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M'" ' ■ ‘ ■ ; • ■. ' »./• a ALEXANDRIA DALLY~GAZETTE! COMMERCIAL & POLITICAL. PSLINTED AND PlTBLlSHRD BY SAMUEL SNOWDEN, ROYAL-SYRERt, ALEXASr>KlA. Daily Gazette, 6 Dollars. Country Gazette, 5 Dollars. _ THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 17. AGRICOLA—No. V. The last and most important object of the « address” is the reasoning upon the subject of the orders in council, as came of war with G. Britain. We all knovY the alleged ground of those orders to have been retaliation for the French decrees of Berlin and Mian — When the Beilin decree was first passed, G. Britain; by a note annexed to the treaty made by Messrs. Monioe and Pinkney, declared, un less the American government would assert its neutral rights, in opposition to it, she should be compelled to retaliate, and the sti pulations of.that treaty would of course be ol no effect. In consequence of this, Mr. Jeffer son at once rejected it, without even submit ting it to the Senate for their consideration, as he was bound to do. W lien a ialsc pio tnise on the part of the French ministci, that the decrees should not he considered as conti a venitig our rights made sacred by the stimula tions of a treaty, was cione away by a subse quent declaration made shortly after, by the Grand Minister Rcignicr, that the intentions of the Emheror were, that by virtue of (he de cree* French armed vessels might seize in neu tral vessels* either English property ot mer chandize proceeding from the English manufac tories ; and that he had reserved for future de cison* whether they might not possess* 'selves of neutral vessels going to or front Eng land* although they had no English manufac tures on hoard / G. Britain passed her orders |h council. Had Mr. Jefferson, instead of re jecting, »n the manlier he did, the treaty of | Messrs Monroe and Pinkney, recommended j the passage of a law interdicting all trade with j France, unless the Beriiu decree had been de- j cla’ ed *f no effect as to us ; a thing which we | i had a right, in consequence of an existing j treaty to demand—it is evident the orders in j council never wculd have applied tons ; and : most probably we should never have expe rienced the evils we have since endured- 1 he very request in the rejected note, aitc, tijing embargoes and commercial restrictions, Con gress at last adopted But upon what princi ple did they do tt then, which would not have made it proper to have done it, w hen tlic Em peror first commenced his system of com mercial interdict against his enemy ? I have s;)ewn that the blockade of 1806 was considered by us. rather as advantageous than otherwise, but at all events, France had no right to punish us for the injuries G Britain had inflicted up on her, without our consent. The only pos sible answer is, that Mr Jefferson saw in the rejection of the treaty the commencement of commercial controversy, which would end, as it has done, with the aid of diplomatic manage menu in war with England ; for by a strange jumble of things, we have come at last to act with more violence against Great-Britain, on account of her orders in council, than she wish ed us to act against France, to avoid the ap p.icatmn of those very orders—in plain deal ing, wo have refused to assert our rcutiai rights against France, and have said toGreat __ . ’• r> . i__ nf ,Kie onrl daPf* tit Britain, u you u“bi,v,v — molest us for it, we will make war upon you, and aid your enemy, all in our power, to de stroy you. To Mr. Jefferson therefore, prin cipally, are to be attributed the evils we now endure, and on his head will rest the blood that shall be shed, and tne mischief that shall he fal our country in this unhappy contest. His successor has fatally followed up his measures, to tin ir ultimate object, and has imb ed n.> tured the system his predecessor had planned. Whether the American people will continue to uphold the views of Jefferson, Madison and ] Bonaparte, their ensuing elections must de ^The “ address” states, “that after the pas sage of the orders in council, each of the bel ligerents encreased their depredations on the jrround of retaliation against its enemies but thev say, “ as the field of commercial enter prize, after allowing to the decrees and or der* their full practical effect, is still rich and extensive, there seemed as little wisdom as obligation to yield solid and certain realities, f,,r unattainable pretensions. Every consider ation of moral duty and political expediency, seems tty concur in warning the United States not to mingle in this hopeless and, to human eye, interminable European contest. 1 ne na ture and extent of the injuries accumulated by the mutual efforts of the belligerents, seemed to teach the American Statesman this impor tant lesson, not to attach the cause cf his coun try to one or the other of them, but by syste matic and solid provisions, tor sea-coast and maritime defence, and arming and cusc.p li.ing the militia, to place its interests as far as us . situation and resources permit, beyond the reach or rapacity of any European power A different policy, however, governed our ad ministration, and the long cherished opinion of Messrs. Jeffei son and Madison, that Eng * bnd might soon be made, to yield her preten sions, by commercial interdicts on owr part, brought on the system of embargo, non-im portion, and non-intercourse laws, in which Fisuics was implicated, moro to avoid the V • * • f A, y, * - ir '■ \ ~ VtiWjf t,y<L ' . yV / ’ charge of gross partiality, than with any view to her injury, lor with the embargo her Lm peror declare*! himself gratified, and although in return for the non-intercourse act, he con fiscated our property to an immense amount, upon the plea of reprisal, yet he hys hitherto experienced none ol our anger, but has been rewarded for it by war against his enemy. Bat France has made amends for all her outrages, by the repeal of her decrees, and Great-Bri tain, we are told, abandoning still more, all respect for the neutral rights ot the U. States and for its ow n consistency, uo\i demands, as a pre-requisite to a repeal of it* uidets as they relate to ilie U. Slates, that a fo»malii> should be observed in the repeal of the French decrees, no wise necessary lor their termina tion, nor exemplified by British usage, U mat the French repeal, besides including tn*c poi tion of the decrees which operate within a ter ritorial jurisdiction, as well usthit wmch ope rates upon the high seas, should n<»t oo a sin gle and special repeal in relation t*» me U S. but should be extended io w hatev r oilu r neu tral nations, unconnected with ' m, m y be affected by those decrees. And a* an additional insult they are called upon l*u a forma, dis avowal ot conditions and preteutions advanced by France, for which the United Stales «uc so far from having made themselves responsible, that in official explanations, w hich have bc?n t published to the w or.d, and in a coiresp . d- j encc of the American minister at I .on don with the British minister for foreign affairs, such a ! responsibility was explicitly and emphatically j disclaimed.” If the declarations above stated i are correct, how came it about that our minis- ! ter at the court ot France was charged to ob j tain a more iormal act ot the revocation of tnc French decrees, than was contained m the ; Due de Cadorc’s communication to Mr. Arm strong; and how comes it about that a formal dec tee has since been presented to the world, bearing date a year before its publication ;f I and how happens it that in express contradic ! tioti to the assertions, that we had nothing to expect from the justice of G. Britain, “ who Carries on the war, (as it is most bitterly as serted by Mr. Madison) against the lawful commerce of a friend, that she may the bet ter carry on a commerce with an enemy ; a commerce poluted by the for gen s and perju ries, which are, for the most part, the only passports by which it can succeed how comes it to pass, I say, that in contradiction to these virulent assertions, the moment the de cree appears, Great Britain repeals her orders in council as to us. Can any thing mo- e strong ly pro\e the mad precipitancy of the wart— Why did we demand of Franco a more so Jemn act of revocation ? It was proper so to do, or it was not. It is decent to suppose the government would not have asked an useles act, and it is right to conclude, that ihey ought not to have urged a controversy to the la*t rc sort, until having obtained what was required, ihe bad faith of then* opponents might have oeen made manifest. Bui how do we no v t appear before the tribunal of the world. Al ter obtaining what we thought it proper to <1- - | mand, a formal decree of the french emperor repealing his obnoxious edicts ; & whica by the oy. denies the truth ol the proclamation passed in November, 1810, by grounding it upon the law passed in 1811; this being all Great Bri tain had asked of us ; she frankly and honor ably repeals her orders in council as to us — without any reserve. And this was done too, at the moment when on this s^le the Atlantic, the above declarations and bitter assertions were made causes of war against her. The “ Address” concludes with these strong i i * _.! . •« / .t<i« • Ivi'l v i» I a»Kl glowing rcuctuuiiS) »“V4V -. j applicable to our situation. t i u A nunion, like the United States, happy in s its great local relations; removed liom the j bloody theatre of Europe ; with a maritime i border, opening vast fields for enterprize ; J with territorial possessions, exceeding, eveiy real want;—its firesides safe ; its a.tais uu defiledfrom invasion nothing to fear from acquisition nothing to hope — how shall i such a nation look to heaven for its smiles, while throwing away, as though they were « worthless, all the blessings and joys, which j ! peace and such a distinguished lot, include ? i With what prayers can it address the most j | high, when it prepares, to pour fourth its j | youthful rage, upon a neighbouring people ; j from whose strength, it has nothing to dread, « from whose devastation it has nothing to gain ? j a If olir ills were of a nature, that war would j remedy ; if war would compensate any of our J losses ; or remove any ol our complaints, there ; might be some alleviation of the suffering, in j the charm of the prospect. But how will war < upon the land, protect commerce upon the o- j ' cean ? What balm has Canada for wounded j (honor? How are our mariners benefited by | war, which exposes those, who are tree, \^th | out promising release to those, who are im ; pressed ? | u But it is said that war is demanded by ho ! nour. Is national honour a principle* which : thirsts after vengeance, and is appeased, only, , i by blood; which, trampling on the hopes of i i man, and spurning the law of God,. untaught j | by what is past and careless of what is to come j precipitates ilsclf into any folly, or madness, | to gratify a selfish vanity, or to satiate some unhallowed rage ? If honour demands a war w ith England, what opiate lulls that honour to * See Mr. Madison's War Message. t It would be arguing a depravity, to which I hope we have not yet attained, to suppose our administration accessary to this deception. sleep over the wrongs done us by France r On land, robberies, seizures, imprisonments, by French authority ; at sea, pillage, sinkings, burnings, under French orders. Ihesp are notorious. Arc they unfelt because they are French ? Is any alleviation to be lound in the I correspondence unci humiliations ol the pre ! sent Minister Plenipotentiary of the United | States at the French Court ? In his communi ! cations toour government, as before thepublic, | where is the cause for now selecting Prance, ■ as the friend of our country and England as the one my ? u If no illusions of personal feeling, Sc no so licitude lor elevation of place, should be per mitted to misguide the public councils; :i it ! is, indeed, honorable for the true statesman to consult tho public welfare, to provide, in truth, for the public defence, and impose no yoke of bondage ; with lull knowledge of the wrongs | inflicted by the French, ought the government ' of'tliis country, to uid tlte French wnse, by ! engaging in war, againsUtbe enemy ol Fi ance? | To supply the waste of such a war and to ; looeuhe appropriations of millions extraoi di | nary, for the war expenditures, must our lel l(»w citizens, throughout the union, lie doomed to sustain the burden of war-taxes, in various ' forms of direct and indirect imposition? For | oftioi i information, respecting the millions deemed requisite for charges oi the war; I for like information, respecting the nature and | amount of taxes, deemed requisite for drav i ing those millions from the community, it is | here sufficient to refer to estimates and re ports made by the Secretary of the Treasury and the Committee ol Ways and Means, and to the body of resolutions, passed in March | last, in the House of Representatives. «• It would be some relief to our anxiety, if . . ■ . . > t . f. „ . 1. - ... L. amcnus were iiktiy uc mauc, iui me >»w«rw ness and wildness of the project, by the pru dence of the preparation. But in no aspect of this anomalous affair can we trace the great and distinctive properties of wisdom- ^ There is seen a headlong rushing, into difficulties, with littls calculation about the means and lit tle concern about the consequences. With a navy comparatively nominal, we are about to enter into the lists against the greatest marine on the globe. With a commerce, unprotect ed and spread over every ocean, we piopose to make profit by privateering, and for this endanger the wealth, ot which we are honest proprietors. An invasion is threatened ot the colonics of a power, which, without putting a new ship into commission, or taking ano ther soldier into pay, can spread alarm, oi c.c solation along the extensive range of our sea board. The resource* of our country in theii natural state, great beyond our wants, or our hypes are impaired by the effect oi ariincial '• restraints. Before adequate fortifications are prepared for domestic defence, Indore men oi ' money are provided for a war of attack, why hasten into ihe midst of that awful contest, wnich is iaymg’Vasre Europe? It cannot be' concealed, that to engage, in the present war ag ,fnst England is to place ourselves on the si ie nf France - and expose* us to the vassal i,i- e of states, serving under the banners ol the French Emperpr “ Thu undersigned cannot refrain from ask ing what are the United States to gain by this j WiTr ? Will the gratification of some priva* I teersmen compensate the nation lor that sweep j ef our legitimate commerce by the extended marine, of our enemy, which this desperate act invites. Will Canada compensate the middle states, for New-York ; or the western states for New-Orleans ; let ns not be deceiv ed. A war of invasion may invite a retort ol invasion. When we visit the peaceable, and, as to us innocent, colonies of Great Britain ...;,u Imppnrc of liar ran we. he assured that our own coast will not be visited with like j horrors ?” If these observations are correct, and tnat they are, I appeal to the breast of every friend to his country’s happiness ; why do wc see the war continued, when the prominent causes ot it have ceased to exist. II those aie the real causes of the war, which Mr. Madison has de clared to be so, what can we gain by protract- j ing it, which we have not gained, and would not have gained* without enteiing into it. If they are not the reel ones, let us know, what I in truth they are, that wc may at once be in- i formed what it is, for which we are to risk mir lives* our fortunes, our peace and union to obtain* The smiles of the Emperor we covet : not,.we fear indeed his friendship. We shall 1 not therefore fight for it. We will not fight j to make a President, or prop a sinking partyt j _but having obtained the end for which wc armed, we will seek for rulers who value more j the public good than private views, and prefer the peace of their country to the whims of speculative theorists and the violent objects of a despot. AGRICOLA. | _ j f I do not apply this to the republicans ge nerally. for I know they are friends to peace, but to those leaders, reho are now the friends of war, tuxes, loans, public debt, and standing armies. LONDON, July 30. j Price of Stocks this day at one. 3 per ct. Cons. 56 1-2 1 4 3-8 ; 3 per cent Red. 56 5-8 3-4 ; 4 per cts. 73 72 7-8 ; 5 per cent. 88 1-4 3-8 ; Omnium 3 1-2 3 4 pra. ; Consols for Acct. 86 3-4 7-5 3-4. DECLARATION OF WAR BY AMERICA. The official intelligence of war having been declared by America against this country, ar- L rived last night by the Julia, the hon. captain f Gardner iioin Halifax. The President’s up pi oval of the set of Congress declaring war f was signed on the 18th of last month. The uc- j count of our revocation of the orders in coun- I cil had not reached America A cabinet council was held this morning on the dispatches, and was sitting when cur paper I was put to press. The receipt of the oibciu! ; intelligence, renders of course, some immedi ate and decisive measure on our part, imperia i tive. It remains for America to say whether | our revocation of the orders will satisfy he• ; ! if it does not, we have a pledge from the op | position, recorded in parliament, that they j will give their utmost supporttothc war. Courier, July 31. Foreign ( Jjicc, Downing street. Viscount Castlereagh has this day received, i by licut. Dobree, of l»is majesty’s sh'p Victo I ry% dispatches from Edwaid 1 hornten, Esqr. j his majesty’s plenipotentiary in Sweden, trans ( milting a treaty ol peace and ft it ndship bc ’ iween his majestv and the emperor ol all 1 ! Russias; and *. treaty of peace and friendship - between his majesty and the king of Sweden, \ signed at Orcoro, by Mr. 1 hornton and tiie respective plenipotentiaries of the two powers, on the 18th inst. ORDERS IN COUNCIL, i At the Court at Carlton House, 31 st July, 1312 ; fire st nt, hit Royal Highness ihc Prince Regent, in Council. It is this day ordered by his royal highness | the prince regent, in the name,*and on the be | half of his majesty, and by and with the advice of his majesty’s privy council, that no ships or vessels belonging to his majesty’s subjects b$ permitted to enter and clear out for any of tho ports within the territories of the U. States of A r*> r i r o until nivlprc • find hlQ. t’nvril highness is further? pleased, in the name and on the behalf of his majesty, and by and with the advice aforesaid, to order, that a general embargo or stop be mr.de ol ail ships and ves sels whatsoever, belonging to the citizens of the United States of America, now within, or which shall hereafter come into any ol the ports, harbors or roads, within any part of his majestv’s dominions, together with all persons and i fleets on board of ail such ships and ves sels ; and that the commanders of his majes ty’s ships of war and privateers, do detain ami bring into port, all ships and vessels belong ing to citizens of the U. States of America, or bearing the fLg «>f the st.id U. States, except *uch as may be furnished with British licen ces, which vessels are allowed to proceed ac cording to the tenor of said licenses ; hut the utmost care be taken for the preservat ou of i all and every pait of the cargoes on board any j of the said ships or vessels, so that no dt | mage or embezzlement vvhatever, be sustained ' —and the commanders of his majesty’s ships j of war and privates is are hereby instructed to detain and biing into poi t every such ship and vi sscl accordingly, except such as arc above OrKWp’-cd ; c\nrl the Right 1 {OiKT.*bIC, 'lit? Lords C mmissior.ers of his Majesty's Tua« suiy, the Lords Commissioners ol the Admi ralty, and Lord \V rden of the Cinque ports, are to give the necessary directions herein, as to them may respectively appertain. CHETWYND. By the Comv is toner.*, for er c utiug the Office of Lord High Admiral of the United King dom oj Great Britain a\d In la) id, C?c. Whekeas, by ?:i ;.ct p ss'd in the forlv thud year ot the reign 01 ms proem majc&iy for the better protection ol the trade of the United Kingdom during the present hostili ties with Franc®; a power is vested in Us to grant licences to vessels to sail without con voy, and We have, in pursuance ot the said act, granted sundry licences accord ngly ; aim whereas, wc see fit to revoke certain oi these licences, as hereinafter specified, Wc do here by revoke and declare null and void, and cl no effect, all licences granted by us to any ship or vessel to sail without convoy to any port or place of North America, Newfoundland, the West Indies or the Gulph of Mexico, which ship or vessel shall not have cleared out be fore this revocation shall be known to the col lector or other officer of the customs ci the port at which such ship or vessel shall be. Given under our hands and the seal ol the Office of Admiralty, 31st of July, 1812. (Signed) MEI/VILLE, Wa. DOMETT, GEO. J. HOPE. To all whom it may concern. By command of their Lordships, J. W. Crokrr. An order in covineil of 17th July', continue! the O. in C. prohibiting the exportation of “ Gunpowder, Saltpetre, or any kind of arms or ammunition.” r Another O. in C. same date, continues a mr mer order, permitting the importation of Hides, Horns, Tallow, Wool (except Colton Wool) in foreign vessels, from ports from which the British flag is excluded. The O. in C. is continued, which prohibits the importation of. Iron, Naval Stores, Sec. The Prince Regent on the 29th July, au thorised Marquis it cllsslnj to wear the insig nia of the Royal Persian Order, ot the Sun and Lion, conferred by the King of Persia. THE IVJR IN THE NORTH The subjoined address was issued by the Emperor Alexander to his troops on tht com l