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The Evansville journal. (Evansville, Ind.) 1834-184?, December 14, 1846, Image 1

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BY W. II. CHANDLER. THE UNION OF THE WHIGS FOR THE SAKE OF THE UNION: AT $2 PER ANNUM, IN ADVANCE. .
VOL. XII. . EVANSVII.LE; INDIANA, MOADAV DECEMBER 11, 1810. . KO. 10.
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PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE.
Fellow-Citizens of the Senate,
and the House of Representatives :
In resuming your labors in the service of
the people it is a subject of congratulation
that there has been no period in our past his
tory, when all the elements of national pros
perity have been so fully developed. .Since
our last session no afflicting dispensation has
visited our country; general good dealth has
prevailed; abundance has crowned the toil of
the husbandman; and labor in all its branch
es 13 receiving an ample reward; while edu
cation, science, and the arts are rapidly en
larging the means of social happiness. The
progress of our country In her career of great
ness, not only in the vast extension of our
territorial limits and the rapid increase of our
population, but in resources and wealth, and
m the happy condition ofour people, is with-
cut example in the history of nations.
As the wisdom, strength and benificence
of our free institutions are unfolded, every
day adds fresh motives to contentment, and
fresh incentives to patriotism. I
Our devout and sincere acknowledgments
are due 10 the gracious Giver of all good for
the numberless blessings which our beloved
country enjoys.
It is a source of high satisfaction to know
that the relations of the United Stales with
all other nations, with a single exception, are
of the most amicable chaiactcr. Sincerely
attached to the policy of peace, early adopt
ed and steadily pursued by this government,
I have anxiously desired to cultivate and
cherish friendshin and rnmmorr, vomU r
foreign power.' The spirit and habits of lhe
American people are tavorauie to tne main
a : . it .1
tenance of such international harmony. In
adhering to this wise policy, a preliminary &.
paramount duty obviously consists in the pro
tection ofour national interests from encroach-
menls or sacrifice, and our national honor
from reproach. These must' be maintained
at all hazards. They admit of no comnrom-
. . . 9
ise or neglect, and must be scrupulously and
constantly guarded. In their vigilant vindi
cation, collision and conflict with foreign pow
ers may sometimes become unavoidable.-
oucn nas oeen our scrupulous adherence to
the dictates of justice, in all our foreign in
tercourse, that, though steadily and rapidly
advancing in prosperity and power, we have
given nojust cause of complaint to any na-
; tion, and have enj'oyed the blessings of peace
C .1 . . .1 . r
lor more man tnirty years, r rom a policy so
sacred to humanity, and so salutary in its ef-
lects upon our political system, we should
never be induced voluntarily fo depart.
The existing war with Mexico was neither
desired nor provoked by the United States
On the Contrary, all honorable means was re
sorted to to avert it. After years of endurance
e 1 1 1 .
01 aggravatea ana unredressed wrongs on our
part, Mexico, in violation of solemn treaty
stipulations, and of every principle of justice
recognized bv civilized nations. coriimnr.ed
hostilities, ami time h l,r nt rcA
. ' "J "-' ' "
the war upon us. Long before the advance
ofour armv to tlm lfm..L- nfil.o 1?inran.
de, we had ample cause of war against Mex-
CO: and had lhe United States resnrind in
this extremitv. we mial.i hn mmMl frt
the whole civilized world for thn Jusiir r
: justice
our cause.
I deem it to be my duty to present to yon
on the present occasion, a condensed review
of the injuries we had sustained, of the caus
I - l i t.. I B f
es wn.cn iea 10 me war, and ot us progress
since its commencement. 1 ins 13 rendered
the more necessary, because of the misap-
prenensions wnicii nave 10 some extent pre
vailed a3 to Us origin and true character.
The war has been represented as unjust and
unnecessary, and as one of aggression on our
part upon a weak and injured enemy.
erroneous
few, ha
culated
spread throughout Mexico and the whole
world. A more enectuai means could not
nave been devised to encourage the enemy
and protract the war, than to advocate and
adhere to their cause, and thus give them 'aid
and comfort.
It is a source of national pride and exul
tation, tnat the 'great body . of our people
have thrown no such obstacles in the way of
I ha rrnnornmanl t i.carnlM.n tUa tn on-
14 S i; rf II UIV 1J l 111 llJiV.U M1I.W CTUI
ccssfully, but have shown themselves to be
O D
eminently patriotic, and ready to vindicate
their country's honor and interest at any sac
rifice. The alacrity and promptness with
which our volunteer force rushed to the field
on their country's call, prove not only their
patriotism, but their deep conviction that onr
cause is just.
The wrongs which we have suffered Irom
Mexico almost ever since she became an in
dependent power, and the patient endurance
wrth which we have borne them, are without
a parallel in the history of modern civilized
nations. There is reason to believe that if
these wrongs had been resented and resisted
in the first instance, the present
have been avoided. One outrage, however,
permitted to pass with impunity, almost ne
cessarily encouraged the perpetration of an
other, until at last Mexico seemed to atribute
to weakness and indecision on our part a for
bearance which was the offfpring of magna
nimity, and 01 a sincere desire to preserve
friendly relations with a sister republic.
Scarcely had Mexico achieved her inde
pendence, which the Untied btates were a
roong the first among nations to acknowledge
when she commenced the system of insult &.
spoliation, which she has ever since persued.
Our citizens engaged in lawful commerce
were imprisoned, their vessels seized and
n 1.1 I- . If
our nag msuitea in ner ports. 11 money
was wanted the lawless seizure and confisca
tion of our merchant vessels and their car
goes was a rpady resource; and if to accom
plish their purposes it became. necessary to
imprison the owners, captiins, and crews, it
was done. Rulers superseded rujers in Mex-
views, though entertained but bv au lld"UUi, vlu3 lul 4u,lJ uuu wnicii we demanded, and which was so iiisl-
ve been widely and extensively cir. eration with which we shall have acted to-ydue. This negotiation, after more than a
, not only at home, but have been wards a sis,cr rePublic-Uut for the necessity year's delay, resulted in the convention of
ico in rapid succession, bat still there was no
change in this system of depredation". The
Government of the United States made re
peated reclamations on behalf its citizens,
but these were answered by the perpetration
of new outrages. Promises of redress made
by Mexico in the most solemn forms were
postponed or evaded. The files and records
of the Department of Stale contain conclu
sive proofs of numerous lawless acts perpe
trated upon the property and persons of our
citizens by Mexico, and of wanton insults to
our national flag, lhe nilerDosition of our
government to obtain redress was again and
again invoked, under circumstances which
no nation ought to disregard.
It was hoped that " these outrages'; would
cease and tnat wuld be restrained
bv .,he ,aws wbich regulate the conduct of
t,VUiZtJU uawons ,a llieir intercourse wun
eac" omcr a,ler tne trea,v ot ami,T' com-
mc,tc a,,u ""'gaiion, P"i ioai
was concluded between the two republics;
but tf)'s.bope soon proved to be vain. The
toUSC or seisure anu connscauon oi me pro-
l'env 01 our cuizeus, me violations 01 meir
peons and the insults to our Hag pursued
Dv flJeilco previous (o that lime were scarce
ly suspended tor even a brief period, al
though the treaty so clearly defines lhe
riglns and duties 01 the respective parties,
.lhat it is impossible to misunderstand or mis
take them, in less than seven, years after
the conclusion of thai treaty our grievances
had become so intolerable that, in the opin-
,on 01 A resident Jackson, they should no Ion
ge he endured. Jn his message to Con
gress, February 1837, he presented them to
the consideration ol that body, and declared
that, " I lie length of time since some of the
injuries had been committed, the repeated &,
unavailing applications for redress, the wan
ton character of some of the outrages, upon
tne otcer3 anu mS llie United states, in-
uePenuenl ot recent ,nsult3 t0 tnis govern
ment and people by the late extraordinay
Mexican minister, would justify in the eyes
of all nations immediate war."
In a spirit of kindness and forbearance,
however, he recommended reprisals as a mil
der mode of redress. He; declaraed that
war should not be used as a remedy "by just
and generous nations 'confiding in their
strength for injuries committed, if it can be
honorably avoided," and added, "it has occur
red tome that, 'considering the present em
barrassed condition of that country, we should
act with both wisdom and moderation by gi
ving Mexico one more opportunity to atone
for the past before we lake redress into our
own hands. To avoid all misconception on
the part of Mexico, as well as to protect our
national character from reproach, this oppor
tunity should be given with the avowed de
sign and preparations to take immediate sa
tisfaction, if it should not be obtained on -a
repetition of the demand for it. To this end
1 recommeud mat an act be passed authori
m i a ...
S reprisals, and the use ot the naval force
c rr:...i n .
u,;uw"ui eu c,ia,ts ov " executive, a
g5ins Mexico, to enforce them in the event
01 a relU9al h? tlie Jlexlcan government to
r - ""1 lu "u,,t4U' au ,1u"c"1 l
ters in controversy between us, upon another
Memand thereof, made from on board one of
our vessels ot war on the coast ot Mexico. 1
Committees of both Houses of Congress
to which this message of this President was
teferred, fully sustained his views of the
character of the wrongs which we had suf
fered from Mexico, and recommended that
another demand for redress should be made
before authorizing war or reprisals. The
commijtee-on foreign relations of the Sen
ate, in their report, say: "After such a de
mand, should prompt justice be refused by
gucnjlhe Mexican government, we may appeal to
111 . 1 f . 1 1
which will then compel us to seek redress
for our wrongs thereby actual war or by re
prisals. Thesubject will then be presented
before Congress, at the commencement of
the next session, in a clear and distinct form
and the committee cannot doubt but that
such measures will be immediately adopted
as may be necessary to vindicate the honor
of our.co.unU' and ins,ure ainPIe reparation
I tv m uiw
I "
The committee on foreign affairs of the
House of Representatives made a similar re
commendation. In their report, they say
that they "fully concur with the President
that ample cause exists for taking redress into
our own hands, and believe that we should
be justified in thejopinionof other nations for
taking such a step. But they are willing to
try the experiment of another demand, made
in the most solemn form, upon the justice of
the Mexican government, before any procee
dings are adopted."
No differauce of opinion upon the subject
is believed to have existed in Congress at
that time. The Executive and legislative
departments concurred; and yet such has
been our forbearance, and desire to preserve
peace with Mexico, that the wrongs of which
we then complained, and which gave rise to
lhese solemn-proceedings, not only remain
unredressed to this day, but additional causes
of complaint, of an aggravated character,
hove ever since been accumulating.
Shortly after these proceedings, a special
messenger was despatci.ed to Mexico, to
make a final redress: and on the 20th of July
1837, the demand was made. The reple of
the Mexican government bears date on the
29thofthe same month, and contains assu
rances of the "anxious wish" of the Mexican
government "not to delay the moment of
that final and equitable adjustment which i3
lo terminate the existing difficulties between
the two governments," that "nothing should
be left undone which may contribute to the
most speedy and equitable determination of
lhe subjects which have so seriously engaged
the attention of the American
government,
that the "Mexican government would adopl
as the only guides for its conduct, the plain
est principles of public right, the sacred ob
ligations imposed by. international law, and
the religious faith of treaties;" and that,
"whatever eason and justice may dictate re
specting each case," will be done." The as
surance was further given that the decision
of the Mexican government, upon each
cause of complaint for which redress had
been demanded, should he communicated
to the government of the United States by
lhe Mexican Minister at Washington.
The solemn assurances, in answer to our
demand for redress, were disregarded." By
making them however, Mexico obtained fur
ther delay, President Van Buren in his an
nual message to congress ot the fifth of De
cember 1837, states that "although the lar
ger number", of our demands for redress.
and "many of them aggravated wrongs of
personal wrongs have been now for yea 3 bo
fore the Mexican' government, and some of
the causes of national complaint, end those
of the most "offensive character, admitted of
immediate, simple and satisfactory replies,
it ionly within a few days past lhat any 'spe
cific communications in answer to our last
demand, made five mouths ago, has been re
ceived from the Mexican minister;" and that
5,'for not one of our public complainss has
satisfaction been given or offered, that but
one of the cases of personal wrong has been
favorably considered, and that but tour cases
of both descriptions, out of all those formal
ly presented, and earnestly pressed, have as
yet been decided upon by the Mexican gov
ernment." President Van Buren believing
that it. would b"? vain to make any . further
attempt ro obtain - redress by the ordinary
mean svvitlii the poweroflhe Executive com
municated his opinion to congress in the mes
sage referred to in which he said, "On a
careful and deliberate examination of the
contents," (of the correspondence with the
Mexican government,) "and considering the
spirit manifested by the Mexican government
it has become my painful duty , to return the
subject as now stands to congress, to whom
it belongs, to decide upon the lime the mode
and measure of redress."
Had the United States at lhat time adopt
ed compulsory measures and taken redress
into their own hands, all our difficulties with
Mexico would probably have been long since
adjusted, and the existing war have been
averted- Magnanmity and moderation on
our part only had the effect ta complicate
these difficulties, and render an amicable
settlement of them the more embarrasing -
That such measures of redress under simi
lar provocations committed by any of the
powerful nations of Europe, would have been
promptly resorted to by . the United States,
cannot be doubted. The national honor,
and the preservation of the national charac
ler throughout the world, as well as our own
self respect, and the protection due to our
own citizens, would have rendered such a re
sort indispensable, The history of no civili
zed nation" in modern tunes has presented
within so brief a period so many wanton at
tacKs upon uie nonor ot ns Hag and up
on the property and persons of its citizens as
had at that time been borne by the United
Stales from lhe Mexican authorities and peo
pie. But Mexico was a sister Republic, on
the North American continent, occupying a
territory contiguous to our own, and was in a
feeble and distracted condition; and these
considerations it is presumed, induced' con
gross to forbear still longer.
insteau ot taking redress into our own
hands a new negotiation was enlered into up
on fair promises on the part of Mexico but
with the real purpose, as lhe event has pro
ved of indefinitely postponing the reparation
the eleventh of April 1833, "for the adjust
ment of claims of citizens of the United
States of America upon the government of
the Mexican republic."- The joint .board
of commissioners created by this convention
to examine and decide upon these claims,
was not organized until the month of August
1840, and under the terms of the convention
they were to terminate their duties within
eighteen months of that time. Four of the
eighteen months were consumed in prelimi
nary discussions on frivolous and dilatory
points raised by the Mexican commissioners;
and it was not until the month of December,
1840, that they commenced the examination
of the claims of our citizens upon Mexico.
Fourteen months only remained to examine
and decide upon these numerous and com
plicated cases. In the month of Eebruary,
1842, the term of the commission expired,
leaving many claims undisposed of for want
of lime. The claims which were allowedlby
the board, and .the umpire authorized by the
convention to decide in case of disagreement
between the Mexican and American com
missioners, amounted to two million, twenty
six thousand, one hundred aud thirty-nine
dollars and sixty-eight cents. There were
pending before the -umpire, when the com
mission expired, additional claims, which had
been examined and awarded by the Ameri
can commissioners, and had not been allow
ed by the Mexican commissioners, amount
ing 10 nine hundred and twenty-eight thou
sand, six hundred and twenty-seven, dollars
and eighty-eight cents, upon which he did
not decide, alleging that his authority liad
ceased with the termination of the joint
commission. "
Besides these claims, there were others of
American citizen?, amounting to three mill
ions, three hundred and thirty-six thousand
eight hundred and ihirty-seven dollars and
five cents, which had been submitted to the
board, and upon which they had not time to
decide before their final adjournment.
The sum of two million twentv-six thou
sand one hundred and thirty-nine dollars and
sixity-eight cents, which bad been awarded
to the claimants, was liquidated and ascer
tained debt due by Mexico about which
there could be no dispute, and which she
was bound to pay according to the terms of
the convention. Soon after the final awards
for this amount had been made, the Mexican
government asked for a postponement of the
time of making payment, alledging that it
would be inconvenient to make the payment
at the time stipulated. In the spirit of for
bearing kindness, towards a sister republic,
which Mexico has so long abused, lhe Uui
ted States promptly complied with her re
quest. A second convention was according
ly concluded between the two governments
on the thirteenth January 1843, which upon
its face declares lhat this "new arrangement
is entered inlo for the accommodation of
Mexico." By the terms of .this convention
all the interest due on the awards which had
been in favor of the claimants under the
convention of the eleventh of April, 1839,
was to be " paid to them on the thirtieth of
April, 1843, and "the principal of the said
awards, and the interest accruing thereon,"
was stipulated to "be paid in five years in
equal installments every three months.' Not-
withstanding this new convention was enter
ed into at the request of Mexico, and for
the purpose of releiving her from embarrass
ment, the claimants have onh- received the
merest due on the thirtieth of April, 1843,
and three of .the twenty instalments
Although the payment of .the sum thus li
quidated, and confessedly due by Mexico to
our citizens, as indemnity for acknowledged
acts of outrage and wroug, was secured by
treaty, the obligations of which are ever held
sacred by all just nations yet Mexico has
violated this solemn engagement -by falling
and refusing to make lhe payment. The two
installments due in April and July 1841, un
der the peculiar circumstances connected
with them, hare been assumed by the United
States and discharged to the claimants, but
they are still due by Mexico. But this is
not all of which we have just cause, of com
plaint. To provide a remedy for the claim
ants whose cases were not decided by the
loint commission under lhe Convention of
April 11th, 1839 it was expressly stipulated
by the sixth article of the Convention of the
30th of January 1843, that "a new Conven
tion shall be entered into for the settlement
of all claims of the government and citizens
of the United States against the republic of
Mexico, which were not finally decided by
the late Commission which met in the City
of Washington, and of all claims of the gov
ernment and citizens of Mexico against the
United States." . : .
In conformity with this stipulation a third
convention was concluded and signed at the
City of Mexico on the 20th of November
1843, by the plenipotentiaries of the two
governments, by which provision was made
for ascertaining and paying tnese claims. In
January 1844, this convention was ratified
by the benate of the United StateSjWith two
amendments which were manifestly reasona
ble in their character. Upon a reference of
the amendments proposed lo the government
of Mexico, the same evasions, difficulties,
and delays were interposed which have have
so long marked the policy of that government
towards the United States. It has not even
yet decided whether it would or would not
accede to them, although the subject has
been repeatedly pressed upon its considera
tion.
Such 'u lhe history of lhe wrongs which
we have suffered and patiently endured
from Mexico, through a long series of years.
So far from affording reasonable satisfaction
for the injuries and insults we had borne a
great aggravation of them consists in the
fact, that while the United States, anxious to
preserve a good understanding with Mexico,1
have been constantly, but vainly employed
in seeking redress for past wrongs, new out
rages were constantly occurring, which have
continued to increase our causes of complaint
and to swell lhe amount of our demands.
While the citizens of United States were
conducting a lawful commerce with Mexico,
under the guaranty of a treaty of "amity,
commerce, and navigation" many of them
have suffered all the injuries which whould
have resulted from open war. This .treaty,
iustead of affording protection to our citizens
has been the means of inviting them into
the ports of Mexico, that they rriight be, as
they have heen in numerous instances plun
dered of their property, and deprived ot iheir
personal liberty it they dared insist on their
rights. Had the unlawful seizure of Amer
can property and the violation ot personal
liberty of our citizens, to say nothing of the
insults to our flag which have occurred in the
ports of Mexico, taken place on the high
seas, they would themselves long since have
constituted a state of actual war between the
two countries. In so long suffering Mexico
to violate her most solemn treaty ol oliga
tions, plunder our citizens of their property,
and imprision their persons, without affording
them any redress we have failed to perform
one oi the first and highest duties which ev
ery government owes to its citizens; and the
consequence has been that many ot mem
have been reduced from a state of affluence
to bankrup'.cy, The proud name of Amer
ican citizen which ought to protect all who
bear it from insult and injury throughout the
world, has afforded no such protection to our
citizens in Mexico. We bad ample cause
of war against Mexico long before the break
ing out of hostilities. But even then we for
bore to take redress in jour own hands, uniil
Mexico herself become the aggressor, by
invading our soil in hostile array, and shed
ding the Wood of our citizens.
Such are the grave causes of complaint on
the part of the United States against Mexi
co causes which existed loug before the
annexation of Texas to the American Union
and yet, animated by the love of peace and a
magnanimous moderation, we did not adopt
those measures of redress which under such
circumstances, are the justified resort of in
jured nations.
The annexation of Texas to the United
States constituted no just cause of offence
to Mexico. The pretext that it did so is
wholly inconsistent, and irreconcilable with
the well authenticated facts connected . with
the revolution by which Texas became mde-
pendent of Mexico. That this may be the
more manifest, it may be proper to advert to
the canse and to the history of the principal
events of that revolution.
Texas constituted a portion of the ancient
province of Louisiana;' ceded to the United
States by France in the year 1SS3. In the
vear 1819, the United states by tne rwraia
treaty, ceded to Spain ail mat panm .uouis-
siana wiimn me prescm mun ui
Mexico, by lhe revolution which separated
her from Spain, and rendered ner an inde
pendent nation, succeeded to the -rights oi
the mother country over this territory. In
the year 1824, Mexico established a lederal
constitution under which the Mexican re
public was composed of a numbet of sover
eign States confederated together in a feder-
al Union similar to our own. iacu 01 mese
States had its own Executive, legislature
and judiciary, and for all, except federal
1 1 . .1 1
purposes, was as inuepenueiu ut iub gcuujai
government, and that ot the otner estates, as
is Ppnnsvlfania or Virginia under our
constitution. Texas and Coahuila united
and formed one. of these Mexican States.
The State constitution which they adopted
and whih was approved by the Mexican
confederacy, asserted that they were "free
and independent ot the otner Mexican uni
ted States, and lhat of every other power
and dominion whatsoever," and proclaimed
the great principle of human liberty that "ihe
sovereignty of the State resides originally
and essentially in lhe general mass of indi
viduals who compose it." To the govern
ment under this constitution, as well as lo
that under the federal constitution, the peo
ple of Texa3 owed allegiance.
Emigrants from .Foreign counties, inclu
ding the United States, were invited by the
colonization laws of the State and of the
Federal government to settle in Texas. Ad
vantageous terms were offered to induce them
to leave their own country and become Mex
ican citizens, ihis invitation wag accepted
by many of our citiezens, in the full faith
that in their new home they would be gov
erned by laws enacted by representatives
elected by themselves, and lhat their livss,
liberty and property would be protected by
constitutional guarantees similar t to those
which existed in the republic they had left.
Under a government thus organized, they
continued until the 1835, when a military
revolution broke out in the city of Mexico,
which entirely subverted the federal and
State constitutions., aud placed a military
dictator at the head of the government.
By a sweeping dectee ot Congress sub
servient to the will of the dictator, the sev
eral Slate constitutions were abolished, and
the States themselves converted into mere
departments of the Central government. The
people of Texas were unwilling to submit to
this usurpation. Resistance to such tyrany
became a high duty. Texas fully absolved
from allegiance to the Central Government
of Mexico from the moment that government
had abolished her State Constitution, and in
its place substituted an arbitrary and despot
ic Central government.
Such were the principal causes of the
Texas revolulion. The people of Texas at
once determined upon resistance and flew to
arms. In ihe midst of these important and
exciting events however, ihey did not omit
to place their liberties upon a secure and
permanent foundation. They elected mem
bers to a convention, who,' in lhe month of
March, lS3G,lssued a formal declararion that
their "political connection with the Mexican
nation was forever ended, and lhat the peo
ple of Texas do now constitute a free, sov
ereign and independent republic," and are
folly invested with" all the rights and attributes
which properly belong to independent na
tions." They also adopted for their govern
ment a liberal republican constitution.
About the same time Santa Anna, then the
Dictator of Mexico, invaded Texas with a
numerous army for the purpose of subduing
her people, and enforcing obedience to his
arbitrary and despotic government. On the
21st of April, 183G, he was met by the Tex
an citizen soldiers and on that day wasachiev
ed bv them the memorable victory of San
Jacinto, by which they conquered their in
dependence. Considering the numbers en
gaged on the respective sides, history does
not record a more brilliant achievement. San
ta Anna himself was among the captives.
In lhe month of May, 1833 Santa Anna
acknowledged by a treaty with the Texan
authorities in the most solemn form, "lhe full
entire, and perfect independence of the Re
public of Texas." It is true he was then a
prisoner of war, but it is equally true he
failed to conquer Texas, and had met with
sigm ' defeat; that his authority had not been
revoked and lhat by virtue of his treaty he
obtained hid personal release. By it hostil
ities were suspended, and the army which
had invaded Texas under his command re
turned in pursuance of this arrangement un
molested to Mexico.
From the day that the battle of S in Jacin
to was fought until the present hour, Mexico
has never possessed the power to reconquer
Texas. In the language of the Secretary of
State of the United Stales, in a despatch to
our Minister in Mexico, under date of the
eighth of July 1842, "Mexico may have
chosen to consider.and may still choose tocon
sider Texas as having been at all times since
1835 and as still, continuinng, a rebellious
province, but the world has been obliged to
take aver- difforent view of lhe matter.
From the time of the battle of San Jacinto
in April, 183(5, to the present moment, Tex
as lias" exhibited' the same external signs of
na:iun:tl independence as Mexico herself and
with quite as much stability ot Government.
Practically- free and independent, ackowl
edged as a public political sovereignty by all
the principal powers of the world, no hostile
foot finding rest wtihin her territory for six or
seven years and Mexico refraining for all that
period from any further attempt to re-estab
lish her own authority over the territory, it
cannot but be surprising to find Mr. de Bon
can erga (the Secretary of Foreign Affairs to
Mexico) 'complaining that for the whole
period, citizens of the United States, or its
government have been favoring the rebels of
Texas, and supplying them with vessels, am
munition and money, as if the war for the
reduction of the province of Texas, had been
constantly ptosecuted by Mexico and her
success prevented by these influences from
abroad." In the same despatch, the Secre
tary of Slate affirms that "since 1837 the
United States have regarded Texas as an
independent sovereignty, as much as Mexico
and lhat trade and commerce with citizens
of a government at war with Mexico, can
not on that account be regarded as an in
tercouse by "which assistance and succor are
given lo Mexican rebels. The whole current
ol Mr. de Boncanergra's temarks run in the
same direction asjf the independence of
Texas had not been acknowledged. It has
been acknowledged it was acknowledged
in 1S3G against the remonstrances and pro
tests of Mexico; and most of the acts of any
importance, of which Mr. de Bancanegra
complains, flow necessarily from that recog
nition." ' .
He speaks of Texa3 as ssill being "an in
tegral part of the territory of the Mexican
Republic," but he cannot but understand that
the United Stales do not so regard it. The
real complaint of Mexico, therefore, is in
substance, neither more nor less than a com
plaint against the recognition of Texa3 in
dependence. It may be thoughtra ther late fo
repeat that comlpainf, and not quite just to
confide it to the United Slates to the exemp
tion of England, France, and Belgium, un
less the United Slates having been the first
to acknowledge the independence of Mexico
herself are to be blamed for setting an ex
ample for the recognition of that of Texas."
And he added, that 'the constitution, public
treaties, the laws oblige the President to re
gard Texas as an independent slate, and its.
territory as no part of the territory of Mexi
co." Texas has been an independent Slate,
w'uh an organized government, defying the
power of Mexico to overthrow or reconquer
her for more than "ten years before Mexico
commenced the present war against the Uni
ted States, Texas had given such evidence
to the world of her ability to maintain her
separate existence as an independent nation
that she had been formally recognized as
such not only by the United States, but by
several of the principal powers 01 Europe.
These powers had entered into treaties of
amity, commerce and navigation with her.
They had received and accredited her min
isters and diplomatic agents at their respec
tive courts, and thoy h,d commissioned min
isters and diplomatic agents on their part to
the government of Texas. If Mexico, not
withstanding all this, and her utter inabili
ty to subdue or reconquer Texas, still stub
bornly refusod to recognize her as an inde
pendent nation, 6he was none tho loss so on
that account. Mexico herself had been re
cognized as an independent nation by the
United Sates, and by other powers, many
years before Spain, of w'hich, beforo her re
volution, she had been a colony, would agree
to recognize her as such; and yet Mexico
was at that time in the estimation of tho ci
vilized world, and in fact, none of the less
an independent power, because Spain still
claimed her as a colony. If Spain had con
tinued, until the present period that Mexico
was one of her colonies in rebellion against
her, this would not have made her so, or
changed the fact . of her independent exis
tence. Texas at the period of her annex
ation to the U. S., bore the same relation to
Mexico that Mexico had borne to Spain for
many years before Spain acknowledged her
independence, with this important differ
ence, that before the annexation of Texas
to the United States was consummated,
Mexico herself, by a formal act of her gov
ernment, had acknowledged the indepen
dence of Texas as a nation. It is true, that
in the act of recognition, she prescribed a
candition which she had no power or author
ity to impose, that Texas should not annex
herself to any other power, but this could
not detract in any degree from the recogni
tion which Mexico then made of heractual
independence. Upon this plain statement of
facts, it is absurd for Mexico to allege, as a
pretext for commencing hostilities against
the U. States, that Texas is still a part of
her territory.
But there aro those who, conceding all
this to be true, assume the ground that tho
true western boundary of Texas is tho Neu
ces, instead of tho Rio Grande; and that,
therefore, in marching our army to the east
bank of the latter river, we passed the Tex
as line, and invaded the territory of Mexico.
A simple statement of facts, known to ex
ist, will conclusively refute such an assump
tion. Texas, as ceded to the U- States by
France in 1803, has been always claimod as
extending west to the Rio Grande, or Rio
Bravo. This fact is established by the au
thority ofour most eminent statesmen, at a
period whon the question was as woll if not
better understood than at present.
During Mr. Jefferson's administration,
Messrs. Monroe and Pinckney, who had
been sent on a special mission lo Madrid,
charged, with other things, with tho ad
justment of boundary between the two coun
tries, in a noto addressed to tho Spanish
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