7 'GA ic HPifc ra5?sTtu-r&v ft"e ' Hew to the Line. Vol. I. SALT LAKE CITY, UTAH, OCTOBER 26, 1895. No. S. ME. LINCOLN AND THE? COLORED PEOPLE, v Ssvxkal weeks ago published in the Uboad Ax an Extract from Mr. Lincoln' speech, delivered September, 1858, wherein he shoTed his race prejudice and hos tility to the negro. Since then sereral of the Utah newspapers and a number of gentlemen of this city, hare called into question the cor rectness of our conclusions. As a farther proof that this distinguished President and the Republican party generally Hid not care for the aboli tion of slavery, we publish the fol- . lowing letter, which speaks for it .self: . . "Exkcutivz Mansion, "Washington, Ang. 22, 1862. "Hon. Horace Greeley: "Dear Sib. I hare just read yours of the 19th mat., addressed to ; myself through the New York Tribune. If there be in it any statements or assumptions of fact which I may know to be erroneous, I do not now and here controvert them. "I there be i&n ys inference .which X may believe to be falsely drawn, 1 co not now and here argue them "If there "be perceptable in it an impatient and dictatorial tone, I raive it in deference to an old friend, whose heart I have always supposed to be right. "As to the policy I 'seem to be pursing,' asyousay,Ihavenotmeant to leave anyone in doubt. I would save the Union. I would save it in the shortest way nnder the Consti tution. "The sooner the national author ity can be restored, the nearer the Union will be the Union as it was. If there be those who would not save the Union unless they could at the same time save slavery, I do not agree with them. If there be those who would not save the Union unless they could at 'the save time destroy slavery, i" do not agree with them. My paramount object is to save the Union, and not jeither to save or destroy slavery. "If I could save the Union with out freeing any slaves, I would do it if I could save it by freeing all the slaves, I would doit, and if I -could do it by freeing some and leaving others, I would also do that. What I do about slavery and the colored race, I do because I believe it helps to save this Union; and what I forbear, I forbear because I do not believe it would help to save the Union. I shall do less when ever T shall believe what X am do ing hurts the cause; and I shall do aore whenever I believe doing more will help the cause. "I shall try to correct errors when show to beerrorsf aad.1 sium accept sew views as iaec as they shall appear to be trae views. "I have here stated say purpose :ucuiuiBg co bj views OX. ill CM I aty;andl.intad bo iaodifcatkm of my oft-expressed personal wish that ail men everywhere could, be free. "Yours, "A. Lincoln." The above letter is taken ver batim from The American Conflict, Vol. II, page 250, by Horace Greeley. It was written in reply to the letter from Mr.Greeley, in which the President was severely criticized for not declaring the slaves all free, and contained a deep insinuation that the President was subserving to the interests of slave holding. The author, on the next page of the same volume, says: :"It is a Pope's bull against the comet," suggested the President. "$o the President hesitated, de marred and resisted." -The preliminary proclamation of Mr. Lincoln, issued on the twenty second day of September, 1862, in formed the people of the rebellious states, that unless they submitted to the authority of the Federal government, -the blacks would be f setyfree on Janaaryltt,'1853J?ad" that if all or any portion of the said states should thus submit, the proposed proclamation would not apply to them. This is the fair and legal construction of the lan guage used. The proclamation itself, issued January lst,1863,especially excepted large portions of several seceded states, and also omitted Missouri, Kentucky, Tennessee, Delaware and Maryland, where slavery existed at the very time, to the same extent as in the more southern states. This proves conclusively to our mind, the statement we have often made, that "the slaves gained their freedom through the fortunes of war, and not from any design on the part of the Republican party, even on January 1st, 1863." In thi article we do not desire to detract anything from the great ness of President lis coin. That he was honest, patriotic, wise and consistent, we heartily believe. He was a kind-hearted man, and one of the greatest of our honored presidents. Uut we have simply queted from history, and the re cords show that "Mr. laacoln was not aa Abolitionist, and' is .aotea- titled to the. credit of destroying slavery by design, or from his ex alted opinion of the colored people. If he were living today he wo aid not claim the distinction, aa he- was too honest a man to. wear a wreath of glory that did aot rigfctfally be- fog.tohi.. J : Thus again we say, that as time goes on, and the passions and prejudices of the civil war cool down, it becomes more and more apparent that the negro has been the political football of the Repub lican party for the past thirty years. It is now the duty of the colored people to shake off this incubus of ignorance and sentiment, aud read the history of the past with an im partial judgment and act as intelli gent, progressive American citizens. inations in Chicago, have since gained national prominence. Mc was one of Carter Harrison's poli tical proteges. On the weit side of Chicago, where the great popula tion of Chicago is, he advocated the nomination of a worldngman-Hjon. Frank Lawler to represent the workingmen's interests in Congress, as against the powerful orator, and man of great influence, the Hon. John F. Finerty. This fight is a memorable one in the political his tory of Chicago, the more so because Lawler's chances of victory over &m ifiy-tu '5ati &sm iKsiiHrin rgtflfcri rtWkimr l. ?'riaKlnBHB3iraMSHBnBAK'r'Ae'i rJSJ'-KE'iBBBWB8Bfc yGSaBiBBSSSESVir iflflu&lfiefcflPHE&sLLLLV&Q MPPHbwBBsfll p. w. McCaffrey. The above cut of Mr. P. W. McCaffrey, by those who know him, will be pronounced a good one. It shows a well-balanced head, a face of great determination, and just such a man who, in his own partic ular way, will always be looked up to as an excellent leader, his leader ship comprising the traits of firm ness, consideration and the very acme of geniality. In a word, he perfects his own plans, and will be driven into line by no roan. Mr. McCaffrey first saw the light of day in Dundee, Scotland, npon July 30th, 1839. His parents were not wealthy, but they man aged to give him a" very liberal education. From boyhood he had a great desire to travel, and had his mind fixed, as a start, upon America. He landed in New York before he was eighteen years of age, alone, a stranger in a strange land. There he engaged in mer cantile pursuits until 1881, and, in addition to the cultivation of business habits, he received a valu able insight into practical politics, not aloae ia New York City,but also the village across the river Brooklyn. The year 188" foand him in Chicago. His political ex perience there, a a organiser of worldngaien, made hia prominent. Men whom he advaaced'by obtaia. lug xuc ihmu cenau pouncu non such a man as Finerty 'were con sidered very small. However, Law ler "got there." Just after this great political fight, Mr. McCsffirey, through the sickness and death of his wife, de cided so as to drown the associa tions daily arising before him to go to Kansas City, then one of the most boomiusr cities in the West. There he embarked in the real estate and hotel business, working as manager, for three years, for the well known firm of Messrs. James Morton & Sons, of Kansas City. A man that can hold down a position in the great firm of Morton & , Sons for three years can never be called unreliable; because Morton & Sons will engage no one except he is strictly business, being busi ness men of the first water them selves. Leavimr Kansas Citv he landed in Denver in 1890. and accented the position of steward in the Markham hotel In Denver h never took any prominent part in pontics, tie made several speeches one mac was sol Mr. McCaffrev arrived in Salt Lake City in 1891, His political career here is well known. Hii present position, as general man ajrer of the United Wnrfcintrm-'. Democratic dabs, is aa evince of nis ability aa a leader, and they are determined to stay by him mntil sunset of the 5th day of November next. - -rf : -ite .v jWLfgte-T'-" S"o - v - - .:m&M3mzt r- VJft: - &$k " .-'iM-tJL.i.-M.-ZM V "?." - w 3 i26. i ' '7 "-. t i . ' - ..-V - ' - r . '' , 54HCTL -v ...'liT 1 -JJt .V ,- - J" ,.'- - - ' S" . susLi : 'iL ' '&:.-f' vxi. -- - ttmmta&i;JmJmmm' n i !. m,JJKSufOJP, x '