OCR Interpretation

New era. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1870-1870, January 13, 1870, Image 2

Image and text provided by Library of Congress, Washington, DC

Persistent link: https://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn84024437/1870-01-13/ed-1/seq-2/

What is OCR?

Thumbnail for

J. BELLA MARTIN, Editor. ,
FRED'K DOUGLASS, Corresponding Editor.
Coniiininir&tiuua fur the editorial dtpHtaMtl AnM 3 (
addrewd, Editor Hew Bra, Lock Boz*31. |
Bu?in<**s lettfn, an J eomuuniratloua fr>m subscribe rs and
advertisers, should be addressed, PoblUhtri X e xs "
Bra, Lock Box 31. C
This paper is not i-espi'tnil !;1 fr>r tli view# expressed by |
Correspondents. ^
; t
Thk following letter from the Corresponding r
Editor explains why we have not a leader from 1
him for this mi in her of our journal :
44 My Dear Mr. Martin : I accept the position ^
which you have assigned ine on the New Era. I s
am on the wing, and will not, therefore, he able '
to furnish an article this week, hut I will be able 1
to commence my editorial labors in the next
issue of the journal. I
" Yours, Ac., Fkko'k Douglass.'* |
. ?5
The Ni:\v Kra will meet you to-tlav for 1
the first time. Among the crowd of able "
weekly Journals, published iii the interest
of the negro race, any fair minded man
- - I
will single oat for honorable and admiring |
mention, the A tit i-Slavery Standard and tin* ^
Independent. Their instincts are always true e
and they are always full of fresh and ten- t
der sympathies. They have the power to u
grapple with hard questions and the cour- 8
age to use their power. The Independent 1
already commands a wide field of useful*
ness with prospects of a wider future, and ^
yet the New Era ventures to make its ap- r
pearance, among this great crowd of candi- i
dates for public favor, and to ask for a i
place by the side of the most favored and
liberal of them because it feels that there is c
a vacant place to till. There must, in the 1
uatilre of things, be a variety of sentiment, r
|>eeuliarities of feeling, and sometimes adif- t
ference of conviction among rat es as among j
individuals. The New Era is designed to c
represent these divergencies fcr the race to i
which its Editors belong. We claim 110 v
separate interests from those of our white c
fellow-citizens. We ask for no favors save '
such as we may earn ; and yet there are in- 0
terests so peculiarly affecting us and opportunities
of which we alone know how to
take the advantage, in connection with the t
effort to organize the millions of our race e
in the South into permanent communities t
ir 1: * 1 w? 1
\ji seu-ieiuiiit uiiu scu-re- ??
specting citizens, that we enter with the full- "
est confidence upon that pathway of use- t]
fulness, which our own individual experi- v
ence has taught us, is yet unexplored. In 11
our civilization, home is the focus to which
are gathered the elements of manhood and ^
the centre whence radiate the virtues of a
patriotism. /
It is therefore needful that the first step fi
taken by any individual amongst us in the o
pathway of progress, should be taken, if 1
r possible, upon his own soil. Realizing this 1
to an extent that it seems not to be realized "
outside, we shall devote whatever powers and j j
resources We have at our command, to secure c
the exclusive application of the Homestead t,
act to the public lands, and to resist the ii
renewal of lapsed land grants, to oppose b
the erection of corporations into land monoj?olies.
Believing with Carlyle that ge- 1
nius consist^iu an immense capacity for tak- fr
ing*trouble, and knowing that the average (
powers of acquisition like the average intel- a
ligence of the country, is more likely to 0
serve the general welfare, than the wealth n
of a few rich men, who may change the n
rod of industry into the serpent of specuNation,
we shall ure-e the colored laborer to
organize his labor?to (lo it wisely, universally
and constantly. * We shall seek to
illustrate the wisdom of the maxim, that
labor and capital is one when the laborer is
not coerced, and ^vhen capital is respected, p
and that therefore ail profits should be mutually
shared. Having a domain, ample t
enough for the races of the world in any d
such numbers as they are likely to come to c<
us, we shall urge our people to extend a li
hearty welcome to such as shall come under
the sanctions of a free emigration, and ^
not under the contracts of speculators, be- ^
cause we believe in the vitality of our in ft
stitutions, and the masterful elements of tl
Christianity. Conscious that the Republi- can
party comprises a majority of men, *
whose living interest in vital questions will ^
be able to grasp ami utilize whatever is d
true to the highest teachings of political
? economy, approving of its great measures
in the past, believing 111 the nuelity ot its M
great leaders to-day, revering the memory 0
of its illustrious dead, and grateful for its b
assistance in the darkest hours of our race
011 the continent, the New Era will give
it a hearty support. We have only to say
in closing the statement, us to the four ^
great departments of work undertaken by j
this journal, that the last we will mention (.
will lie the first in our thought, the highest ?
in our estimation, and the object of our constant
efforts. The pressing need of the o
hour is education. Seven generations of f<
enforced ignorance, and long years of sysf
tematic robbery, together with the moral
degradation to which we have been subject- 11
ed, make it necessary for the States of
which we are citizens to cast aside all scru- ,
pies as to the use of public money for the
support of non-proscriptive schools, and to
overcome all personal prejudices in sharing
the benefits of education. The present
piteous monuments of public crime are so
many sources of social and political danger; j
and unless the habits engendered by slavery
are corrected, and the disabilities ini- y
posed by proscription are removed, the for- 0
mer oppressor must inevitably become the I
victim in morals and politics of the ignoranoe
ami vice he has created.
In conclusion we would say to our people, t]
if you are engaged in erecting or managing ^
g0 schools or colleges, our educational de- j
* partment will bring to you needed support, g
If you are engaged in the labor movement, L
our industrial department will l>e the best o
and cheapest assistant you can command, d
If you are urging forward political matters, e
our columns are open for proper discussion. r<
And en all subjects of a moral and relig- *
ious nature you will be weltxmie contribut
tore, and we trust you will &lsb be constant ia
^ipiente of gc^ihrough tlj^wise sugges- di
Wc arc called to the labors of a new era in
illicit the nation, of which we form a part, is
>oth teacher and pupil. We are teaching the
)ld World soinet hingsol' importance for it to
earn. The possibility of the " uprising of a
;reat people " against their oppressors and the
iverthrow of a great national evil mainly
hrough the instrumentality of its former vicims,
when demonstrated here, set the toiling
iostof(ireat Britain in motion with their faces
oward Hvde Park, and the fall of Hyde Park
ailings was the inevitable answer to the fall of
Herman unity came out of the heat and
urge of Sadowa in seven days, because on this
ide of the water we had vindicated both the
lecssity and the saeredness of a nations
Ilungarj', like a strong man bursting his
?ond.s, flung it- uianaeles in the face of the opiressor.
and, u t.h the complacency that ehuraceri7.es
strength, took the seat of empire side by
ide with her sister, Austria. For Hungary had
urn liie negro race do the same thing in the
tew era of the United States. Portugal. Brazil,
md even Spain have been awakened to a sense
t danger such as threatened not only the exist
net* of our nation. but the arrest or civuizaion.
ami the months will not weary before the
as! slaveliohlii.g nation will cease to shame
/lirisiciidoin. So much have we taught and
xeuiplified as a nation. Yet there are some
bings to learn. Our work has, in the nature
if things, heen almost wholly political, and the
phere of social life has been left almost uiiexdored
and entirely uncultivated.
That general love of robust manliness wliich
nakes an untruth upon the lips of u man as
lamngingas dishonor 011 a woman's brow, has
tot as yet been brought into our political life,
t has prevailed a long time among the great
ajority of educated men in Britain.
Those social amenities that lend so much
harm to the manners of a Frenchman have
lot been studied here, and are not yet a uatual
growth. But these two things of mauliuess
md manners w? 1 lust learn before we can reap
lie advantages of our political progress. An
Miglish gentleman sees through every man's
olor his good or iiis bad breeding, because he
s looking lor that, and having found what he
iras looking -or, he acts according to his disovery,
whether the mail be whi# or black.
l'Iio average American?even though he be
ducated?looks over the culture of any man
rhose complexion excites suspicion of the
wuer being connected with Fred. Douglass'
ace, or of having blood like that which ran
hrough the veins of L'Ouvarture. Though
ven these great men themselves should appear, i
he American having found what he was
coking for, tramples his own education
nder foot in the mire of a senseless prejudice, i
rom fear to do what all other gentlemen of the
rorld feel disgraced in not doing?of recogizing
the equality of gentlemen.
Some thoughts are gaining currency on this
ubject. which are doing neither race any good,
'hey are concealed under the question, Does
negro wish to go where he is not wanted ?
Lnd the general answer is, No. But the eonasion
of i ' is here, on both sides, is that they
ught to answer the question, What right have
hey to keep us from where we are wanted?
'here are gentlemen who gladly acknowledge
egroes as friends in the bosom of their famiies.
butUQinaaly agreements, in a wider social
ife, prevent true gentlemen from takiug their ,
olured friei <!s into its poisoned atmosphere,
ecause, as "iitlemeu, neither could brook the
isult that v ?uld almost certainly be offered to '
There, however, is large promise made by
he present ttitude of General Grant on this
ubject. II magnificent speech to General
'ait, the II. , tien ambassador, the invitation
ent to Gen< ral Tail to attend the ball at Anpolis,
as one, also, to dine with the Secretary
f State, all tendsto herald the rising sun of the
ew era. which will furnish light to the averge
Amerie m to learn his primer lesson on
lie subject < good manners toward negroes.
Wk make io apology for imperfections in our
rst issue. : is no disappointment nor diseourgement
to * that t has been ouf lot to enounter
the sual obstacles incident to starting
new journal, in addition to some difficulties
ceuliar to our own enterprise.
W e will <nly say that in future numbers of I
he N k? fin we shall strive to make the several
epartinent indicated in <>ur prospectus, as aceptible
am valuable to the respective interests
Iiey repres.-ui, as possible.
Tute Far? :: of the New York Legislature.
'lie Souti rn conservative will, we think,
ave occn> <?n to cry, ''Save me from my
riends,"' with regard to the recent action ol
he New York Legislature on the Fifteenth
Intendment. We do not design to discuss
he legal force of the action of the New I
fork Legi- ature. W e only wish our people
nd friends !n the South to note this very signitiant
act of ;he Tammany unterrilied and their
dherents throughout the State of New York,
nd to hear n mind that they are the northern
nng of th; r Conservative party which has so
ften of lat proclaimed itself in the South the
est friend of the negro.
Washington.?Last week a most admirable
Old Folks Concert," by children in unique
ostume, took place at the Congregational
'liurcli, and was a great success, both in num
ers and enthusiasm, the large edifice heing
rowded to repletion, and the pieces being,
lany of them, encored.
Mr. T. S. Boston, the conductor, deserves honrable
mention for this successful effort, and
?r his general public spirit in benevolent maters.
Mr. .1. IL H inith gave a very acceptable drauitic
reading this week at the Fifteenth
treet Presbyterian Church. \Ve look forward
ith pleasure to an increasing mastery of the
istrionic art on his pari.
the late labor convention.
The convention recently held in this city in
he interests of labor was one of the most imortantever
held by the colored people of the
Many of our well-known and honored names
rere not on the list of delegates. Douglass,,
iarnett, Deter Clark, William Wells Brown,
?urvis, and Whipper, were all conspicuous by
heir absence. But the hopeful sign of the
imes was. that there were new men brought to
lie surface, of such commanding powers as to
ive ample promise of being worthy successors
d those who have lead us so long and so well.
|arris, of North Carolina; Rapier, of Alaama;
Wright and Rainey, ol South Carolina ;
.ong, White, and Simms, of Georgia ; Smith,
f Tennessee, and many others; fully commaned
the attention of the largest convention we
rer held. Nor was this all, the convention
jally accomplished more than any other has.
'he organization of a Lalior l -nion and a Bu>au
of Labor secures the basis of an appeal to
te enlightened selfishness of our people, which
i the strongest foundation of success in proacing
industrnJ8 habits, protection to indusy,
and the of the co-operative
Fullj appreciating the task of meeting and
overcoming the prejudices which generations
of bondage and injustice have piled up against
our people, we nevertheless enter upon the work
of publishing the New Era confident of success,
demanding only that all obstacles to our
progress aud improvement shall be removed
The moral, educational, political, and indus- '
trial interests and advancement of the colored
people will be our chief care, and in this work
we ask the aid. not only of the four millions for |
whom we work and speak, but of the other
millions of justice-loving people to whom we
are already so largely indebted for what has
already heen secured.
To those we immediately represent we have
onl v to say, we want your earnest, persistent, individual
and collective aid and encouragement.
We want organized work in every State, county. !
city, town, and neighborhood. Such work to
be continuous, earnest, untiring.
See to it that our journal is possessed ami
read in every hamlet, and as soon as possible in
every family. Subscribe at once if v? *? are
able ; if not for a year, for six months ; ii not
f?r six month, tor three months, and ask ym^r
neighbor to do likewise.
Attention is invited to the brief synopsis of
the report of Postmaster General Oreswell,
which will be found in aq^ther column ol this
issue. The facts and suggestions presented in
this most aVle and practical State paper are
full of interest to the whole people, for whom
this department is especially organized.
It is of the utmost importance that the postal
service, freighted as it is with the material
interests, the aspirations, the intelligence, we
might almost say the destiny of the masses,
should be managed with scrupulous fidelity ami
exact system. It is to this end that the efforts
of Mr. Creswell are directed, and it is not too
mush to say that thus far those efforts have
been crowned with unexampled success. We
commend the report and the policy it indicates
to the earnest and cordial support of the people.
A Good Financial Policy.?Collect the
taxes. Reduce expenses, public and private.
Apply the surplus, as fast as it accumulates,
to the payment of the debt. Issue four per
cent, gold bonds, and require them to be deposited
as the basis for bank circulation. Increase
the national bank capital in the sections
now having the least, and reduce treasury note
circulation to compensate.
Substitute greenbacks for three per cent, certificates.
Stimulate industry to increased production.
Produce more at home and purchase less
abroad. *
Senator KIorton received a letter, Jan. 8,
from a high officer of the State Government of
Ohio, at Columbus, in which the writer says he
has made with others a careful canvass of the
two Houses of the State Legislature, and that
he is fully satisfied that there will be a clear
majority in favor of ratifying the Fifteenth
Amendment. Governor Hays is also understood
to hold the same opinion.
The importance to the colored race of having
the existing vacancies on the bench of the Supreme
Court properly filled has been, we fear,
if not strangely overlooked, at least not fully
It will be remembered that it was from this
Court the infamous decision in the Dred Scott
case emanated, denying to a citizen of African
descent the humble right to sue for justice in a
court of the United States?thus judicially confirming
the atrocious doctrine of the Demo
eratic. party, that " a negro has no rights which
a white man is bound to respect.
It is true that since that day a great civil
aud political revolution has occurred by which
slavery has been abolished, and that us a further
consequence of that revolution the fifteenth
amendment is now pending before the
country for adoption, whei?! y eivil and politi
eal equality of rights throughout the Republic
will be guarantied by the Constitution.
But it must not be forgotton that, with the
Supreme Court is lodged, by tenure of consent.,
at least, notyet broken, the final interpretation
and construction of the Constitution and laws
of the United States, and that, to this Court, ii
is strenuously maintained, the consequent di
termination of the constitutionality of the leg
islation of both Congress and the State legis
latures, belongs, in matters of national con
We know, by individual experience, a* well
as by the larger experience of history, that,
in political and social affairs, theory is always
far in advance of practice ; and it is no less
true that one of the most important functions
of government (and of jurisprudence as a pari
of it) is to realize in practice, the absolute
truths first worked out by reason and conscience
and set up by law, as the ideal, to be trans
muted into the real by practical application.
No country has furnished a more striking
exemplification of this fact in the history
of mankind than our own. With the theory of
republican equality of rights chrystalized in
the Declaration of Independence, and made
even our national boast, still the impious institution
of human slavery was able to maintain
itself iu our land for nearly a century. Hut*
how was it enabled to do this? Simply by possessing
itself of all the avenues of power, and,
chiefly among these, by its control of the Supreme
Our great danger, in the immediate future,
lies in our liability to be betrayed by pretended
friends?by the stragglers of the great army
of progress and reform?by the eleventh-hour
men, who have not borne the heat and burden
of the day, and who would seek to palliate
their desertion of a cause in which they have
no heart, although they aspire to lead, by the
sophism of kt political reaction." It is not wise
to put new wine into old bottles.
It is every day's experience that constitutions
and laws are practically nullified by interpretation
and construction. It is solely in this view
that it has almost become a political axiom, that
the power to interpret and administer the laws
is of as much practical importance as the power
to enact tliem. "The letter killeth?it is the
spirit which maketh alive."
y Two vacancies upon the Supreme Bench arc
now to be filled?one for the Middle States and
one for the South. Much has of late been said
about geographical considerations, and special,
and to our view, dangerous efforts are beiug
made to secure a Southern appointment for one
of these vacancies upon this ground. It is of
little practical consequence where either of
these appointees may happen to have been born,
except that as to any man of Southern nativity, <
.and especially of Southern .nurture, grave
doubts must necessarily arise ; but the character
of the men to be appointed, and the nature .
of their political antecedents and habitual as- i
sociations, ace of the greatest consequence. It I
is vitally important that whoever receives such i
appointment should be a man filled with the i
spirit of liberty, identified from the beginning <
with the political anti-slavery reform, and <
one who has thus proved by his life 1 is faith <
and his fidelity. The reformer must suffer i
struggle. When the hour of triumph comes
such are the men to be rewarded?such to be
trusted. In the selection o? such men there is
no danger of making mistakes?none of putting
new wines into <4old bottles"?whether Whig
or Democratic. This is the mistake which has
been made too many times already. Neither
the colored race nor the country can afford such j
mistake in the present instances. There must
be no doubt whatever in regard to these ap
pointments. We must not be asked to take any
man upon tTust. Oi) (juestions of liberty there !
shall be no geographical lines. " Where liberty
dwells, there is mv country."
In putting forward a claim in behalf of the
South to a sectional representation upon the
Supreme Ueneh, the colored people are first to
be considered.
As we have already seen, the ultimate security
for our rights, both constitutional and , ,
legal, must he found in the decisions of the (
Supreme Court. In the civil revolution through I ?
which we are passing the colored people, both (
.....1 .... 1 *1 I
^ tfi i ii aim ouiilil, an' ni"i u * nm ri in u muu ?iii \ j
other, and by their numbers uim] their interest s, ,
ami the ptihiie welfare as hinged upon the seen- |
rity of their rights, they are clearly entitled to
demand such representation of their citizenship ,
and their equal rights in the composition of the \
Supreme Court as will guaranty to them that j
the Constitution and laws establishing equal ,
civil and political rights to all the citizens of ,
the Republic shall not he nullified by reaction |
ary interpretations, hut shall he faithfully ad- j
ministered in the.spirit in which they are given, (
and according to the genius of the revolution .
in which they were horn.
So far we have proved all we claimed or that '
was claimed for us in the sphere of capacity, 1
and now comes the pressure of achievement 1
and the dangers of inexperience. One of I
the most imminent of these dangers grows 1
out of our restiveness under discipline. It has j ?
been said a thousand times that the negroe> '
made more progress in soldierly duties than '
any other race represented in the Union army. 1
The statement is doubtless true, because the j
feelings and habits of recent submission were 1
upon them. Hut like a hoy who tries the capacity
of his gun till an over charge makes a
recoil that prostrates the owner, we in trying 1
on our privileges have almost rendered the best 1
capacity useless in its attempts to load us lor (
ward in the pathway before us. In the majority 1
of our meetings for discussion there is such an , '
incontinence of mere speech as to disgust men ; '
of ideas. We have never, since emancipation, :
had a fair chance to have negro capacity and '
purpose, or the new era plans, ami agents set '
forth to the world, for the simple reason that we 1
still remember the era of driving, and have not 1
yet learned the necessity of following, or the 1
still more pressing need of. leadership. Hood *
leadership is not less essential than a good fol- 1
lowing, and the secret of success here, as in all t
matters where anything is accomplished, is a >
division of labor and the exercise of patience, i
All should agree as to what is to be done and t
who is to do it, and then abjure all quarrels as
to method. Needless interference is the mark t
at once of inexperience and incapacity, and a t
man really in earnest, with a disposition to work r
harmoniously with his fellow-citizens, will he t
as lenient towards mistakes in policy as he is t
tenacious of right principles. Our brethren t
know that the cement of the old era was ay ret- 1
ment among those who held the power. The f
South was never jealous of Ualhoun, because u
he host interpreted its doctrines, and defined 1<
its purpose with the most honesty and force, i
The success of their policy consisted in this : s
that they never shunned but always sought the t
ablest leader. We arc not without those who f
combine the elements of leadership in a degree r
Hw . 1..V.J.U. ? <?..!
vvuiiuuuuiu^ iiiun*. nun it li uiuiru in vai- i
houn ; while they possess truer instincts and o
fresher sympathies, with as gr?at minds and s
more moral sense, with less ambition and more f
love, along with experience as great, and a y
larger share of admiration from the whole 11a- I
tion. t
These last words, all will admit, apply to d
Frederick Douglass inure than to any other one c
man among us. But Mr. Douglass is only the c
chief link of the chain of negro interest. 1
While he is our greatest ornament and repre- e
tentative, we all know that lie would blush to v
ask for anything for us that a truly honest white f
man would not be willing to give, and his chief i
claim to leadership consists not alone in the ^
fact that he is able to lead, but in the greater c
fact that he never leads us wrong. I
Let us begin by a frank, full, and unanimous t
acknowledgment of the necessity of a leader t
in our new era. There is a certain vehemence t
of feeliug connected with inexperience which 8
is always questioning the slower processes of e
more mature minds, and our past condition has f
brought to us more than our share of this sort
of self-confidence.
Now, let us cheek this by a determination 1
not to interrupt a speaker till he has finished, 1
though such a course requires us to lose our 8
chance of making a speech. Manly conduct c
will surely be met by manly treatment; but
UiAD., urn.t.l ?l>n ^ f tl.n n?'l 1
muoi, 11 iivf * * u ~ i v iiii, liiuv tii uk pi.upir aim
hinder the carrying out of good purposes and v
aims, because they have not the sense to lead i
nor the decency to follow, ought to he sup- ?
pressed. The men who have the combined ele- '
ments of leadership amongst us will and must
lead, even though some section of us should '
refuse to fullow. Little men can't hold back t
the great ones. It is the old tight over again
of I >on Quixote and the giant windmill, with
this difference : that in most cases the ludicrous s
swellings of a political frog are substituted for
the frenzied romance of the knight errant, j
Let us he true to ourselves, for we are no more i
aliens, hut citizens of the household of tree N
government, heirs of the promises of our lie- 1
publican fathers, and partakers of the precious <
things of a reconstructed democracy. i
The recent arrival in this country of General
Alexander Tait, the tirst colored representative t
of a foreign government accredited to the Uni- t
ted States as full Envoy Extraordinary and i
Minister Plenipotentiary, and his cordial offi- t
cial and personal reception by President Grant j
are events of no small significance. The col- r
ored people of the United States are especially j
gratified with this eminent recognition of the J
equal status of their race in high official rela- s
tions, and with the full measure of accord thus i
established between the United States and the t
Republic of Hayti. The llaytien nation is also j
fortunate in selecting as its representative a L
gentleman whose personal dignity, culture and t
character, no less than his warm and patriotic fc
devotion to the interests and the independence (l
of his country gives to the American people so t
favorable an opinion of that nation. t
The events which have recently occurred in
Hayti, resulting in a change in the administration
of the government of that Republic, have t
been watched with much interest by us, and we c
trust that with the establishment of peace and a r
state government, which we augur from those v
events, Hayti will take new sieps forward in the n
ievelopment of it:, material resources, in the t
vindication of its commercial importance, and b
n the secureinentf of the financial prosperity of j u
' j - -
[Written for tl>> Nbv Kka.J
Some of the champions* of the Bible seem t<
have spiked their own trims, ami fled the field
But the grasping foe will not aocepteven this
He cares neither for their useless artillery, 1101
for the field itself. He is determined on destroy
i n;f our very school system Take the Bibleout
he likes it no better than now. He will no
have the ehihlreu of Catholic parents any longei
subjected to the elevating influence of tin
common school system itself. That system un
fits them for his uses. He cares more to estab
lish them in the teachings of his own com
munion, than in the fundamental principles o
a free government; than to acquaint then
with the constantly enlarging domain of inoderi
science, and the simple precepts of Christiar
ethics. He will have his share of the public
funds, to shape and mould the minds and heart?
of future citizens, according to his model; thai
li.ev may be ready to do hi* bidding. Hewouh
repeat in the Xcw World, the benighted, op
pressed civilization of the Oltl.
This is noquestion of rvltytons. It isnoqiies
Lion between Profestanisiu ami Romanism. Il
is the American policy, to leave all citizens fret
Lo choose a religion for themselves. to ex? rcist
the largest liberty ?if worship. Kven Pagan
rites are not to be interfere.! with, i. they inter
fere not with the public peace. This is a que*
lion of civilizations. There is a certain kind
)f civilization, the highest the world ever saw,
which springs from Bible ethics. It is a civilization
strikingly harmonious with American
institutions. Indeed, American institutions
may be said to depend upon if : to be possible,
for a long time, only by reason of it. The
civilization of Catholic Kurope, will not do foi
us. The moment we accept it. we tend again
toward centralization. The individual man,
the free man, is no longer. He is sunk in the
class, the grade, the caste. lie is overridden
by king, noble, priest. This is "a Government
>f the people, by the people, and for the
people:" Mr. Lincoln's definition. And /lit
iirojile are no longer possible, the moment the
ivilization of Bible ethics is overthrown.
The parent, churches have a certain right in
the child: bill the State has also a certain right
n the future citizen. And the guardians o!
ihe State may not give up their right in the
hild to parents or to churches. The family,
the church, is possible, only under the aegis ol
the State. The parent, or the religious teacher
lias no right to undermine the State. If the
state is secure only in proportion to the prevalence
of liible ethics, then these ethics must
je taught the children, must enter into the
civilization of ihe State, at all hazards, and at
whatever c.-st. This is where i should be
williug to leave this whole question. For the
lake of argument. I would admit that Protesantism
is no better than IF maoism. Hut. for
he American State, 1 claim that Bible civilisation
is absolutely essential : that the moment
t goes, or ceases to be authoritative, our instiutions
are undermined.
But, it is replied, 44 Bible ethics are not
aught in the schools now." In the higher schools
hey are ; in all schools, indirectly, if not di ectly.
4 To instruct," says Vinet, u is something
more than to inform. It is at the same
inie to arm and fortify." This last, is an
thical process, and must he put on an ethical
>asis. To quicken the intellect, to furnish it
? t _ _:?L ji. . l- rec ? ' ?- ? i
in encounters wiiu me realities 01 me, wuuout
inning and fortifyiug the conscience, is to pat
teen-edged weapons into theliund* of those who
nay use them as madmen, or who may blindly
ubmit to the commands of superiors. The
riumph of the country over the rebellion was
banded ou the principles of Hi Me ethics. Kuopeun
civilization, whether represented by
he nobility of England, the Empire in France,
r the Hope in Home, was ready to hail the
access of the national foe. But the country
elt the inspiration of Bible civilization, ini>arted,
in part at least, in our public schools,
t was not Bible civilization that created
he New York riots, that obstructed the
[raft, and discouraged enlistments. Bible
:ivilization was on the side of the colored
itizen, still claimed as a chattel. Bible eiviization
is progressive ; teaches the good time
oniing; hails the advent of the roillenium ;
s hen man, the individual man, shall have all
lis rights accorded him. whether in church or
n State. Its fundamental idea is this coming
:iii(/dotn, in which men shall be better fed, aud
lothcd, and educated; shall love each other
letter. With this expectation and inspiration,
here is advancement for the race, even though
here be no supernatural element to facilitate
his advancement; even though the Bible be
imply the embodiment of a system of human
tines ; tlie very Lowest plane on which it cau be
Since the communication of Dr. Rankin* was
n type, we have been handed the following
>aragraphs from prominent Catholic journals,
fating what that Church demands in regard to
?ur public school system :
[From tho Freedimtn's Journal.]
44 The Catholic solution ol" this muddle about
tible or no Bible schools is?4 hands off!' No
>tate taxation or donations for any schools,
fou look to your children and we will look to
mrs*. We don't want you to be taxed for Oathoic
schools. We do not want to be taxed for
'rotestant, or for godless schools. Let the
rnblic school system go to where it came from
-the devil. We want Christian schools, and
he State cannot tell us what Christianity is."
, [ From Uk> TaLlft. ]
44 We demand of the State, as our right, other
uch schools as our Church will accept, or ex lnption
form the school-tax. If it will support
chools by the general tax, we demand that it
lpaviiIo i \ e (ri t'n no nur modioli /if f L.k v.nlili.i
'IU* IUV VI gll V u?5 UUl m/M VI tut |JUV1IV>
uiiils, and leave us to provide schools in which
ve can educate our children in our own religion,
aider the supervision of our church."
44 We hold education to be a function of the
Jhurch, not of the State, and in our case we do
?ot, and will not,accept the State as educator."
The action of Congress in the Virginia quesion
indicates a determination on the part of
hat body not to be any longer too precipitate
n the rehabilitation of unrepentant rebels with
he franchise of that citizenship which a few
'ears ago they so scornfully abdicated. Yir;iuia
is to-day as thoroughly rebel and as eomiletely
unreconstructed as at any former period,
ler loyalty is a shain, her accptauce of the
ituation a pretence, her submission a trick,
t is well that Congress should pause in the
lusiness of surfuce reconstruction, and in the
iresent instance avoid the necessity of hereafter
mdoing its work. Georgia and Tennessee have
aught lessons to be heeded. Not only Georgia,
iut Tennessee, and not only these but every
ther of the late rebel Statef need yet longer
o be made to feel that the nation lias rights
o be preserved and power to be respected.
A Rovai. Decision.?In the AlabamaSenate on
he 13th ult., the morning was consumed in disusBing
bills allowing negroesequal privileges in
ailway cars, steamships, ?fcc. An amendment
ras offered to provide equal separate accommodations.
Mr. Royal, the only colored Senaor,
favored the amendment, and said the sensiile
negroes did not ask social equality, and delounced
the bill as a piece of domagogisui.
? ^ - - - - - -
The bill recently passed by Congress will
effect good, not ot?ly in Georgia, but elsewhere.
It will prevent such an exhibition of
} faithlessness in any other quarter. We shall
' have no repetition of the Georgia scandal in
' any other State, unless it covet fur itself
1 the saine consequences in this iustance entailed.
It was necessary by some such measure
: to demonstrate the fact, that the representar
tives of the Republican sentiment of thecoun1
try are quite alive to the necessities of the
situation ; that they are resolutely determined
that the efforts of the past shall not be neu*
j tralized by the reactionary acts of any man or
set of men who have not been thoroughly di'
vested, in the vicisitndes of the past few vears.
1 of their long-cherished prejudices.
1 The Georgia Legislature was simply a fraud
1 imposed upon the loyal people of the State.
4 ....
It lOltTUlt'u. WlUJUUt uuv cai hc3i. uiumi fcv
4 check it. so violent'* spirit of brutal out1
ras^i' and murder that the lives of freednieu and
' loyal whites weie scarcely sate any where in the
State. Until some measure of purification
I was accomplished; something done to < fleet
the readmissioti of those men to their seats
' ; who represented the loyal sentiment of the
State, no irood could he accomplished in that
body. For after the elimination oi the eolored
members what could have been expected from
it at all in harmony with the prevalent liberal
sentiment of the country.
' The expulsion of the colored nit tubers, how
> ever, was only the first step in the path of reaction
these men designed to tread. Had this
1 act been suffered to pass unscathed by the re'
| probation of Congress, it would have been only
' a prelude to a series of measures, to which that
' i would have been as nothing. We should have
' 1 seen the poor white and freediuan debarred
1 from the blessings of a good educational sys.
tern, and the material relations of the lastf
named class to the laud owners of the country
i placed on a permanent footing,but one remove
t ! from chattel slavery.
That bitter pill, the test oath, will un;
undoubtedly thin out very considerably the
present representation in the (ieorgia Uegi
islature. Tins being the case, it becomes the
' | duty of the loyal voters of the State to make
sure that any seats vacated by its application
1 are filled by men whose record is unblemished
' | by even a suspicion of conservatism. They
! must be men whose republicanism is beyond a
j shadow of doubt.
No men have a stronger interest in the pro;
per reconstruction of the State, or are more
} likely to bring Ceorgiu into harmony with the
Republican sentiment of the time, than men of
that class who have vervthing to lose and
? n
nothing to gain in the triumph of the so-called
Conservative or Democratic party. The poor
white men and colored voters of the State must
i uot be inactive in this crisis. They must remeni!
ber ''eternal vigilance is the price of liberty."
It rests with them to secure t* the State such
a representation as we have suggested?such
a representation us the situation of the State
They want. too. a brave judiciary one that
will not suffer itself to be intimidated in the ad
ministration of justice. It must he upheld in
j its decisions by the strong arm of State
power. In this buttle for right and order the
Republicans can, with confidence, throw down
i the gauntlet to their so-called Conservative ad
versaries, who, we fancy, will not rush into the
list to take it up, fearing that within it will be
i found the steel hand of federal power.
It is our purpose to notice briefly the reports
of the several executive departments, from
j time to time, as we find space for them ; but
the report of the Postmaster General preseuts
in so compact a form a view of the vast extent
! of our country, its unexampled progress and
improved facilities of intercommunication, and
the operations of his department are so intimately
interwoven with the interests of the
whole people, carrying light and knowledge to
all, that we give it the preference in this our
l first number.
The report is a straight-forward business paj
per, plunging at once into material facts, and
! replete throughout with important and valuable
! suggestions.
The receipts and expenditures of the Department
for the year ending dune 30, IS by, !
Ordiuary revenues, 1SG9 *18,344,510
I Ordinary revenues, 1808 16,292,001
Increase of revenue $2,051.909
Ordinary expenditures, 1S09 $23,098,131
Ordinary expenditures, 1808 22,730,593
increase ot expenditures *007,o3>
Increase ol revenue, 1*2.59 per cent.; of ex- 1
! penditure. 4.25 per cent.
The estimated and ordinary expenditure
lor the year ending June JO,
1870, are $25,581,003
Do. revenues 20,878,001
Deficiency $4,702,132
This does not include the following appropriations
in the shape of subsidies:
Steamship service?California, Japan,
and China... .* $500,000
: Do. United States and Brazil 150,000
| California and Sandwich Islands... 75,000
$725,Ouu |
! Total deficiency $">,427,132
The number of postage stamps issued during
the year was 420,890,540, worth $12,706,220;
periodical stamps worth $15,348: stumped en
velopes worth $2,283,588; newspaper wrappers,
$71,905; or of an aggregate value of
, $15,078,061, being an increase of $1,214,937
over the previous year.
The mail routes in operation have a length
of 223,731 miles; annual transportation.
90,723,403 miles; annual cost, $10,400,501.
This does not include the pay of railway mail
clerks, agents. &c., amounting to $1,275,227.
The railroad routes cost 11.41 cents per mile;
steamboat routes, 17.88 cents per mile; other
routes, 10.0 cents per mile. The miles of rail- !
way transportation are 41.399,000 miles; steamboats,
4,331 miles; other routes, 45,000,Ot>0
miles. Increase in the year, 6,803 miles of
route, at an increased cost of $301,039. These
figures do not include the special routes where
I the cost of transportation does not exceed the
net postal yield.
The time consumed for the mails, by rail, between
San Francisco and several other points
has been as follows :
Shortest Time. Average Time.
n. h. m. D. a. m
To Washington 6 23 15 7 7 11
To New York 6 15 20 7 2 23
To Boston 7 4 .. 7 19 25
To Chicago 5 7 30 5 14 55
To Cincinnati 5 22 30 6 8 32 !
To St. Louis 5 1 30 5 16 23
Under the old overlaud contracts the time |
twenty-five miles east of Sacranieiito, was iix V/
teen days ir: summer and twenty days 'n wint^r 7
The average time from New York to New Or
I leans, via Washington, has lieen ninety hour* f
There are thirty seven lines of railway post ;
offices in operation, and the Postmaster t?ei; >
era! c minends it a- an indispensable servi e '
Sis million six hundred and thirty-eight
; thousand eight hundred and fifty-eight letter
were sent trom the United States to foreign
countries, and ">,957,7% reeeived, and al>out
i 3,000,000 exchanged with Panada : the poatape
on the* whole amounting to 000,000.
Jun t 30, iHfio 27,l0?j
Postmasters to be appointed by
the President 980
|)_ I). I ! >(' I >,*. I'1
I *y LUt" l WBIIIKISICI ' II uri ill . , _ >, I _ I- _ I . I' v
The free delivery by carriers is in operation
in forty eight cities. The mail letters delivered
were 8O,tM)0.UUi>; collected, fil.tRHUHX) Kv
pense of carriers, ?1,1 *3 i'51.
Three million seven hundred and tifty nine
thousand six hundred and seventy-six domesti.
letter^, ami IV3.1HI foreign letters were sent to
the Dead Letter Oflice; 18,2-7 domestic let
ters contained ?'.>4,710, in sums of ?l and up
wards, and 1 C,tM?0 of them were delievred
,o the writers : 17,000 other letters contained
Checks, drafts, deeds. Ac., of a value of over
$3,4)4 K),tH HI, of which nearly all win ttj ft
to the writers: 0.000 letters contain*** \ ,v
books, and 114.000 photographs, stumps, Ac Ov?r
1.000.INH) of letters not signed, illegible,
ire., was destroyed. I lie unclaimed dead le?
ter?inonev it* $>14,78.7. The use of envelop*! t
vitli the request to return the letter has had tht
ift'ect to reduce the number of dead letters.
The value of the money orders issued wai
$24,848,0.78. The fees thereon were ?l7o.l''0
fhe increase in this business is over .70 per
fjent. The great bulk of these orders are coi
! ected in the large cities. The ex tension of tli ^
uouey order system to foreign countries ha
?een affected in the case >f .Switzerland, uu>i \
las gone into operation.
This branch of the Department is empliati
cully the great exchange hank ol the people.
It is the cheapest and safest way to remit money
to friends, and is daily growing lu the popular
estimation. It will, at no distant day, be use<i . #
is the principal agent for the transmission ??f
snail sums by both the Doveruuieut and people.
The Postmaster <4e?ieral recommends the
complete abolition of the li inking privilege,
aid'dfers whatseem utian-w ruble arguments in
i si pp.: .i ,p,i L'on : U
Statement of Official* Esereisiny the rtankiHy |
j President oT the l uited States and his
Secretary 2 ?
Vice President
Members of the Cabinet
United States Senators ! *
Members of Congress -41 ?
delegates in Congress
: Secretary of Senate and Clerk of House
of Representatives - I
Assistant Secretaries, Chief Clerk. Ac.,
State Department 4
Assistant Attorney General and Chief
Assistant Secretary, Commissioners.
Chief Clerk. Ac., Interior Department 13 !
Chiefs of Bureaus. Chief Clerk, Ac., of
Navy Department 1* I.
Chiefs of Bureaus. Chief Clerk, Ac., of
War Department 21 '
Assistant Secretaries, Chief Clerks, Ac.,
of the Treasury Department 42
Assistant Postmaster General, Superintendents
of Foreign Mails and Mouey
Order System, and Chief Clerks Po>t L
Office Department y I
44U I
Add Internal Rpvonno (Officpra \
sors and Assistant Collectors and
Deputies) 4,115
Postmastersou 1st of November, 1809. 27. 377 t
Total 31,933
This statement alone would seem to sufficient Illy
demonstrate theuctual necessity of witkJra*
iug from so vast a number the power to lotd the
mails in their discretion.
The Postmaster General farther says 3
"Hut the difficulties increase when it is fa ther
considered that the judges who deeidt upou
the genuineness of frauks are the entirf corps
of 37,378 postmasters scattered all o*r the
country, none of whom, with the utmot dih
gence, can hope to acquire a tolerable ainil:
arity with the signatures of more than tiew ot ?
the privileged. In the larger otlict's. w tore ouc
hour is the longest time that can he Slowed
for making up the mails. > nd where it itiiece?
sary to receive and manipulate thousads et
letters daily, it is impossible, even if ti> genu
iue signatures were knowu, to makef* systematic
attempt to exclude matter iinpoperlv
franked. What is the result? Bsndle?frauds,
of course, without a possibility of Je
tecting them, or eveo a hope of prfeutiug
their further increase, lu fact, eve^j irauk.
counterfeit or geuuiue, is equally etfectve. aud
the extent of the evil is limited 011^ by the
wants of those who desire to impose siou the
"The objection that Congress may fcsire to
print aud disseuiiuate public document should
not avail against the appeal of the De|jrtmeut
for deliverence from the frauds thu ire fast
overwhelming it. If the privilege be a uliohed
official publications may still be forw k-ded iu
the mails. It is only asked that the) like all
private matter, may be chargeable withlostu c.
It' it be urged that this would prevent or iui
pede the diffusion of the knowledge # puhiu*
affairs among the people, then it ina?)e said,
In reply, that if it be the purpose of wngress
to give information to the people, ajkr more
telling expedient may be resorted to. ^Ati uu
burdeued press, managed and direct#by pri
vate enterprise, ean do more than Caress u
enlighten the masses. Better far that l*i frauk
ing privilege should be abolished, unit bat all
newspapers seut to regular and bona |rfe subscribers
from a known office of nwication
should be carried free, without regard ftyreight,
throughout the UlitM States, as nO^Efougb
out the county wherein printed and dblUhcd.
The receipts of the Department for thirst year
from 4 newspapers and pamphlets mounted
to $778,882.30. This portion of its rtijpts the
Department can forego, provided it * # be pro
tected against the frauds, more tin three
times iu amount, inseparable from thtJrankin^
privilege. I
" It is uot projposed or desired thiigovern
ment officials should be personally ixed for
the transmission of their public corre-ttndence.
It is asked, on the other hand, thadtery Department,
every member of Congress Jhd every
other public offieeT, shall have a libXl allow
ance of si amps for postages, subject tta proper
accountability, aud that the sum leressary
therefor shall be appropriated out jjkhe general
treasury." T
I'nder this important suggestion of he Post
master iieneral, that free papers be mstituted
for free documents, there can uot & doubt
but the public would be largely ^ gainer,
goverument officials relieved of aponorous
duty, and the treasury benefitted % a large
amount, both in the item of transpiring tons
of matter which is never read, bu|to a still
greater extent by preventing the iiutinb :it
| the i> >lie expense

xml | txt