The broad ax. [volume], November 09, 1895, Image 1

About The broad ax. [volume] (Salt Lake City, Utah) 1895-19??

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SALT LAKE CITY, UTAH, NOVEMBER 9, 1895.
No. 11.
THE NEW DEMOCRACY.
-Address delivered November
1895, by Julius F. Taylor.
1st,
selves had sought a new land to en
joy freedom and independence.
Navr York and Pennsylvania, not
only tolerated slavery, hut it actual
ly existed within their borders until
long after the Revolutionary War.
All the slaves, during the early
period of this century, were the
product of the African slave trade;
the slaves being brought by the
shipload direct from Africa and
the islands of the tropics. The
New England settlers, being ex
pert seamen, and avaricious sailors.
engaged largely in the slave trade
for the immense profit there was
in the business; so thousands
of these poor creatures were
yearly landed in the Colonies by
the shrewd Yankees, who afterward
became the rantingabolitionists. It
soon became apparent that slavery
coald not be made profitable to the
owHers.exceptln the milder portions
or the country, owing to the nature
of the Negroes and their long con
tinued habitation of & tropical land.
Hence; the institution' gradually
died out in the colder latitudes, and
increased in the warmer or southern
portions' of the country. . This re
sult was in accordance with a
natural law, and not the result of
any difference or distinction be
tween the white people of the
northern and southern rortions of
the New World. In fact, the Hs-
tory of each,sho ws that the early set
tiers of Virginia and Massachusetts,
of Georgia and Pennsylvania and of
many of the ethers, were all from
England, all of the same blood, the
-j Bathe education, the same religion,
ana tney au received their law from
the same source', viz.. the common
law of England. As time went by,
I dksibx on this occasion to pre-.-sent
to you a few plain conclusions,
founded upon facts and history,'
and tending to prove that there is
-a New Demooracy, or rather, per
haps a new feature to the old
Democracy.
A few years ago it would have
been a novelty to see, or hear of a
colored Democrat; and even now,
income commsnittes, they are rare
species. But my friends, there are
thousands of them in the United
States, aad their number is increas
ing as intelligence and reason dawn
upon the mind of the colored race.
I therefore assert that the time has
com for the colored people "to
divide on party lines .'
In time long .past, the colored
.people were taught to believe, and
many believe it yet, that the word
Democrat meant everything that
was oppossd to the interest and
welfare of the negro. The name
was supposed to embody an invet
erate, .hatred and dklike of, all our
- people on account of their race and
Keekr. That it meant a desire to
feetpetua! slaverv. the mind.
bjbdy and eoel, and that: evfer since
the fortunes ot war struck the man
acles from the slaves, that the word
Democrat meant the incarnation of
oppression, oatrage and wrong.
Starting out "with this wrong lm
prassion in the mind of the colored
man, it perhaps is not to be won
dered at that he treats with dfwFnm
and fear the bought of his beiag a the sturdy New Englandef looked
a,wuuu". iimwMjju CMIYUa- With ft iP9lnti pda nnnn ho o.a
nrafftd tTinr m wiltr i.j il iT- .. -
England, on account of the great
profit resulting to those states by
its continuance. From 1626 to
1664, Queen Elizabeth, the Stuarts,
and even the City o Amsterdam,
were patrons and partners of slave
vessels, advancing money for out-
u mm BLuaruig in ioe recurns. oee
ijancrotrs autory, Vol. il, page
60.) Even William Penn, the great
Quaker philanthopist, opposed the
abolition of .slavery in 1701. (Djid
page 2.19.J
In 1669, an agreement was
entered into between England and
Spain, whereby the English ob
tained the monopoly of importing
the slaves .from Africa to the West
Indies and America; arid in thirty
years, one hundred and forty-four
thousand slaves were brought to
this country and sold; Queen
Anne and her. subjects receiving
three-fourths of the profits, and
Philip V, ,of Spain, one fourth;
(lb. page 390.)
The church .and leading divines,
also encouraged this cruel and in
human' business, on the ground that
it brcmeht the African heathen
under the influence of Christianity,
inus:
"The slave ship speed from coast to coast.
FanBedhjrftewlagtot.tafolr GhostT.
Haviugjjhowtf-you-flie crisis, of
the slave-trade and its connection
with and support from the north
ern people ot tne United States, I
will now, for a few minutes, sneak
upon the recognition of slavery, and
the laws respecting the colored
people, in the North and East, prior
to the civil war. We have seen
teat our northern fathers were not
pression, engrafted there by wily
and dishonest politicians.
And we all know how lasting our
first and earliest impressions are.
But my friends the time hag come
when Tre must awaken from this
nightmare of falsehood, and open
oer eyes to the true reality we find
about as.
Let us now unfold the pages of
history, and see if we have not been
mLlo ; i- :-.
uuaivu uiuiu e&rij impressions ana
later conclusions. Eirsii,let us see
whether or not the Democrats
or the people of the Southern
States, were the first and only peo
ple who favored the estfthUshmpBt
of the slavery of the black man in
the United States. According to
all accepted history, a Datch vessel
tailed up the James Eiyer ia 1619,
irith a cargo of twenty colored
people, who were sold a stares to
the pUuweo-o Virginia. Thkwar
jaet one year before the lae&ag of;
the Pilgrks at Hjaqtitlr JtbcV
exd it was the irat act of eet&blkh
W daTery ktibe Untied- States;
But a veryf- yeenf.after, the m
etitntiod eeaiwrery, spread ks"ek
y fingeri-owr aU the-nrovaW
oftheNewTferld. Itimtrvr,Jt
aefer kHtriefced to ulj greet, extekt
i .ifeujup Tftrlsn nolseist r
tat aelwe siM leeeeftWfc W
t, w J -- .
arid comforts enjoyed by their
Southern neighbors, and lie natur
ally attributed the difference in
their situatioas to the result of the
advantage of having servants to db
the hard labor, incident upon tho
establishment of civilization in anew
contuseat. This feelinpof enwOTflW.
year by year; until it blossomed out
man -active opposition of slavery,
not upon any moral or benevolent
gronndr.bsi in a desire to check the
wonderful growth and prosperity of
their Brethreain the South.
At the ubse of the war of the
Revolution Congress submitted the
question of the -slave trade to a
committee, a majority of whom
were Northern men, and on the
eight of Asgust,l787,they reported
against any? prohibition, thus legal
ising the slave-trade forever.
The Constitutional Convention
subutted,this qaestion again to the
uootrntiico, .wmpoaea. ot a lHajonty
of-Seethera HS8,wbo reported that
the slaretrade should absolately
oeaee the'jesr, 1900, which wa
afterward extended to 1806, by the
rote o. Massachusetts, New Haes
shke and Ceaaeticat. I will uj
right here, .that ThoeMW Jefersos,
tae tather ot iJeaocraey, was the
iaa. who iatredaoed the rslatiea
-arged
In Massachusetts, if an African
or negro, not born there, aad not
in bondage, should tarry within' the
commonwealth for a longer term
than two months, he was impris
oned at hard labor until the next
session of court, and if.fdund guil
ty, be whipped with ten stripes, and
ordered out of the state within ten
days, and if he went riot, the same
course to be repeated. (Law of
Mass.; VoL 1, 1788.)
If negroes were found abroad af
ter nine o'clock at night, unless
upon an errand for their masters,
they were put in the house of cor
rection and whipped. (Ancient
Charters; chap. 16, p. 3.)
Any one finding a negro slave
five miles from home without a
written pass from the master, is
authorised to take up the slave and
whip him or her on the bare, back,
not exceeding twenty lashes, and
shall have a reward of five shil
lings, and reasonable charges for
returning them .to their homes, to
be recovered from the owner as any
other debt. (Laws of New Jersey,
1784.) . "
It may be lawful for any mas
ter or .mistress to panish his or her
slave at their discretion, not ex
cluding to life or limb.
. (New York, 1730) By the law
of New York, a white man was
fined five pounds, and a colored
man ten pounds for the same of
fence. In 1822. in New York and
in Rhode Island, if any person con
cealed or assisted in the escape of a
slave they were fined three hun?
dred dollars and imprisoned: thin
was far more severe than the Fusri.
only slave-owners, bat slave-trad- ?Je SIa,ve sw- New' . Ten(iY
ersjand when it became evident etts ano. uonneetieat ,no
ilA -i - . ii . , . colored men could h nt fw. nnJ
mat Biavery coma not oe main
the abolitiea of. tt
-: -",. . V.- - . - ... w
tained with profit, they sold theiv
slaves to the planters of the South,
and tamed abolitionists. Thou
sands of our race were thus shipped
from the New England shores to
pase their lives in perpetual bond
age in tne acratri.
From a rapid survey of tbe laws
of New .England, and other North
era States, I can only refer to a few
of the many, that- proves, the "race
prejudice and injustice of the
whites toward the blacks. No free
colored man was permitted in vnt
in- any oE the Northern States be
fore the civil war. Many of the
leading men of the North, believed
the negro ah inferior creature. "Mr.
Lincoln himself, said on September
18th, 1858, "I am not, nor ever
have been, in favor of bringing
about in any way, the social and
political equality of the white and
slack races; I aai not, nor ever
have been in favor of makiag
voters or jurors of. negroes, nor o
qaaKfyiag them to hold oSce, nor
to marryiag with whitepeople; and
I will say in addition to this, that'
there k a physieal differeBce be
tween the white aad hlaqk "races
which I believe wirr forbid
the two races Kviag toether oa
terms ef socklaad pli&aloaali
tr This .was the aeafiaunt n
she Norirtwrm-.peepk Mtteraly aribr
wjto. ' -' - - i
colored men could be set free unless
security was given for their main
tenance, or upon the payment of
twenty pounds annually.
In Rhode Island, in 1822, if any
person brought into the state any
slave with the intent that they may
there become free, were fined three
hundred dollars for each slave
Ine coarts of the New England
States recognised slavery and pro?
tected it, even not many years ago.
As time is passing, I will only
quote two cases in point: The
Supreme Court of Maeaachnsettsn
1819, says: "A bill of sale or htW
formal instrament, was notaeces-
saryio transfer trie property of a slave
which is a mere, personal chattel,
but might pass as other chattels by
delivery." (16. Mass. Ban. 110
Tyng. Reps.) In 1816, the ,same
court says: "At the time of his.
birth, Csaser was a slave, msui
such was the property of his master,
as much as his or or hk horse? ba
Jbad no civil righto, bat that of aro-
zectioatrom craetty; ae ooaid ac
quire ad property, nor dispose of
anv witboat tke rvuumt nP "ki-
master; his children of the iesae of
his nurriaee with a alav. vaaU
immediately aeon their htrth.be-
uy fryfwnj t an master,
or the master of the lamak ikn."
(13 Maes. JUm. 54T, Parker.
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