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I have been much entertained as well as amused,
within the last few days, by the revelations made in the discussion between several representatives from Massachusetts. There was disclosed by the recrimination between those accomplices in aboli tion what I always believed that both the Whigs and Democrats, as a party, in that State were deep ly hostile to the peculiar institutions of the South. I had no interest in such a contest, except for the information of hose whom I represent. I shall take occasion to circulate those speeches freely amongst them, that they may have the highest ev idence of the correctness of those conclusions with which I had made them familiar in my intercourse with them. It was a battle in which I desired the full exhibition of prowess on both sides, and that at the close of the combat, bystanders would have to do the kind office of burying the slain. Gov. Boutwell carried the State because he and his friends bid higher than their competitors at the auction. A bid of one quarter of a dollar more on the other side would have carried the day against them. The price was the consideration ; the offices and emol uments were irresistible. Did the Democracy coa lesce with the Abolitionists ? Let those represen tatives of that State who hero denounce them, say why they voted for Mr. AVinthrop? They profess to be satisfied with the compromise, and yet sup port Mr. Winthrop, who within a few days after the passage of those measures, voted in the Senate for a bill abolishing slavery in the District of Col umbia. He bid for the Abolitionists of Massachu setts ; endeavored to revive agitation on the slavery question, and upon that achievement was nomina ted as a candidate for Governor. Pie did not bid enough, but showed a willing mind. Those who supported him have but little cause to complain of any tampering with Abolitionists or combinations with them for power. He spread the banner of agitation to the breeze, and was sustained by the Whigs of his State. I have no interest in the matter further than the truth of history is concerned, and as a recorded evidence of what sort of materials we are called on to rely upon in the hour of trial. It will teach my constituents that I am no alarm ist, and that I have told them the truth. It is ev ident, from all the circumstances, that both parties had a common purpose, but neither party had any feeliner for us. I am neither malignant nor resent ful. If my temper is excitable, it is easily ap peased ; but there is one thing which I never mean to do, and that is, to fawn upon the hand that strikes me. No, sir, I will never do it. I will never be brought to sustain the pretensions of any man for the Presidency who is not a repnblican ; who does not distinctly acknowledge State sover eignty and State rights upon the principles of their great apostle, Mr. Jefferson ; who does not pledge himself to arrest agitation of the slaverv question, and carry out the fugitive-slave law by all the pow- 1 will make no com- t? it vf ARK'S OF MR. VENABLE, Delivered in the House of Kyresentahves -on the 2Qth January, 1852, on the erpmti"'.T tract with Messrs. Donelson t Armstrong to do ' the Census Printing. Mr. Vksable. Mr. Speaker, I am y;ry much cratified-being called out of the House by bus-s-Xu I returned during the discussion of this auction. I should have been exceedingly unwill gStS have had it passed without expressmg ray option and giving my vote upon it. W hen Isay this I do not suppose that any expression of opin ion I can present will control that of individuals of this House. But, sir, I have been at all times un willing that this subject of public pnntmg should pass from before this House until the country should understand, and fully understand alt that was meant by this corruption fund. We have heard gentlemen make great objections to etting the printing out to the lowest bidder, which has been denounced all around this House as a miserable failure ; and, by way of amend ng it, it is proposed to let it out to the lt bidder-by way o re lieving the House from difficulty they let it out to the hfghest bidder ; that is they I tee ; they designate the individual with whom that committVe is to make the contract, andthevcanno make a contract with anybody else-. Now, I should 9UGormas. The contract is to be made upon such terms as the committee shall deem reasonable. I ask my honorable friend from North Carolina if ho supposes the gentlemen composing the Com mittee on Printing will make the contract upon terms unreasonable and unjust to the country and the Government. Mr. Ves able. My gallant friend is a fair-mhid-ed man. I know he has no purpose, but a fair purpose. Why not say, the committee shall con tract with some person to do the public printing I Why give it to Donelson fc. Armstrong ? W hat claims have they upon us, or upon the country 1 Mr. Donelson has been called the administrator of Gen. Jackson's opinions. I say, he is administra tor not only in his wrong, but in Gen. Jackson s wrong. Aye, sir, he has no claims upon me, or upon those whom I represent. I felt the influence of his power during the last summer. I will never pay a man to whip me. Iin get it done cheaper. Laughter. The Union paper contains the high est Federal doctrines doctrines with. which 1 nev er had any sympathy, and never can have, and therefore it has no claims upon me. If it held the best of principles, I would oppose it, whether it had claims upon me or upon those whom I rep resent. I oppose the principles, by which the of fer for this printing is to be narrowed down, and the contract given to a single individual. If there were one hundred men in the country who sell bread, can vou say that the hungry shall trade on- ; er w;tn which he is clothed ly with one man ? There can be no question up- ; pronl;se here. I opposed every measure of the on that subject Why are Donelson & Armstrong j compromise except the fugitive-slave law; and I suggested ? Do we mean to give away the public regrf ttedthat I was not able to defeat all of them printing as a pension ? propose to make the pub- ! aga;nst whi. h I voted. The State to which I owe lie printing a tax upon the Treasury and say that j mv allegiance, and the people whom I represent, the present system of giving of it to the lowest ; Wpre wiinnSr to try the experiment of these meas- bidder is a bad one ? I can dirter with gentlemen , ures ,i.ev iiad become a rmrt of the laws of the i . i .. .1 1 . 1. ( . - . . r . . . land, lhey are a law-abiding people, and I ac knowledge the authority of the will of my people. I voted for the fugitive-slave law ; and it is the only one of the compromise measures for which I voted. But though 1 acquiesce in them, no man has aright upon a principle, ana respect mem o?caue uiv have a right to their opinions. They assert them independently and act upon them ; but I can feel no such BTmvwthv or respect when the question be comes one of plunder. I know where it begins, but not where it ends. Then I ask, is the com mittee restricted to a contract wi Armstrong, and Donelson Sc Armst that is s. thev have some claims upon us. Let those claims be pointed out. Let them tell the country, and let us all know how great pension they are entitled to. Let us fix the amount, so if . ' A3 i ! to Squire 3 tb whether I do so cordially or not. uh Donelson I will say, that I. have changed no opinion as to strong alone . It tne character of these measures, and I feel now as I felt then. My constituents feel now in regard to this subject, as every good citizen ought to feel, a strong desire for the repose of the public mind by . -1- .1. !,.-,. ...Ill Unnn. I.aii Yt-.-fc - to ma&e iuc ociutiuvm, c niu huuh nuru naii- ! tliese laws done paying. j am for prcservjng t10 Government upon the If a pension is to be given, let us know how J principles of the Constitution, and for obedience to much we are giving. If the contract for printing j the law in every part of the United States. So far is to be open to the world, open it to all coinpeti- as I am concerned, the recipient of my vote for tion, and give the committee the discretion to make j President must be willing to carry out the law of the contract with individuals who shall execute it the land. I have no sympathy with those who are in the best manner and for the least sum. I will disunion! . w- m; , .:u r i c -f i rr f T niiu uiv uitruu iiuiii jiitiuauu .jh . xt 111 the proposition that the Government should fur resort to the highest remedy without the most se rious cause and the general approbation of a ma- nish paper, and we should leave nothing but the j0rity of those who felt the grievance of unconsti mecnanicai wore to tne printer pay tne printer tutional oppression. AVhen I differ with gentle whathisworkis worth, and give him fair rates. I men principle lean understand them. It shall never consent to make a sort of contract where mav that X shall compelled to act gen no man m this House but a practical printer ever jtlemen with whom I differ as to some minor ques knows how much is to be drawn from the Treasury tions not involving great principles. But when it for the purpose of filling the pockets of one who ; r.crfi i, a ic;' :A:.t: tua has, for tue time, the .avor of a majority here tlie difference between us will be about plunder, The remarks made by my friend from Mary and !and not about principle alK,ut the disposition of Mr. Evans desen e thorough consideration. 1 have j the offices an j emoluments of Government, there seen men made public printers, the organs of par-; can lieither co0perat5on nor confidence. I rep ties, and thus fixed upon them ot whom the fabled ; resent a piain unsophisticated, agricultural people, story of Sinbad the Sailor's - Old Man of the Sea" ! .who do not ook to this Government for anything is a yery striking illustration. He first rode by ; , of s rt. re an independ- chanty, and ended in demanding to nde by right. ! cnce b cult5ting the earth. They elo not look getting nd of hem at last. ou will find them ! the Federai Treurv to spply their wants. They very accommodating :n their first essays in playing Mor not on to &- rf&i but to aid i a tune, but soon give you those in winch you can , maintaining re an efficient and economical Gov f ISni0"7, adw'L,f U f ZrC? ,n" I "nment ; to manage affairs in which all the States Tn nfl. I C?T?S? r da,ncV,a-ft thtm- concerned; and I can vote for no measure which 1 can never consent that the funds nf tins Gm-pm- . . i .i , , - - ----'--- . 1U IA II L l T DA mir VS nrn -v -v r i -i i n a wnwM Tl .K.n u 4.i. f .v r - 1 winch sets itself up here as the organ of any par pie, shall be taken for the purpose of jnvinT pen- ' .:,i ,.. t J-n e J I- i. in ,nn ;;ii Wi t b -ir j ticular party. I wnll vote for no measure which sions to any individual. While lam willinc to ' -n i .t i i pension the soldier, and tat ram nfKi n-Wn- ,n,i - V. i-"""' . i w v l- j iuv " uiiu i r.f X,. J i . I . . .. , : Ol urjsuuus me rewara oi actum services wnile 1 am willing to allow all claims of that kind, I am not willing to select anv individual and irive him me means oi Decerning wealthy out of the public purse, and to place him in a position in which he metropolitan editors, and thus add to their pe culiar advantages for forming public opinion in the next presidential canvass. But, sir, I do not wish to be misunderstood. I must ask the indulgence of the House for a short : 1 ir ' i iv i ii ii bo an nmrinmir , lv i u,IMi 'ouger. naviug oeen exceedingly unwell an jias an opportunity to torm mhnc m.inir.n cimi.ln . . .. . . J.rVi i...U-,.li..j: ' , Tv " morning, l had not anticipated this debate semmated extensively throughout the country. I want no man to make public opinion fur me. nor do my constituents desire it. I hope I shall never see the time when party ties and party allegiance shall be so strongly fixed upon me that I shall be willing to sacrifice principle for the purpose of ad vancing the position or standing of any one. I do not mean, under any circumstances, to give a vote in which I shall have to part with the principle for the purpose of promoting the aspirations of any man to the Presidency. Thank God I am foot loose. I represent a constituency that require me to be foot-loose, who have returned me by a large majority. I am foot-loose, and bound by no party ties or obligations which require me to abandon any principle which I have asserted. I will take occasion to say while I abhor the consolidation doctrines which have spread over every sheet of the Union newspaper, while I naturally abhor and es chew them, if the editors will do the printing any cheaper than anybody else, they are welcome to do it. If a Mahometan or Mormon will do the printing better and cheaper than anybody else I am willing to .pay for it I trust there ill bo' a decided effort m this House, to keep this printing out of the hands of any men who will be likelv to make use of so great a power in the presiden tial campaign. I prefer a practical printer who is not an editor ; and I hope we will not be called up on to give fuel jo kindle a fire that will give pow er to any machinery which will generate a miasma over the whole length and breadth of the country I take this occasion, and am glad of the opportu" mty, to say, that in regard to the vote which T Bi,oii give upon this question I consider myself as de tached from any sort of obligations to sustain " man s pretensions for the printing ; neither will i VOte for SU1V Trtkn Procilanrtn 1 , i . . not in his avowed opinions come up to my views of wuw. a "oimuiuuoiuu American statesman ougm w uoiu mna aonere to. Nothing would have induced me to make a single remark now, but that I had determineel since the commencement of the session that upon the very earliest opportunity I would be distinctly under stood upon those great questions which now so much agitate the public mind. In order that I may not be misunderstood, I ask gentlemen to attend to the remark that I am about to make. When I say I want a fair, free fight in the presidential canvass, I mean that I desire that the people may have some hand in arranging the preliminaries and making the selection between the individuals presented as candidates for office. I am very far from objecting to a candidate because lie is the nominee of the Baltimore Convention. Indeed such a nomination would highly recommend him to my choice. Such an expression of preference by that body would demand and receive my respect. If he should be sound, true, and capable, frank and honest in the declaration of his republican doctrines, desirous for the repose of the country, and the faithful execution of the laws, the fact of his nomination would rec ommend him to my confidence and secure my zeal ous support. But, sir, the Baltimore Convention miirht make a nomination of those who do not answer this description- who do not possess these qualifications ; and I will not support any such nominees. No party ties snail induce me to perform an act by which I lose my self-respect. I am not ignorant that all liberty all that is valuable in free govern ments have been often lost agreeably to the usa ges of parties, and in due form of partv discipline. ii ciupty auauow lases tne place ot substance tuu power wansierrea to the few from the many, and the screws of party discipline mav be armi; uoii n wuu imve independence to speak the v wuvituuusui meir own hearts. bhould they nominate a man who dodges vote. eiti.18 D? v d m his Plac when vita muS? "e tobe. deaded-Wlettereand com mumcabons require a second Daniel to interpret them or, like the riddles of antiquity, give employ ment ani reputation to a second CEdepus for his skill in unravelling the mysteries which they con-, tain ; or like the Delphic oracle, which made re sponse to a certain king, who inquired whether he should go to war with the Romans, in the follow ing occular words : "Tit, redibis, nunquamque pe vibis" words admitting the double translation : " You shall go, you shall return, you shall not per ish " or w You shall go, you shall pot return, you shall perish. " The inquiring king took the first interpretation he went, he did not return, he per ished. Other followers of the propounders of ora cles have in recent times renewed the experience of this ancient king they interpreted for them selvesthey went, and did not return, but were sadly beaten 5n the struggle. The handwriting on the wall and the dream of Nebuchadnezzar were explained by the prophet ; but in these days we are without prophets or priests. Experience must be our instructor, and history our guide. I desire a matter-of-fact man, whose heart delights in an honest declaration of his opinions; who will leave plain men, like myself, in no doubt as to his meaning.- No convention can have au thority to discharge a candidate for the highest of fice in the gift of the people for such & frank and open avosal of his views. Timidity and reserve presuppose a state of things which must create dis trust. No honest politician dreads the disclosure of the fixed convictions of his mind. There is a captivating beauty about the boldness of integrity. You see it in the fearlessness, in the demeanor even of a child who has never been depraved by decep tion. Conscious purity of purpose 'desires no con cealment. A triumph of principle binds honest men together; but woe to that party who are uni ted only by the system which derives its strength from the desire of plunder. Should that Conven tion give "us the man who does not requira and would scorn to have a new version put on his de clarations one who will not hesitate to declare that he holds the republican doctrines of Mr. Jef ferson j our acknowledged leader, I say Mr. Jeffer son, because I thiuk it unwise to refresh ourselves at the branch when we can come at the spring. Besides, sir, we have had mutations and interpola tions in the jcreed since his day. Although having the highest confidence in the purity as well as the great ability of General Jackson, I never adopted or approved of many of the doctrines of the procla mation. I adhered to him, however, and none feel a more profound reference for his services and his memory than myself. I would not abandon him, as some diel with whom I agreed about everything but some doctrines of the proclamation, and go over to a party with whom I disagreed about everything, and the proclamation too. Those who did so, were placed in a false position. The explanations of the Globe of that day aud the conversations with Mr. Ritchie in some measure softened the sternness of the text, but it left a hazy fog in the atmosphere which caused small objects to loom in the distance. You have experienced this, sir, doubtless, when in a morning mist a cow would seem to be as large as an elephant. I prefer a return to the clear bright republican days of Mr. Jefferson, for whom General Jackson cherished the most profound regard. We must return to that simple unsophisticated republi canism of the pure and palmy days of our country, before the distribution of fifty millions of money, and whole empires of land gave the means of temp tation and corruption, and placed in the hands of Congress the control of jobs by which opulence may be attained in a few months or a year. To such a candidate who believes in the sovereignty of the States, I care not whether he approved or disapproved of the series of measures called the compromise, but who is determined to execute the laws and preserve the repose of the country, there will be such a gathering as we have not seen for many years. To endeavor now to agitate the public mind on the measures of the last session would be the ex treme of folly. The most of them are res perfecta. Califoi nia is a state. Texas has accepted the ten millions. L'tah and New Mexico are complete in their organization as Territories, and the other laws stand on the statute-book. Who would en- gas:e in the peunle, as well as wicked purpose of again agitating the public mind, without any pros pect of a good result ? And whilst I do do not ap prove of a policy which would assume the necessity of sustaining those laws of last session by a buttress of resolutions this session, and whilst I do not per ceive the wisdom of making the move, and amend the Constitution which recognises its imperfections and provides the mode of amendment, I am utterly averse to any course which would revive agitation or revive discontent. Mr. Polk, (interrupting) I call the gentleman to order. Mr. Venable. Will the gentleman state his point of order ? Mr. Polk. My point of order is this : That I cannot see what connection the coalition m Mas- seehusetts, and the State-rights doctrines have to do with passing a resolution about public printing, and as a general charge that he is laying about so loose that I cannot s'o what ho is at myself. Laughter. The Speaker. The Chair, in obedience to what seemed to be the desire of the House, did not feel at liberty to arrest the course of remark made by the gentleman frem North Carolira. The Chair, however, the point being raised, feels called upon to say, that, in his opinion, the gentleman is wande ring from the question before the House. Mr. Venable. I think I can satisfy the Speaker that I am not wandering from the eiuestion. The Speaker. The Chair is very well satisfied that the remarks of the gentleman have been irre levant. Mr. Joiix W. Howe. Will the gentleman from North Carolina allow me to ask him a question 1 Mr. Vekable. I want first to put myself right with the speaker. Mr. Howe. I merely want to ask whether we are to understand that you will not vote for Cass or Douglas ? Laughter. The Speaker. The Chair decides that the re marks of the gentleman from North Carolina are not in order. Mr. Venable. And I propose to show th at the course of remark which I was pursuing Mr. Sweetser, (interrupting.) I ask for the enforcement of the rule. The gentleman from North Carolina being called to oreler, and the chair hav ing decided that he is out of order, he must take his seat, under the rule. The Speaker. The Chair elecides that the gen tleman from North Carolina is not at liberty, un der the rules, to discuss the presidential question upon the proposition now before the House, and that his remarks were consequently irrelevant. Mr. Venable. I hope I may be allowed to pro ceed in order. Mr. Wilcox. I hope the gentleman will be pemitted to proceed with his remarks, and that the same latitude of debate will be extended to others. Mr. Clinoman. I move that my colleague have leave to proceed in order. The Speaker. Is there objection to the propo sition ? Mr. Sweetser objected. The question was then taken on Mr. Clingman's motion ; and it was agreed to. Mr. Venabxe, (resuming.) I profoundly regret that I should have been so unfortunate in present ing my views, as that any gentleman, or the Chair, should have supposed that I was out of order. I was arguing to show, that my objection to the pro position to give this printing to the prrticular indi viduals named in the resolution, might give color to the charge that this House was sustaining a press with the view of giving it weight in the com ing presidential election ; that this Congress was making themselves a party-to such an arrangement, and indentifying themselves with a party struggle by pensioning a press, which would be active in the formation of public opinion. It seems Co me that this was revelant, as an argument why the printing should not begiven to Donelson & Arm strong. I assure the House, however, that I had no purpose to say anything that was not directly revelant to the subject before us. But suppose that this proposition as is not the case limited the committee to bargain with a notoriously cor rupt man and I am only putting an extreme case it would then be certainly in order to say that the resolution was wrong, because it limited the committee to bargain with a very unsuitable per son. And that was the whole drift of my remarks. Such a press, fed by the Government out of the public Treasury, might succeed in forcing upon the country one who was not suitable for the object in view. The committee, in no event, should be limi teel by a vote of this House to any particular indi vidual, inasmuch as it narrowed down the field, of selection, and must result, in the progress of events, in a system of favoritism, which neither the princi ples of justice nor the good sense of the people would tolerate. When called to order by the gentleman from Tennessee, Mr. Polk, I had yielded the floor to the gentleman from Pennsylvania, Mr. Howe, who asked me whether I would vote for General Cass or Mr. Douglas ? I hope it is not out of or der to be respectful to the gentleman, and I reply that I drew a character for whom I would not vote ; if it fits no person, it damages no one ; if it does, it is his fault, not mine ; but I decline to make a personal application of my remarks upon the call he has made. I have now said what I intend to say relative to the Presidency, and what I have said was legitimately connected with the subject matter before the House. I have said it because I think it due to the country, that its representatives should not adopt an indirect system of pensioning the press. No editors of the journals of the coun try should be enabled by jobs thrown in their way to make a fortune out of the Treasury for mere party purposes. I appeal to this House to say whether it is proper that this job should be appro priated in the manner which this resolution pro poses, merely because a majority of this House have the power to do it. If the House desires to elect a public printer, let it be done, and the rates and compensation fixed. But it is certainly wrong to do so by indirection. Every man should have his just dues. But if it is a bad plan to let out the public printing to the lowest bidder, do not adopt the other extreme of letting it out to the highest bidder ! If ve pass this resolution, and give the contract to Donelson & Armstrong, we exclude competition ; and if they will not do it at what the committee consider a reasonable price, you will have no printing done, or you will have this sub ject back again in this House for discussion. The whole matter will have another hearing and anoth er decision. I trust the time is near for us to have a printing bureau, as a part of our organization, and the printing executed by our own employees when the whole work shall be done by us, and the entire matter be under our own control that the time is near when we shall get rid of this job work this bleeeling the Treasury in order to obtain the means of propagating particular political doctrines, and for the purpose of controlling public sentiment. We have already had a good deal of experience in this matter. I have lately ssen at least one article published in an organ, and editorially introduced, as possessing the entire proportions of the original publication, when, in fact, one half of the original article which it professed to quote, was excluded, and the portion republished was turned to an entire ly different purpose from that designed by its au thor. The first part published apparently as a whole was quite unexceptionable, and this latter portion which did not appear giving an offensive character to it all. It reminded me of Milton's archangel, ruined, still beautiful and imposing in the upper portion of his person, but very much deformed about the lower extremities, paughtej. For myself I decline to give such papers the public patronage. While I am for paying to the last cent every man in our employ, and while I am for mak ing a liberal allowance for that time while I am unwilling that any man should work for me, or the people I represent, or the government to which I belong, without a full, fair, liberal and generous compensation, yet I elemandthat our accounts shall be settled in a business-like manner. I wish to know for what we are contracting. When the bar gain is made, all the printers in the country, all the presses of the couutry, should be invited to come into fair and honorable competition. Let the com mittee receive propositions from any who may propose to do the .work, and then let them decide as they may think proper, according to the merits of the several competitors. I am in favor of the amendment of my friend from Maryland, Mr. Evans, that the paper shall be furnished by the Government, and the names of the individuals in the resolution be stricken out. Mr. Gormax. Will the gentleman from North Carolina allow me for a moment ? That gentle man is aware that Blair & Rives did the printing for the last census. Now, the price paid in that case may be a guide for the price in this. Now, I ask the gentleman from North Carolina, if he sup poses any committee composed of honorable men, who have the letting of that contract, will, for the purpose of allowing any party to make money for any political purpose or any other purpose, make an arrangement ftfl- this census printing at rates above those generally paid for the same kind of work ? Mr. Venable. The gentleman knows that I do not doubt the honesty and integrity of any member of that committee. Mr. Gorman. Then I hope the gentleman will not continue to insist that the course of proceed ing proposed in this resolution will result in cor ruption. If I supposed myself capable of an action of this kind, I should consider myself unworthy of a seat in this body. Mr. Venable. It was no part of my purpose in making these remarks, to implicate my honora ble, gallaut friend, the chairman of the Committee on Printing. I know that he would recoil from contamination or the suspicion of corruption with the sensibility of a wound his nature is too ele vated, and his heart too pure. This is also true of honorable gentlemen connected with him upon that committee. I have the highest confidence in them. But they are not practical printers. They do not understand the art and mystery of printing, and therefore I say that the contract should not be given unconelitionally to Donelson & Armstrong, and leave them to set their own prices. Besides, I will show that the census printing under Blair & Rives was very different from the census printing now, and that the prices of printing and paper are now greatly below the rates at the date of their contract. Mr. Gorman. If the gentleman will allow me I will tell him that one member of the Committee on Printing, upon the part of the Senate, Mr. Hamlin, is a practical printer. Mr. Venable. That makes the chance a great deal better. But, as I was proceeding to say, I will show that the census printing under Blair & Rives was a very different matter from what the census printing is now. We have been shown that it will take volumes upon volumes to complete it. The office of Superintendant promises to fill the coming decade. I have not stated, nor do I intend to state, what Blair & Hives made by that contract They confess to a large amount made by contract, and it is theirs. But if I have made an improvi dent bargain once, and did not avoid the mistake the next time, then experience would be worthless. We learn nothing if not made more cautious, and we repeat the same blunder. It is best that you should strike out the names of the individuals ele signated from the resolution. They may obtain the contract if they will perform it cheaper and bet ter than anybody else. But prudence demands that whenever this bargain is made, that proposi tions should be received from any and all practical printers to do the mechanical work, and the Gov ernment furnish the paper. I ask, and I hope some gentleman will tell me, why Donelson & Armstrong are to- have this printing ? I ask again, and I receive no answer, why are they selected from all others to do this work ? What peculiar claim have they? A Voice. Why should they not have it ? Mr. Venable. Why should they have it They have no claims upon me that I know of. Tbey have held me up in common with those with whom I have acted as Southern fanatics co-operating with Northern Abolitionists ! They have de nounced us in the strongest terms which they were capable of using. They have no claims upon me, and I wish to let them know it. A course such as this journal has pursued can never create a claim upon the eonfidence of those who received their denunciations. What claims have they upon the Government? What claims have they more than any other printers? What more than Blair & Rives more than Boyd Hamilton, already execut ing a ruinous contract, struggling with the embar rassments arising out of that contract, and claiming this printing at our hands ? It is a job of practical printing, and practical printing alone ; but Boyd Hamilton is no editor, merely an humble laborer at the press. Then I should like to know and the question has not been answered from whence and how did this claim of Donelson & Armstrong originate ? Mr. Speaker, I have spoken plainly, because I think plainness and candor becoming and proper. I have, without resentment, given expression to the conviction of my understanding, and the feelings of my heart. I mean to act independently and with out any concealment of my views. The time when I had feelings of resentment has passed away. The assault upon the old line Republican State-Rights Democracy was, so far as I was concerned, fierce, but impotent. But the memory of events is not so easily obliterated. I believe that we are deeply res ponsible for the dissemination of unsound opinions more so, indeed, than for criminal acts. The one is a general and extensive evil ; the other lim ited in its effect, and disarmed by the deformity of the vice. I confess that my spirit chafed when I saw in a paper purporting to be the organ of the party to which, from my youth up, I had belong ed, denunciations of those, the gravamen of whoso offence was, that they concurred with Jefferson and the Republican fathers that ll ey adhered to the ancient Republican landmarks, and venerated al most to idolatry the Constitution. The selection j of the editors of that organ as the peculiar favorites ; ot this body is the exclusion ot all others the ex j tinction of any chance of competition ; a selection I which, to be just, must be founded upon acknowl j edged public service and extraordinary individual ; capabilities. No evidence of either has been furn ! ished, and I insist that so extensive and costly an operation be submitted to the ordinary competition i which the custom of the country has made law ; that the law requiring the printing to be let by contract to bidders be complied with, for it is unre pealed, and that our present printer at least have a bad contract, by a chance for a better one. Mr. Nabers. I shall take particular pleasure in paying a little attention to a few of the observa tions which have fallen from the lips of the distin guished gentleman from North Carolina, Mr. Venable. I am prepared, to some extent, to ap preciate his allusion to the Washington Union. And I am prepared, to a limited extent, to appre ciate the feelings of the gentleman, for he has, no doubt, felt the weight of that paper during the last summer and the last fall. Mr. Venable. If the gentleman will allow me, I will merely say, that I was elected by one thousand four hundred and forty majority of the voters in my district. Mr. Nabers. I will say to the gentleman, if that will give currency to a speech, I was elected by three thousand majority of the voters in my dis trict. But I am going to speak of the doc trines promulgated in the Washington Union, and before the people too. And by the by, without meaning the slightest disparagement to the gentleman from North Carolina, or his constituents, I willl say, that I was elected by a constituency equal in intel ligence with those of the gentlemen to whom I propose briefly, to reply. Now, I ask, what terri ble thing has Donelson & Armstrong done ? What breach of the law have they been guilty of, that they are to be condemned here, in connection with the resolution now under consideration ? Why, they have been teaching consolidation ! They have been teaching Federalism ! Now, I put it to gen tlemen upon this floor, have the editors of that pa per been engaged in teaclring Federalism, or con solidation ? or have they only departed from the gentleman's particular views of these things ? To be more explicit, have they departed from the text, ! or from the gentleman's commentary upon the text ? I wish to know that. While the gentle man charges upon that paper the inculcation of such sentiments as have fallen from his lips to-day, I desire to know if it may not be possible that he, too, might possible be mistaken with regard to the true and orthodox doctrines of the Democratic par ty ? Who are Donelson & Armstrong ? I never heard them charged as Consolidationists and Fed eralists until 1851. Never! Mr. Orr. I call the gentleman to order. Cries of " Go on !" " Go on !" Mr. Orr continued. I hope the gentleman will be allowed to proceed in discussing the resolution before the House ; but it seems to me this debate would be much more appropriate in Committee of the Whole on the State of the Union. A Member. Then let us go into Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union. The Speaker. The Chair was not disposed to arrest the gentleman from Mississippi Mr. Nabers in the course of his remarks ; but it certainly is not in order to discuss the subject proposed to be dis cussed by that gentleman. His remarks, in the opinion of the Chair, are irrelevant to the subject. Mr. Freeman. I move that the gentleman have liberty to proceed. Mr. McMullin. I ask the gentleman from Mis sissippi to give way in order for me to move an ad journment. Cries of " Oh no !" " Oh no !" Mr. McMullin. I desire to inquire of the Chair if this matter will not come up to-morrow again ? The Speaker. It will come up as unfinished bu siness. Mr. McMullin. Then I move that the House elo now adjourn. The motion was agreed to ; and The House adjourned till twelve o'clock to-morrow. COVrrpsc In the Senato, on January, ihe 30.1. , .I "? , P ana several bills Wrhw third reading. The Senate then ?Ie Passed Monday. ""Juurned i.uusb or KEPRESENTATIVEff. Th . . w"T ?fIot!? "Pf ot comni Zf(1e 4. Q a An. "'Wit wueowa 10 reports of com;,. unftL were presented, (in the Uape of Sffi 'M -- ..v,ulr uh me oiaie ot thpITni. o it It adjourned until Monday next ' " 5 afl In the Senate, on Monday Uie 2d, Mr P that he woold necessarily be absent from .J "A after to-morrow, and the time of his 8 uncertain, he therefore asked tob exen Jr0"'"' rr.gr on the select committee on the vJl '0. Yolee, claiming; to have been elected , ..." of Mt from Florida. He was excused. he W Mr. Miller presented petitions" from and dyers and others interested in thes iT l0fp3 asking; a more proper discrimination hi rs"i manufactured article and the raw materi i e made by the tariff of 1R46. ' tllan y Mr Stockton presented the joint resnln.i Legislature ofNewWr ,ii ST"nsofn. in favor of non-intervention. S 0Ssul, btl Rpsolutlons were also submitted from H.c New JerspJ of a con,rary cha gm he Slatecf intervpntinn n-ii ;nu 111 tdvnr.r intervention, whir.1, . Ir committp: reremto,he fdtor of same There is a knitting machine in operation in Philadelphia which knits three hundred and eighty stitches at each turn of a small crank, which crank may be easily turned by hand, from one hundred to one hundred and fifty revolutions per minute, making from forty to sixty thousand stitches per minute, or about three million per hour; Mr. S. addrpRSPrf tho Komia .. of the Wnited States to intervene in fevorr ?" "" He opposed any declaration lhat he'woufd erlv' fere, because the time was rapidly ,.,, 5 lrer. we would he compelled to do so. P achlnehe Mr. Miller said he would addresthe S the snhjpct came before the Senate on tl, e whei of the Senate from Rhode Island. isolations Mr. Hamlin presented the joint resol,,.; Leaislatiire of Mai np. nnnn lha Ninons of th. Mr. Donjrlas. from the Oommitw n , ' I lations. reported back the House bill f0, w2!! Re- F the American citizens latelv pardoned by ih n of Mr. Hunter called up the bill for the n the last installment of the Mexican indemSl""! of was passed. """J.andi! The Compromise resolution was thentaVon Mr McRae addressed the Senate in and concluded the remarks commenced bv hi Thursday last. J m M r. Badfferommenced a reply but had not coM' ded when the Senate adjourned. In the House, on the same day, a resolution passed instructine the Committee on Public Land enquire into the expediency of appropriate then!? lie lands in the Territory of Minesota for the benls of the University there. E' Mr. Fowler, of Mass., moved to suspend the rnk to enable him to introduce a resolution which wask fore the House on a former day, calling upon d President to transmit a statement of the" amount cf claims paid, who acted as asents.'and to whom mot eys had been paid. This resolution differed fromthe other, in calling; upon the President for information instead of the Secretary. The yeas and nayshavin, been taken on the motion to suspend the rules, i carried ayes 164, nays 9. On motion of Mr. Lockhart, of Indiana, an ametj. ment was agreed to, calling for additional evident; as to claims that have been allowed. A resolution was passed calling; upon the Pre;i. dent for information relative to any discussion its has taken place between the State Department as; the diplomatic agents of foreign powers, with ret rerce to Cuba. Mr. Daniel, of North Carolina, introduced ares: lntion calling for information as to the amount pajj for hiring public buildings in the District of Colore. t.: I i . .i i i - i -ii- . nia, ami mat uik cuiiiuiiiiee on puoiic ouuainas Sere quested to inquire into the expediency of purc!,asiro such buildings. Mr. Johnson, of Tenn., submitted a resolution pn viding for the amendment of the' Constitution, pvitj to the people a direct vote as to the Presidency and Vice Presidency, also making the term of office ot the Judges of the Supreme Court of the United States, ten years, which was referred to the committee on ite judiciary. A bill was introduced to establish a Public Prim ing office, and to provide a Superintendant of Public Printing, which was referred to the committee of the whole on the State of the Union. The House adjourned about a quarter past three o'olock. In the Senate, on Tuesday the 3d, reports werere ceived from the departments in relation to the militii of the United States ; to the instructions given to lb: board of commissioners on private land claims k California, and to the surveyor general of Oregonaru California , and in relation to the legislative acts c Oregon Territory. The compromise resolution was postponed uni! next Tuesday. The bill ior the improvement of naval disenfc was taken up, and, after debate, ordered to a third reading. The Senate resumed the consideration of the bi!! making a grant of lands to Iowa In aid of certain a roads in that State. Mr. Felch spoke at length in relation to the law question, but did not conclude. Mr. Cass gave notice that he should wish to-aw-row to call up the resolutions of Mr. Clarkp in re tion to the foreign policy of the United States. House of Representatives. The session offe Hon Re was devoted nominally to the considerati in Committee of the Whole, of the prepositinn u make land warrants, issued under the law ot Spt ber 28, 1850. assignable, though really to gfl speeches and explanations upon the position of tb political parties with -reference to the next presides' tial election, in which many gentlemen took part. The following extract of a letter, dated Paris, J"; uary 9th, (says the N. Y. Post,) gives an account the narrow escape of an American gentleman, known in this city, from the terrible massacre of 4th of December : ., , "The Rue Montmartre was crowded wiih pe looking on ; many were going into the Boulvar the sidewalks, and walking along with the sow al ;.! . .;Aa Kuinnr UDWarfl'1, thirty feet from side to side. I followed on i" soldiers and people, thinking there was no danger ' fat from the barricades. Every window and balcM was crowded to the top of the houses, . wnmen and ohilrlrpn. I continued to Walk OD U within sight of the first barricade. Suddenly a sing' gun was fired in the distance ; the soilders at on .t,ni ! -,,.; ..o inA nneneA a iremenaoi' thestde thesis fire, not only on the barricades, but, to our on the windows, balconies, and spectators on walks, for half a mile. Those who were on walks with myself, turned and ran for Ute- "My first impulse was, to bounce into sorne or window, but I found them all closed, wlln. shutters up and fastened. As I ran my "mPa," stumbled and fell one after another, until I ton"" - self running alone; bullets struck the nouse L -i .. i ' j moment's in nan ; lue musketry roareu wuiiuui a m , , , I . I. in 3 mission ; tne wnoie street appearea w w w . T .,l.l o T .kc0,.H the walSu marked with numerous lines like chalk marts, ; ed by the bullets fired at persons down ana ww many persons lell on their hands and knees, ' in endeavoring to get up, would fall again. close to the houses as possible, the bullets the windows and walls within a few inches me Manv nennln were stretched out on some of whom I had to leap over. My stren. gan to fail me, I was fearful I should not get o Rue Montmartre. I reached it, however, at'rJ. a: here a most horrid sight was before me. e:, the bead of the street, the walks, as well as tne were covered with well dressed persons, in pr r singly, stretched out with their feet towards diers, as if they fell while running ; they '?J ejjf .J V,r mils t,n t -.nH nflt a llVU'g' running there but myself. I made a"0"16'. ,) bod effort, jumping over and ronning between e j0j ies, till I came near a corner, which I ran rou ' jj, sunk down, out of breath and out of dang hat and clothes I found covered with P,at;' . Jl.' had been knocked off the houses by the bu i,; escape uninjured was most providential. morning I went over the ground to see vba had been done. The houses were hteraliy P with bullets. One double door which l "3" ' : i;.i., .u- i.n T r. .nnted nU7u ..t: let marks ! and on each window shutter troi fifteen holes, and in like manner for'.nenr nan .