruia, &.c. are sunk in
the deepest ignorance. And the schools, w here es
tablished, are but the patent instruments of despotism,
tor the pupils are not taught to think, but to be servile
ly submissive to despotic authority, Says a foreign
Review, Tho"Systeiv. of Austrian education is indeed
unique in the history ot mankind. 1 lie government mo-
nofiiit'Tes tho charge. No one dares to instruct youth.
who lias not received an authorization to that effect.
Tho books employed must bo written by ngen'n ap
pointed to the task, and every word that falls from a
teacher's mouth, is a subject of inquiry and interest
for the Council of State. The amount of the instruc
tion conveyed in tho schools of Austria is Servants,
obey your masters ; and Subjects, honor your king."
Indeed mind, throughout Austria, with a few excep
tions, is dead. There is no enterprise, no desire for
improvement. There is but one wish through the em
pire, and that is to live to-morrow as they lived yester
day. Consequently, there is no eager rush for wealth,
even, but a dull and stagnant tranquillity.
How In make a Monarchy of a Republic.
Select one which is divided into two nearly equal
parties, both held in check by particular govern
ing class. Put it into an immense copper alem
bic or caldron swimming in revenue, and set it to
stewing, stand by with the iron ladle ot polit
ical proscription, and as any panicles of inde
pendence, third partyism, or kicking out of the
regular traces, rise to the suriace, skun tliem
off, add throw I hem to the dogs. As soon as
this skuin cca.-es lo rise, each parly will he sub
stantially n monarchy, and a little more stewing
will tcducr the two to one. Chronatypc .
The. Rev. A. St. Clan, who is now lecturing
in Illinois, writes to the Chicago Citizen, an able
anti-sl ivery paper, complaining thai the editor's
thunder isn't as loud as it should be; it dont waken
and startle the people ; to which the editor re
plies that if hi'' subscriber will pay him belter,
THE P ii E E 53 A N
For the Green Mountain Freeman.
ProS!avery Objections to Anti-Shivery
Action, answered.
(Continued.)
They cannot take care ok themselves.
This is another objection to anti-slavery action an
objection so weak that it lequires few words to answer
it. Past experience proves it to be false, as tlie histo
ry of emancipation in the Indies fully proves, with oth
er events that might be named. But wo will proceed
to examine the argument. The reasons given to prove
the assertion are that they are ignorant and degraded
and that having been accustomed to depend on others
from childhood, they arc incapable of thinking and
acting for themselves. It may bo true that there might
bo isolated instances where it would be necessary to
have guardians appointed tb direct their labors and ex
penditures, (and this is the case even in white commu
nities) buf it cannot be supposed that the mass of slaves
are incapable of supporting themselves in n condition
far preferable to their present state of servitude.
Even if the worst predictions of the foes of abolition
were verified, still the argument would bo without
force, for their children born free, educated, and enlight
cned, from generation to generation, would rejoice in
the privileges of American citizens. Look at the re
sult, and ask yourself if it would niit be better to per
mit one generation of freed bondmen to suffer some in
conveniences than to chain in unremitting servitude
and ignorance their offspring forever? It in believed
that the objection under consideration is only one of
the many resorted to as an excuse for the inconsistent
course pursued by soinff who arc professed friends of
the slave, but who meanwhile show by their works
that their friendship is but a clonk of hypocrisy, while
in reality they are perfectly indifferent as to their wcl-
lare. Is it not wonderful that Americans who profess
to foster and love free institutions, plainly declare that
slavery is preferable to liberty ? Such men have wo
fully degenerated from the spirit of their fathers.
Political Actio.-.
Another objection is raised by some who declare
that " Slavery is a subject that ought not to bo con
nected with politics, but should be opposed by moral
suasion alone." Common sense should teach every
man that a system of oppression established and per
petuated by legislative authority cannot be removed
by moral suasion alone. For many years pnst moral
suasion has been used and every plan devised separate
from political action that human ingenuity could invent
and yet the anti slavery principles have lain as ef
fectually inert and powerless as though it never exist
ed, so far as the southern mind is concerned. Anti
slavery societies organized out of sheer necessity for
political action, and more has been accomplished since
that organization in bringing the subject into consid
eration by the nation, than was effected in 20 years
preceding that event; and as the party grows in power
and influence it is destined to agitate the subject, and
" keep it before the people," until the institution shall
totter and fall. The presence of the Liberty party,
watching with close scrutiny tho political movements
of the dominant parties, is a powerful check on their
actions, and the time will soon come when its presence
will insure a large amount, of anti-slavery action from
one (perhaps both) of the larger parties, which, but for
its existence, would never have been called forth.
The time will come when political demagogues will
see that they lose more votes at tho north by truckling
to the slave power than they gain at the South, and
then they may throw off thu Southern yoke, and adopt
our principles. Whether this be the prospect or not,
it was necessary that a thorough anti-slavery organi-
idence that they are indifferent, and object to our mea
sures ns an excuse for not acting on the subject at all.
Very many men of talents and influence, who profess
to be " as much opposed to slavery ns nny body," say
that our measures are not in accordance with their
views, and that instead of acting with ns they are in
duty bound to oppose us. When wc look for their
measures, we find that they are doing nothing. If those
who profess to bo opposed to slavery, would organize
and manifest their opposition by publishing anti-slavery
books, and disseminating onti-shivery principles,
and be active and vigilant in the cause of the oppress
ed, we would give them full credit in their professions,
even if they could not act politically; but so long as
their works prove their w ords to bo false, we cannot
but have a vague suspicion that it is passible that they
may bo in a slight degree hypocritical in their profess
ions. There is another feature in the conduct of such
professed abolitionists, which deserves censure. Very
many of them not only denounce political action on the
subject of slavery, but claim to be politically organ
ized as the " true" anti-slavery or Liberty party. They
declare that political action can never abolish slavery,
and yet claim that their oini political measures tend to
its destruction. An ancient writer has said that " none
are so surely caught w hen they are catched, as w it
turned fool," and it appears plain that those who claim
to bc acting km our principles politically, while they
denounce political anti-slavery action, are entitled to
the full benefit of the quotation. But there is a still
worse feature in the conduct of such men, and it is
this. They declare that they cannot act conscientious
ly with a party that is in action purely anti-slavery,
and yet they vote with parties which are known to be
pro-slavery ; and thus show by their works that they
consider it w rong to vote against, and right to vote for
slavery. It is n gross inconsistency for men of such
professions, to support a system of oppression, by vo
ting for tlie strongest of oppressors; whoso energies,
influence and talents are, strictly speaking, in the ser
vice of shivery ; and when we consider the extent of
a President's inlluence with the appointing, and other
executive authorities vested in him, by the Constitu
tion, it is truly wonderful that men who profess to bc
opposed to slavery should feel it a duty to vote with
parties who nominate such men for office, and at the
same time declare that they oppose the Liberty party
through conscientious scruples! It is not for u to
judge another (nan's conscience, but if we were per
mitted to judge, we probably should come to the con
tusion tliat tho consciences of somo men were very
lastic. The time has coine when every man who votes
actsor or against slavery, and every man who is fully
convinced that political action on the subject is wrong
is in duty bound not to vote at all, for tlie most obtuse
intellect can see that if it is wrong to vote ngainst
slavery, it is certainly more so to ron fri Vhct
anti-slavery Voters are consistent in their practices, but'
Liberty voters ? None ; for it is plain that we must
vote for or against it, and as for voting for it, we will
not, neither will we give up the right of suffrage bought
by the blood and toil of our fathers, but use that right
to establish justice to secure liberty to all, and ap
pealing to reason, truth and righteousness, for our wit
nesses, we declare that such a course is rigid
Whitinghani, Vt. W.
Folilies and Religion.
The following is an extract from a work now in
press, upon the subject of Bible Politics, by Rev. N.
Day. When published, it will be a powerful weapon
in the hands of the friends of Freedom.
IV. I am to answer the
Has Reli-
gion anything to do with Polities f
The consideration of this ji
tant, growing out of the fact, I'
prevails somewhat extensively '
:-7
that religion has nothing to dcfjuUi iUifctu,
that religion and politics are two distinct things
and should not be niinglcd, or mixed' up to
gether,' as mnii have frequently remarked to mc.
Now if the above sentiment be true, we should
ascertain that fact, and the two things should
be kept separate. And if it be false, we cer
tainly should be anxious to learn that fact, lest
its baleful influence should sap the foundation of
this government, and ultimately proie destruc
tive to us as a nation. Lot ns, therefore, ap
proach the question with that degree of camlet
which its importance demands, that we may as
certain the truth in relation to it. Should, then,
religion have any thing to do wi'.h politics.'
I. I answer it should, or the human family
should have nothing to do with politics. Man,
universal man, is under obligation to bc reli
gious in all that he does ; and any act that ho
cannot perform in a religious manner, be is
hound to leave undone. This will abundantly
appear from the following scripture: I Cor. 10:
31 ; " Whether, therefore, ye cat. or drink, or
whatsoever ye do, do all to the glory of God."
To glorify God is most certainly a religious act.
But this text requires that we glorify him in ev
ery act of our lives. Consequently, it require
that we bc religious in all that we do. We are
to be religious in eating and drinking the most
simple and harmless part of our history. And if
we are under obligation to he religious in these
mosl simple acts, we certainly should be in the
more important ones. But a question may be
fctarted here. How can we glorify God in eat
ing, &c. I answer, w hen we seat ourselves at
our tables, spread with the bounties of our Hea
venly Father, we should remember the hand that
feeds us, and offer to the great Giver all our
mercies the gratitude due to His name for tho
blessings he is daily scattering in our pathway;
and then devote the strength we derive from our
food in advancing his kingdom on earth. But a-
gain ; " Whatsoever ye. do, do all to the glory
of God." To conform our lires to this require
ment, we must not only glorify God in preach
ing, praying, attending meetings, and such like
duties, but we must glorify him, also, in every
other station and calling in which we may be
placed,; and even when we go to the ballot-box,
wc must not forget to glorify him there. If the
question should be asked, " How can we glorify
Him there I" 1 answer, by voting for such char
acters, and oni.v such, ns He has revealed in
His Bible he would have rule the nations of the
earth.
2. That religion lias something to do with
politics, is evident from the fact, that the greal
law of benevolence covers man's entire life, and
lie is under obligation lo yield obedience to it
every moment of his being. To put foith an act
that is in obedience to that law, is assuredly a
religious act. To put forth one thai is in viola
lion of that law, is an irreligious act. Now, I
see (lot why a man cannot obey, or disohry, that
law as absolutely in the act of voting, as in his
deal with his fellow-brings, or in any other act
of his career.
Is it, or is it not, possible for this nation to
enact laws that are malevolent in their nature ?
This, probably, none will pretend lo deny
If, then, we can have laws that are malevolent,
what must he the character of the act that mak
es the law? I affirm that it must he malevolent
also. And if malevolent, it is an act that viola
tes the law of benevolence ; and hence is an ir
religious act. But what is the act that iiiakes
a law in this nation ? It is the" act of votini;.
Conseq icntly, a man may' be benevolent or ma
levolent in voting ; or, in other words, religious
or irreligious, which most certainly settles the
question that religion has something to do with
politics.
S.The end to be accomplished by politics is
,. . . . .'jvnf1"1''' t 'fwmntn. .,.. i
nurplv .i re hirmus ami. It "'
1
which God proposes to acc
eminent ; and if one is not,.
how the other can be. i.
4. If religion has nothing,
then there is a portion of man's life for which
he is not accountable ; or a portion of it, duriogf
which, he is not under law. To say that man is
under the Divine law, and that, while uuder it,
religion has nothing to do with him, is a mani
fest absurdity. What are the claims of relig
ion ? Nothing more nor less than the claims of
the Divine law. Show me, therefore, a por
tion of man's life when he is not under the
claims of religion,' or when religion has noth.
ing to do with him, and I will show you a por
tion of his life, during which, he is not under
the claims of the law; or when the law has noth
ing to do with him. Hence if religion has noth
ing to do with politics, when men are attr nding
(o politics they are without law, or lawless.
Consequently, let a man do what lie may, in
political matters, he is neither praise, nor blame
worthy, sinful nor hoi v, during that portion of his
life.
o. Keeping religion out of politics, is giving
politics over to the devil. For, if politics ate
not to bc conducted or managed in a religious
manner, they must, and will he, in an irrtlu
gious, which is devilish. Now, tliat religion
has but little to do with the polilics of this na
tion at the present day, I fully admit. But that
it might to he thus, I most confidently deny,
'''ho em le'l" . ad fK'Ci tii land, without
r
'..-iiuaid