The Lexington advertiser. [volume], January 21, 1904, Image 2

About The Lexington advertiser. [volume] (Lexington, Miss.) 1904-1985

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GOV. VARDAMAN'S
INAUGURAL ADDRESS.
J
Jackson, Miss., Jan. 19.—The follow -1
Ing is a synopsis of the address de
llvered by Oov. Vardaman before tak
ing the oath of office at the inaugural
ceremonies today:
Called upon by the sovereign suf
fragists to assume the duties and per
form the functions of chief executive j
of this commonwealth absolute in its
constituted authority an Indestructl- ,
ble Integral element of the general gov- ;
ernment—I embrace the opportunity af -1
forded by this occasion to make my
grateful acknowledgment to the good I
people of my beloved State for the gea
favors which they have been
pleased to show me, to confess a sin
cere consciousness of my inability to
meet the demands of the great trusts
committed to ray keeping, and to assure
them that so profoundly am I impressed
with the magnitude of the task tha. j
I approach it "with those anxious and j
awful presentiments which the great
ness of the charge and the weakness
of my power so justly Inspires "
The State has tho right to demand
of every citizei the best there is in
him. The great problem which rises
mountain high in the pathway of tho
State's futuro, throwing its chilling
shadows over the most glorious possi
bilities, would alarm a less heroic and
resourceful people. But the white peo
ple of Mississippi have always proven
themselves equal to every emergency,
and, believing, as
"that which they have done is but
an earnest of the things that they shall
do," I am confident that under the di
rection of ai Allwise Providence
which by all its dispensation proves
that everything was created for a def
inite purpose and to perform a cer
tain necessary function in the economy
of tho world, that this paramount
problem—the race question—will ulti
mately be settled, and settled justly—
protecting alike the interests of the
negro and the white man. That the
negro was created for some good pur
pose. time has demonstrated; but that
good purpose is not participation in
tho government of white men.
crime of all the age3 against civiliza
tion was committed, when In the
"agonizing spasm of infuriated men,"
just after the civil war, the North ex
pressed its hatred of the white people
of the South in tho amendments to
the Federal constitution, which invest
ed the negro with all the rights are*
privileges cf citizenship. The influ
ences which dethroned the reason, the
dust and smoke of war-bred prejudices
and animosities have been blown
away by the winds of common seise,
the sections reunited by the spirit of
Anglo-Saxon brotherhood, anil that
mistake stands out naked to all the
world in all of its stupidity and ugli
ness. It is the bastard offspring of
the exigencies of war and insatiable
greed for gain. The nation should
correct this error—this stupenduous
solecism, and now is the time to do it.
I have no patience with the notion
entertained by men who insist that "it
is impolitic to press the question
now." It is never too early to correct
a mistake, to expose an error, or to ex
plode a lie. Now is the time to do it,
and I believe the Southern people
should take the initiative. They are
familiar with all the facts; they alone
are capable 6f informing the world ,of
the profound, God-stamped, time-fixed
and unalterable incompetency of the
negro for citizenship in a white man's
country. This is a serious matter, and
the rnoritl obligation resting upon the
white man into whose hands the des
tiny of the negro race, a3 well as the
future of the State, has been commit
ted, should develop tho best there is
in him. He cannot afford to be un
just. but it Is no time for sickly senti
ment. I believe in justico, l believe
in the sympathetic and love prompt
lags of the human heart, but. the sur
geon whose heart, rather than his
head, guides him in the treatment of
a desperate case, is an unsafe doctor.
The nation should act in this matter,
and act now. Procrastination will
only complicate and intensify the dif
ficulties. In the meantime, tho South
ern States must protect themselves.
Mississippi must conserve her own civ
ilization, and by law maintain white
supremacy. The welfare of the negro
demands it, as much as the Interests
of the white man. My fellow citizens,
the eyes of the world are upon Mis
sissippi today. No more important
hour in all her history has been pass
ed than that to which the hand of
Time is now pointing. It is a time
for unalloyed patriotism to show forth
the integrity of its metal in the cruci
ble of courage, of statesmanship and
self-sacrifice—for manhood to flower
In its glory of divine potency, as it
has flowered in every crucial moment
of the State's history. Be not de
terred, dissuaded or intimidated, my
countrymen, by the siren song of the
sordid materialist—"that we are doing
well enough." Eternal vigilance is the
price of liberty. When the stupid and
conscienceless dollar becomes the god,
pecipjary interest the only thing to be
considered, and honesty in and out of
office but refined expediency—when
that becomes the order of the day, the
beglining of the end of free govern
ment is at hand. Demosthenes, in one
of his superb orations, stated the cause
bf Greece's downfall In these undy
ing words: "What has ruined Greece?
Envy when a man received a bribe;
laughter when he confessed It; mercy
to the convicted, and hatred to those
Who denounced the crime"—all the
usual accompaniments of corruption.
Beneath the crushing weight of crime
that sun-crowned civilization—the first
born of democracy—whose glorious ef
fulgence illuminates the dark pages
of-the past and still throws a mellow
glow over the present, went down
never to rise again; the blight of cor
ruption had destroyed tho very germ
of life. Would it aot, I submit, be
wise for us to pause, survey the field,
and if possible avoid the snares Into
which that glorious democracy of an
cient times fell to its ruin?
Jfp Friends and Fellow Citizens:
erous
I do, that,
The
And now, my fellow citizens, as I
am about to enter upon the discharge
of the duties of the chief executive,
which embrace many matters and
things of vital Interest to you, It Is
proper that you should understand
what I regard essential principles and
policies, and, consequently, those
which ought to shape and characterize
this administration. I shall under
take to put them in as few words as
the Importance of the subject will al
low, atatlni; only general principles
and leaving the details to some other
occasion, should I deem it necessary
to elaborate them. Equal protection
under the law to all men of whatever
race or religious persuasion of life,
liberty, the pursuit of happiness and
the enjoyment of the fruits of their
labors; equality in taxation-putting
the burdens of government upon men
l>n d forms of property alike in the pro
-1 portion that they are able to bear It;
the enactment of rigid laws, enforcing
full and complete assessment; encour
agement of immigration and the in
vestment of foreign capital in this
State, by just treatment and equal
taxation; a system of laws governing
g re | n8urance companies, which will
bring about cheaper rates of insurance
j discourage arson and encourage bon
esty; a reduction of the contract rate
, 0 ; interest on money to eight per cent,
; that being as high a rate as any legit
-1 imate business can afford, good public
policy permit, or conscience consent
I to; honest and prompt payment of the
state's debts and the sacred preservat
tion of the , )u bUc faith. It is discred
ltab i e t0 the ab u lty of her public ser
vantg and the financial integrity of the
state to have its paper bandied about
like tho ovelM j ue obligation of a der
el let bankrupt. I believe that perma
j j le nt public improvements should be
j iu a( j e and that a portion of the burden
should be borne by posterity who will
enjoy Its use. There Is no economy
and less justice In requiring the pres
ent generation to pay for this capitol
building with money worth to the tax
payers ten per
the State could
three per cent. I am in favor of is
suing bonds in an amount sufficient to
supply the deficit in the treasury, re
duce the taxes, and let the money re
main in the hands of the wealth pro
ducers of the State. The improvement
of public roads by taxation and work
ing them with convict labor, under the
direction of competent State and
uant per annum, when
Borrow the money for
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'v/iiSS
GOV. JAMES K. VARDAMAN.
county officers; to be selected as the
legislature may provide. There is no
matter in which the people living in
the rural districts are more materially
interested than the improvement of
the public highways. It is indispensa
ble to their welfare and to the devel
opment of the material, mental and
moral possibilities of the State; the
abolition of the board of control, and
substituting therefor a department of
tho State government, to be under the
direction of one man, selected as tho
legislature may provide, whose dqty it
shall be to direct and supervise the
Working of the convicts as the law
may prescribe. The disadvantages of
the present system are, that the re
sponsibility is divided between five
men, whose other official duties, if
properly looked after, will consume all
of their time. It presents a case where
no one is responsible for the acts of
five. Ane;her reason—the duties of
this office require special qualifications
and training which the governor, at
torney-general and railroad commis
sion may not possess; State deposito
ries which will facilitate the collection
of taxes and disbursement of public
funds, prevent the congestion of mon
ey in the treasury, and keep it in cir
culation—performing the beneficent
function for which money was created,
and at the same time, add to the
State's revenue. It is contemplated,
of course, that such laws shall be en
acted as will render impossible the
loss of any of the State's funds by pec
ulation, bad Investments, or misfor
tune on the part of the borrower; and
also to provide against the possibility
of the depository becoming a corrupt
ing influence in politics; economy in
the expenditure of public funds, lest
the burdens of government should op
press and discourage labor; the en
couragement of agriculture, the foun
dation of all material wealth; "a well
disciplined militia," properly main
tained—"our best reliance in peace
and for the first moments of war;" to
curtail the appointive power of the
governor and enlarge the elective priv
ilege of the people—the surest means
of preserving democratic institutions
and promoting honest government. I
believe there is less danger in the pos
sible mistakes of the people than in
the assumed inerrancy or superior
wisdom of the chief executive; the
present primary election law perfected
by eliminating the electoral and plu
rality features, prescribing the sever
est punishment for the Improper use
of money and other fraudulent meth
ods to control the (flections; the main
tenance of a system of free public
schools, which will afford equal oppor
tunities to all of the children of the
State to receive Instruction necessary
to equip them for the duties of life
and the performance of the functions
of citizenship. One of the most ra
tional and profitable duties of a free
government, it sems to me, is to edu
cate its children. Education means
only the development of ttie good there
is in man—the vitalizing of those dor
mant forces which build and complete
that potential moral entity called char
acter. It Is a wise economy in this,
that If a man or a citizen be made bet
ter by education, the government will
share his improvement, and the en
lightened moral sentiment will write
the laws of the land. But when Is
speak of the government educating its
children, I wish It understood that I
do not mean that It Is the duty or the
hope of the State to give every boy
and girl a technical education or a
course at college. That Is practically
Impossible. We have colleges and uni
versities which the State must main
tain and maintain properly, but the
first, the paramount, duty of the State
it to provide means tor giving In
struction, at least. In the rudimentary
branches, to thoee children whose pe
culiar environment and Impecunious
condition render It Impossible tor
them to get any other way. If the
State win place at the door of all her
children an opportunity to obtain even
a common school education, such as Is
given In the best graded public
schools, she will have done well. I
want to Impress this truth as I see It,
that it is of much more importance to
start the child on the road to an edu
cation—to lay the foundation in a well
directed common school—than It Is to
finish it In a government-supported
university or college. If the founda
tion be properly laid, and there Is any
merit In the child, It will complete the
superstructure without governmental
aid. It should be the policy of the
State to do for the citizen only that
which the citizen canaot do for him
self. The best type of man is the self
developed man. I am deeply interest
ed In the beginning. Like the acorn
shaken from the twig by the passing
breeze, it falls into the dust below, and
while It contains within its little shell
the germ of the great oak, it remains I
an acorn still, until the rain falls and I
moistens the earth, the life-giving rays !
of the sun pierce its mould, and. burst- J
ing open tho door of Its prison cell, |
thc stimulating air fans its folded i
leaves to life, it rears Its Infant head
to the light and sends forth Its rami
tying roots to gather material with
which to build the giant of the forest.
A few years of cultivation and direc
tion and it will care for itself. So It
is with the sturdy boys and girls of
the rural districts of Mississippi. They
need only the sunlight of an opportu
nity to awaken sleeping genius—one
draught from the Pierian spring will
create a thirst for knowledge that will
remove mountains of obstacles to grat
ify It. But without that opportunity
Is
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a
—without the whetted thirst for
knowledge—the glorious possibilities
of that mind would never be devl
oped.
"How many a rustic Milton has passed
by
Stifling the speechless longings of his
heart
In unremitting drudgery and care?
How many a vulgar Cato has com
pelled
His energies, no longer tameless then,
To mould a pin or fabricate a nail?
How many a Newton whose passive
ken
Those mighty spheres that gem in
finity
Were only specks of tinsel fixed in
heaven
To light the midnight of his native
town"—
nil because of the want of opportu
nity—the necessary climate to germi
nate the seed of genius which had
fallen in the sterile dust of adversity?
Yes, by fellow citizens, the first duty
of the State is to provide schools—
improved facilities for the instruction
of the masses In the rudiments of an
education—especially those of her citi
zens who live in the country districts.
The city schools are good enough. Un
til that can be done, until the ohildren
living away from the towns and cities
in the backwoods are given the same
opportunity to acquire a common
school education that is enjoyed by the
children resident In the city, let us not
establish any more institutions for
higher education than those we al
ready have.
Thus far what I have said on the
subject of education has been with ref
erence solely to the white children.
What shall we do with the negro?
Certainly the education suited to the
white child does not suit the negro.
This has been demonstrated by forty
years of experience, and the expendi
ture In the Southern States of nearly
three hundred millions of dollars. It
was natural, and quite reasonable, im
mediately after the civil war, espe
cially by those who had made but a su
perficial study of the negro, to expect
that freedom, equal educational facili
ties and the example of the white man,
would have the effect of improving his
morals and make a better man of him
generally. But it has not, I am sorry
to say. As a race, he is deteriorating
morally every day. Time has demon
strated that he Is more criminal as a
free man than as a slave, that he 1 b
increasing in criminality with fearful
rapidity, being one-third more crimi
nal in 1890 than he wns in 1880. The
startling facts revealed by the census
show that those who can read and
write are pore criminal than the illit
erates, which
ment of our population. I am advised
that the minimum illiteracy among
the negroes is found in New England,
where it is twenty-one and seven
tenths per cent; the maximum is
found in the black belt—Louisiana,
Mississippi and South Carolina—there
it is sixty-five and seven-tenths per
cent. And yet the negro In New Eng
land is four and one-half times more
criminal, hundred for hundred, than
he is in the black belt. In the South,
Mississippi particularly, I know he Is
growing worse every year. You can
scarcely pick up a newspaper whose
pages are not blackened with the ac
count of an unmentionable crime com
mitted by a negro brute, and this
crime, I want to impress upon you, Is
but the manifestation of the negro's
aspiration for social equality, encour
aged largely by the character of free
education In vogue, which the State
Is levying tribute upon the white peo
ple to maintain. The better class of
is true of no other ele
I laborer, wisdom would suggest that we
! make another experiment, and see if
I we cannot Improve him by educating
j his hand and bis heart. There must
I be a moral substratum upon which to
build, or you cannot make a desirable
! citizen. The negro as a race is devoid
of that element. He has never felt
the guilt of tin; the restraining influ
once of moral scruples or the goading
negroes are not responsible for this
terrible condition, or for the criminal
tendency of their race. Nor do I wish
to be understood as censuring them
for it. 1 am not censuring anybody,
nor am I Inspired by ill will for the
negro, but 1 am simply calling atten
tion to a most unfortunate and unen
durable condition of affairs. What
shall be done about it? Surely some
thing must be done. The white people
of Mississippi cannot sit idly by with
out making an effort at least to arrest
this destructive tendency. The State,
for many years, at great expense to
the tax payers, has maintained a sys
tem of negro education, which has pro
duced disappointing results, and I am
opposed to the perpetuation of that
system. My own idea is that the char
acter of education for the negro ought
to be changed. If, after forty years of
earnest efTort and the expenditure of
fabulous sums of money to educate his
head, we have only succeeded in mak
Ing a criminal out of him and impair
ing Ills usefulness and efficiency as a
of an outraged conscience are un
known to the real negro. Slavery is
the only process by which he has ever
been partially civilized. God Al
mighty created the negro for a me
nial; he is essentially a servant. In
every age of the world's history, it has
been shown that his civilization will
last only so loig as he is under con
trol of the superior race that incul
cated it. When left to himself, he has
universally gone back to the barbar
ism of his native jungles. While a
few mixed breeds and freaks of the
race may possess qualities which jus
tify them to aspire above that station,
the fact still remains that the race 1*
fit for that and nothing more. At any
'rate, that is all he will ever accom
plish in Mississippi, and as it is in
Mississippi so will it be in all of the
States where the negro lives in large
numbers. The white man will not,
and should not, share sovereignty and
dominion with him. I will be par
doned, in this connection, for quoting
the following wise words spoken by
Abraham Lincoln, September 18, 1858.
He said:
"I am not, nor ever have been in
favor of bringing about in any way
the social and political equality of the
white and black races; I am not, nor
ever have been, in favor of making vot
ers or jurors of negroes, nor of quali
fying them to hold office, nor to inter
marry wiyi the white people: and 1
will say, in addition to this, that there
is a physical difference between ihe
white and black races which I believe
will forever forbid the two races liv
ing together on terms of social and
political equality. And inasmuch as
they cannot so live, while they remaii
together, there must be the position
of superior and inferior, and I as much
as any other man am in favor of hav
ing the superior position assigned to
the white race."
If these words were true when
spoken by Mr. Lincoln, they are true
today, and will be true to the end of
time. Now this may souid a little
harsh to those unfamiliar with the
facts in the case, but by every intelli
gent white man and thoughtful negro
in Mississippi it will be accepted as
absolutely true, however much the
question may be gilded with conserva
tism or be clouded by dissimulation.
The time has come when the trjuth
should be told about this matter; it
matters not how disagreeable it may
be to hoar it. The first step towards
changing the educational system of
the State, so as to meet the demands
of both raaes, it occurs to me, is for
tho legislature to submit to the peo
ple a proposition to amend the consti
tution, so as to give the legislature un
restricted authority in dealing with the
public school question. Surely the
legislature, elected every four years
by the people, can be relied upon to
do the proper thing In this matter,
without constitutional proscription.
It is quite certain that little can be
done to relieve the present most un
desirable condition of things, while
the constitution remains as it i3.
These are some of the matters, prin
ciples and policies to which I have
thought It prudent to call to your at
tention. That they are vital and per
tinent, pregnant with good for the
commonwealth, if treated by the wise,
patriotic and courageous statesmen,
there can be no question.
The experience of all the generations
dead, the footprints along the high
way of Time, leave no doubt about the
road for Missipslppiens to follow. The
distilled wisdom bequeathed to us by
our sages and our heroes of the past
should inspire us with confidence
and courage, and provide the pillar of
fire to light the pathway of duty.
And now, my fellow citizens, I go to
the work to which you have called me.
My experience in public matters—
three terms as a member of the legis
lative department of the State govern
ment, and many years of patient study
of our system of laws and economic
problems—gives me some knowledge
of the difficulties and grave responsi
bilities of the office of chief execu
tive.
I shall make mistakes, through de
fect of judgment, for which I shall
suffer uncomplainiigiy the penalty.
But how often, when right, shall I be
thought wrong by those whose point
of view prevents a survey of tho whole
ground, or a complete understanding
of the situation? I ask your indul
gence for my own mistakes, which I
assure you shall never be intentional,
and I invoke your support against the
mistakes of others who may criticise
and condemn in me what they would
not, if they understood the matter in
all of its bearings.
I know it is not possible to please
everybody. I shall not try to please
anybody save myself, and I shall please
myself in the proporltion that I am
able to do that which is beat for all
of tho people of Mississippi.
I have no ambition, no desire be
yond making for you a governor
worthy of you. All the heart and mind
and strength with which a loving
Father has endowed me, I, this day,
consecrate to the service of my State.
You, my countrymes, have It within
your power, if you will, to promote the
success of this administration; you
have it within your power to mar it
With your ballots you have expressed
your approbation of me. Now, with
your deeds and moral support, I ask
your co-operation and encouragement.
"Relying then upon the patronage of
your good will," I undertake the work
to which you have called me. "May
.that infinite Power which rules the
destinies of the universe sustain me
and lead our councils to what is best
and give them favorable Issue for
your peace and prosperity."
I am now ready to take the oath of
office.
Stilt* of pride lift you above the peo
ple to-day and lay you in a puddle to
morrow.—Ram's Horn.
Lowest Prices
Pure Drugs
<
Best Shill •
• • •
On Basis we ask Your Prescriptions.
We keep only one Grade of Drugs . .
• •
THe Best
• •
I
of toilet articles, perfumery, writing tablets and fancy
stationery, sdhoolbooks, cutlery, paints, oils, varnishes,
• cigars, high-grade chewing and smoking tobaccos* 1
COMPLETE
LINE
Swinney & Stigler.
FIRST FLOOD MASONIC
BUILDINGL..PHONE No. 55
•i
Fresh Drugs
Everything that we carry In stock le new
and Fresh; no shelf worn Goods. We carry
a complete line of everything found In a first
class Drug Store. Call to see us.
In the C. A.
Pitchford Bldg.
East Side of
Public Square.
Lexington Drug Store
T.J. JORDAN
Proprietor.
,!
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JUST RECEIVED
A full line of new goods consisting of Fancy
Cut Glass, Plaques, Cups and Saucers, Chodate
Sets, Plates, Glassware Tea Pots, Besques Fig
ures, Celery Dishes, handsome Buggy Robes,
Fancy Buggy Harness, Saddles, Bridles, and,
Buggys, Toilet Sets, Lamps, Dinner Sets,Crock
ery, Jardners Flowers Pots. In fact everything
kept in a first class Hardware store.
Implements
Of AH «•
Kinds
4
4
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Up-to-date Stoves Heating and Cooking.
Prices are right. Gall and see us
4
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n
D. W. Beall
*
*
you Gan do without
A Good
Hardware
Manu Stores
But you can't do without a good Hardware Store.
To a housekeeper it is as essential as the house
Itself. The stock is made up of many things In*
dispensable to the home, farm and the workshop
such as ................ . ■ .
store
S St
Is a necessity in any oommunity.
Don't break down your hard
ware store by buying f jom other
stores. Don't orde' off after
anything kept in my ine before
getting my prices. The needs of
the ' 'tchen and dining room met
to tho advantage of the pocket
book.
Stove., Ranges, Grates, Heavy Hardware, Pumps, Piping, Belting and
Engine Repair Parts, Guns, Loaded Shells, Cartridges, Shot, Powder, Caps,
Bridles, Collar*, Buggies, Harness, Saddles, Blankets, Wagon Gear, Wagon
and Buggy Spokes and Rims, Thimble Skeins, Duggy Shaft and Poles, Cart
Shafts, Wooden Churns, Stone Churns, Jars and Croc Its, Pocket and Table
Cutlery and Shelf Hardware, Home-made Tinware guaranteed better than
any you oan buy elsewhere. Tin Roofing and Guttering done to order,
I HAVE A TIN AND REPAIR SHOP IN CONNECTION IN CHARGE OP
AN EXPERT WORKMAN. SELECTION IS EASY. STOCK ATTRACTIVE.
BAXTER WILSON.
SEEING 18 BUTINO
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Theie's Standard
Quality Here
c
I
1868
An Unbroken
Record of 33
Yean Selling
Reliable Drugs
1002
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Bemcmber this when you arc in need of ... .
Drugs, School BooKs, Stationery,
Paints, Oils, Window Glass
I . ;. or anything Kept in a first-class drug store.
I
^TICKING TO
FACTS and
BIGHT PBICES
Is (he repu
tation we
I
hove
&. S. BEM.L
I
TRY US
AND SEE
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t