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READ AND CIRCULATE!
Extracts from the remarks of Hon. C. J. Faulk ner, of Va delivered in (he House of Hepre senta'tives, August 2, 1852. The passage of the compromise acts by Congress in September, 1850, was far from terminating the straggle of the friends of the Union. It is true, some of those measures became by their passage final, and are by their nature irrepealable. But there was one, the. one to which 1 have before more particularly referred in which the South hnd a vital and pecu liar interest, which was subject to repeal at any time, and which, whether repealed or not, could be of little practical value to us unless sustained by a sound pub lic sentiment at the North, where it was to be execu ted. The' contest then, so far s the law was con cerned, was transferred from the Halls or Congress, to the direct tribunal of the people themselves. Open rebellion to the execution of the law was familiarly proclaimed its constitutionality vehemently denied. The pulpit, th press, county and corporation meet ings and legislative assemblies thundered their denun ciations against it, and proclaimed a warfare Tor its repeal, whilst ferocious mobs were invited and en couraged to resist its enforcement. Some idea may be formed of the frenzy which animated the oppo nents of this measure by quoting the sentiment ot a convention, which during that period assembled in Pennsylvania. It was there declared that "George Washington was as infamous and vile for signing the act of 1793 as Millard Fillmore is for signing the act of 1850; both were infamous; both laws were infamous." Never was there a period which more urgently demanded the active influence and patriotic .utinninfKvpr, son nri-thi nk inr man who possessed influence in the North to allay the spirit of open dis-j it ,l t- onnnroce tlio t rpn snnn h 1 e Projects of! CUMlCllh, OlIU iu ' . the enemies of the Union. Any man existing in that day, who was blessed with the power to give a sound direction to public sentiment, and who, from any pur poses of selfish and vaullingambition, withheld theex ercise of that power, was guilty of a flagrant derelic tion of duty, which the people of this country will never cease to remember to his injur'. In casting our eyes back to the fall of 1850 and 1851, we find the highest intellect and the nobles: patriotism of the North everywhere in motion, and eartest and unceasing in its appeals to resist the tide of fanatical resistance of that law, then sweep ing over the free Stales. President Fillmore, accom panied by a portion of his Cabinet, visited the States of Massachusetts and New Vurk, and sought by the weight of his high character, and by the exercise of all the legitimate influence at his command, to soften the excited prejudices of the people, and to turn their reflections into the current of public duty Henry Clay, from the capital of Kentucky, sent forth a warning voice to his friends at the North. Webster, roused by the magnitude of the danger, travelled from point to point, and brought the massive powers of his mighty intellect to maintain, uphold, and support the supremacy of the Constitution and laws. Pierce, Choate, Dal'as, Dickinson, Douglas, O'Connor, and a host of others, brought all the influence of their abilities and well-earned popularity to aid the triumph of the cause of Constitutional Union. As the course of Franklin Pierce is not so gener ally known at this period as that of his three more illustrious compeers, and as it is fit and proper that it should be better known, I will present from the columns of the National Intelligencer, of the 28th of November, 1850, a sketch of the sound and patriotic remarks made by him on the 20ih of that month, at a Union meeting held at Manchester, in New Hamp shire. The whole proceedings of the meeting cover near four columns of that paper. " Genebal Pierce's Speech. The President then introduced General Franklin Pierce, and that gallant gentleman was received with enthusiastic cheers. Disclaiming any purpose of making any thing like a regular address, he said he never before was so much under the influence of conflicting emotions. There i - . i r 1.1.. !... was mucn in ine appearance ui iub assr-iMuijr mm. filled his heart with joy ; and yet a feeling of sadness oppressed him when he cast his eyes over that vast, calm-resolved multitude, and remembered that they had gathered there to consider a question, which for twenty years, had never been raised in any public body in our country. That question was, not wheth er the Union should be perpetual, but whether there should be disunion. He was in the United States Senate when that word was heard for the first time on that floor, and never shall he forget the thrill of horor it sent through that body. A deep and solemn pause succeeded, and Senators shuddered as they slowly turned their eyes upon the bold author of the appalling suggestion. But he had lived to hear hisses while one of the sec retaries was reading resolutions in favor of the Union. This remark drew hisses, and Gen. Pierce proceed ed : 1 hey hiss again. Let the men who do it show themselves. Up rose two clergymen, the reverend Mr. Foes, and the reverend Mr. Davis. Here, then, said Gen. Pierce, we have two men who seek to des troy this Union. One cf them said :' No. Ifyou will let us explain, we will show you that we do not intend that. We are willing to meet the question, however, any way." General Pierce continued. You shall have your opportunity all in good time. Let the discussion come, and he that is defeated must go the wall, and yield the question. That is the way to manage such matters in a free country. There must be no breaking up of the country in cise of de feat. If we are precipitated into a war by fanaticism, we cannot conquer. Both sections of the country may be immolated. Neither could come out of the contest short of ruin. It was said that we of the North(could bring two men into the field for every one that the South could muster; but it would be found when the trial should come, that the man who now makes that boast would not be one of the two men who was to go forth to meet even the one man from the South. Great cheering.! -Gen. Pierce said the men, then in the hall, who had abandoned themselves to the infatuation of disunion sentiments, would prob ably live to regret and repent of their present course. In the coming days of decrepitude, when the infirm aries of age shall have crept upon them, they would gather their children around them, and confess how they were once betrayed into moral treason, and as a legacy, say to them: " Stand by your Union and stand by your Country !" He said he deemed it unnecessary to go into a formal argument in support of the Union. The resolution embraced all that could be said on that subject. When the comnrO' noise was first proposed in Congress, he had no doubt mat the Union would go down, unless the measures recommended were carried. The defeat of the first attempt overwhelmed him with apprehension, nnder- Bianaing mat tne compromise was intended to give the South a sense of greater security, for one of their rights than they felt they had for some time past pns-' scsscd. Who did not deplore slavery! But what sound thinking mind regarded that as the only evil that could rest upon the iand ! The men that -would dissolve the Union, did not hate or deplore slavery more than he did ; but even with it we have lived in peace, prosperity and security from the foundation of our institutions to the present time. If the Consti tution provided for the return of fugitive-slaves, it should be done. That wai what he wanted to do ; that was what our fathers agreed we should do ; and that was what the friends of the Union established by them wanted to do. Hisses. These, said Gen. Pierce, are the arguments of the " higher law," I suppose. These provokers of disunion claimed to be men of humanity. They were the men who were always preaching against war. Yet how was peaceable dis solution of the Union to be accomplished ? If one portion of the States could secede itliout violence, how long would peace continue ? The slaves would escape; their owners would pursue them. If the slaves were protected in the free States, the owners would pursue with armed forces. Troops would be raised to resist them ; battalions would be added to battalions on each side, and the free States would he the battle-ground where such armies would be found engaged beyond what Napoleon ever saw on the most terrific of his bloody battle-fields. It was the fear of such dreadful consequences that caused such a revolution of feeling throughout the Union when tne original compromise project failed. The eyes of iiunoii were uieueu 10 me magnitude of the dan ger. Even those who opposed it in Congress felt they were standing on the brink of a precipice. There seemed to be no step between disunion and a faithful adherence to the compact of the Union. He knew that was the feeling, Members of Congress had con fessed it. The resort to disunion as an einerimani get rid of a political evi! would be about as wise man were to think of remedying a broken arm - . hrs bead off. The daneer which would would nn d Llh-comPromi8e had not been passed, u ,ney were defeated by the actien of the opponents of those measures. They were fair- . . . -rl . . r .i r..Eiiinlinn. nnri war a to ly within tne scope oi me v,ho.i -:- - be obeyed with tne same fidelity as that sacred instru ment itself, which all good citizens must and . would stand by while a plank remained. Happily, through the lowering clouds of the passing storm he white cliffs of concession were in sight, and the joyful cry -t ri: i ia Aiffrna unions I vc.i -.1. . t ..j firir pner rrv. which created and maintained a lively sensation during the whole of his eloquent and uncompromising speech. Who, upon a perusal of this speech-the general accuracy and truthfulness of which cannot be que.-tiond-delivered on the 20th of November, 1850, ind reported in the National Intelligencer or .the 28 th, cm fail to see in it the roost conclusive refutation of ihe misrepresentation recently propagated of his opin ions by a few abolition journals of the North 1 his speech alone, covering as it does, all the ground em braced in that labricated report, is sufficient, apart from the mass of overwhelming testimony bearing upon that point, to consign the infamous slander to the contempt of every fair and honorable mind. It 1 were a bitter opponent of Franklin Pierce. I would feel it due to the truth of history due to his consis tent record in support of southern institutions de manded of me as a southern man, to trample under foot the vile and infamaus falsehood! Sir, the men of the North, who were engaged in this patriotic struggle to save the Union, were well aware that they were opposing themselves to a torrent that might, at least temporarily, overwhelm them. But they freely elected, for the sake of their country, to make, if necessary, a sacrifice of themselves. VVeb ster, the most powerful man which the walls of Bos ton ever encompassed, was, for his course upen this question, excluded with ignommy and insult from Faneuil Hall, a place which he had so often illustrat ed and adorned by his eloquence. President Fillmore, in a speech which he male at Fredericksburg, Vir ginia, in June, 1851, and to which I had the pleasure of listening, truly said : ... , . When I look back to the crisis through which we have passed, I feel that there was danger that the days of the Union were numbered. I determined then, if necessary, to sacrifice every political prospect I had in the world, and life itself to save the country." And now it may not be uninteresting to inquire how Mr. Seward was employed during this period 1 We have facts before us resting upon mere newspaper ru mors to which I will not advert. But here are a few extracts from a letter addressed by him in reply to a convention in Boston, called for the purpose of pro testing against the fugitive-slave law : " " Auburn, April 5, 1851. TWin Sm: Your letter inviting- mo to attend a con vention of the people of Massachusetts opposed to the fugitive-slave law, and to communicate in writing my opinion on that statute, if I should be unable to attend the convention, has been received. It would be an honor to be invited to address the people of Massachusetts on any subject, but it might well satisfy a generous ambition to be called upon to speak to that great and enlightened Commonwealth on a question of human rights and civil liberty. I confess, sir, that I have earnestly desired not to mingle in the popular discussions of the measures of the last Congress. 1 am unwilling even to seem to imply by reiterating arguments already before the piblic, either any dis trust of the position of those with whom I stood io Congress, or impatience for that favorable popular ver dict which I believe to be near, and know to be ulti mately certain. Nevertheless there can be no impropriety in my declaring, when thus questioned, the opinions which will govern my vote upon any occasion when the fugitive-slave law shall come up for review in the Na tional Legislature. I think the act signally unwise, because it is an attempt by a purely federative Gov ernment to extend the economy of slave States through out States which repudiate slavery as a moral, social, and political evil. Any despotic Government would awaken sedition from its profoundest slumbers by such an attempt. The attempt by the Government has aroused coti slitulinnal resistance which will not cease until the ef fort shall be relinquished. He who teaches another faith than this, whether self-deceived or not, mis leads." Whilst Seward and his Abolition allies were thus employed in fomenting resistance to the execution of this law, the Democracy ot uoston were noiiaie; but from the walls of old Faneuil Hall they issued a declaration of their constitutional principles iri the fol lowing terms : " Resolved. That the lesislative enforcement of the second section of the fourth article of the United States Constitution, which expressly requires that fugitives from labor 6hall be delivered up to the party to whom such labor shall be due, is one of the vital conditions of the compromise, and was introduced, carried, and will be sustained by the Democracy of the United States." Again, sir, during all ih'u period, from the passage of the compromise acts in the month ot bepleinber,loaO, where was Winfield Scott? It is well known that he has for many years' possessed many friends, and exercised considerable influence in the North. The exclusive northern and sectional vote which he re ceived in the several Whig Conventions of 1840-'44, and '48, manifested very distinctly that there was a large class of persons in that section upon whosecon duct his opinions would have fallen with influence and power. Where do we find his voice in all this tu mult, to still the agitated waves, and to proclaim peace toa distracted country ? Amidst all the letters which were written to the numerous Union meetings of the North by public men who were unable personally to attend, we look in vain for one single line from that distinguished source. Was no letter of invitation sent to hirn from the great Castle Garden meeting, of No vember, 1850, none from Boston, New York, Phila delphia Concord oi Manchester? Mr. Schoonmaker. Surely the gentleman from Virginia must be aware that Gen. Scott made a speech at the Castle Garden meeting in New York. Air. Faulkner.- The occasion to which the gentle man from New York refers was in February, 1850, several months before the passage of the compromise acts. I am examining the course of Gen. Scott sinci the passage of those measures. Mr. Schoonmaker. I think his speech was since the compromise acts were passed. Mr. Faulkner. Certainly not. Mr. Stephens, of Georgia. The gentleman from Virginia is correct in his fact. The Castle Garden meeting, at which Gen. Scott made some remarks, occurred on the 25ih of February. Mr. Faulkner. Sir, was Gen. Scott favored with no opportunity of declaring his sentiments, and of throwing the weight of his illustrious name in behalf of the Union, at this most critical and perilous crisis in Its destiny It seems to me that he ought to have sought the opportunity, if one did not present itself. Looking to a great and imperishable fame, such as Fillmore and Webster, by their efforts upon that oc casion, have acquired, and elevating himself far above every selfish object of human ambition, he should have volunteered a rebuke to that wild and mischiev ous spirit of anarchy which bid fair to shake to its foundations the very pillars of our Constitution. It was the remark of the celebrated Fox, that ignorance in a statesman is crime, and there are occasions in public affairs when silence in a statesman is crime. The period succeeding the passage o( the compromise acts was one of these occasions. During all this pe riod, the only letter that emanated from the pen of Winfield Scott, so far as I am advised on public af fairs, was the following : Washington, March 26, 1851. Sir : I have received your letter, (marked " confi dential,") in which, after committing the error of ejp posing me to be " fully before the country as the Whig candidate for the Presidency," you proceed to interrogate me on many points of grave public inte rest. Perm! me to say, that considering we shall proba bly only have a Whig candidate for the Presidency through a National Convention, and that I cannot be its nominee except by the force of the unsolicited partiality of large masses of my countrymen ; Considering, also, that if my character or princi ples be not already known, it would now be idle to attempt to supply the deficient information by mere paper professions of wisdom and virtue' made for the occasion ; And considering, that if 1 answer your queries, I must go on and answer others already before tne, as well as the long series that would inevitably follow, to the disgust ot the public; I will beg permission to close this acknowledge ment of your letter by subscribing myself, With great respect, yourobd't serv't, WINFIELD SCOTT. , Esq., Harrisburg, Penn. Bet General Scott did n,ot merely sin by his refu sal to answer be sinned toa much deeper extent by the direct countenance which his silence and acqui escence gave to -those who arrayed themselves in hostility to the compromise policy. And this leads me to advert to some incidents in the proceedings of the two great parties of the coun try in the States of New York, Pennsylvania, and Ohio subsequent to the passage of the compromise acts. I select these three States, because it would consume too much time to review the action of all the northern States ; second, because these three con stitute the leading and controlling States of the North, and by their power and influence give a tone and di rection to public sentiment in that section ; and last ly, because of their especial connection in bringing before the nation the name of Winfield Scott for the Presidency. On the 10th day of September, 1850, immediately subsequent to the passage of the compromise meas ures, and whilst the compromise Congress was still in session, the democratic State Convention of New York assembled at Syracuse. From that convention a cheering voice issued, congratulating the country upon the recent settlement by Congress of the ques tions which had unhappily divided the people of these States," and deprecating all sectional agitation at the North or South, calculated to impair its sacred obliga tions, or to threaten its perpetuity. On the 26th of September, 1850, (Congress still in session.) the Whig State Convention of New York assembled likewise at Syracuse. rom this Convention no voice issued approving the compro misenone deprecating further agitation of sectional issues but on the contrary, resolutions were adopted virtually repudialing the compromise, and declaring it to be the solemn duty of Congress, notwithstand ing the perilous crisis through which we had just passed, " to extend the anti-slavery ordinance over Utah and New Mexico, on the first indication that slavery was likely to be introduced into those Terri tories." Thus opening afresh the bleeding wounds of the country, and kindling with renewed frenzy the fire of sectional agitation and strife. The Whigs of New York did not stop here, but they passed"the most marked resolution, tendering the warmest thanks of the convention to William H. Seward, distinguished as the course of that gentle man eminently was, by hostility to the compromise, and more especially to the fugitive slave law. It is true, some thirty members of the convention seceded from this body, upon the ground, as they declarsd in their address, " that the design of the Convention was to convert the Whig parly of this State into an abo Htinn n;irtv. nr rather to destroy the Whig party, and to build up an Abolition party upon its ruins;" and yet even these seceders, at a subsequent convention, held at Utica, ratified all the nominations made by the Syracuse Convention, and amongst others, the nomination of Washington Hunt as the candidate for the office of Governor, who had previously publicly declared, in a letter addressed by him to the Presi dent of the seceding Convention, that he deplored the passage of the fugitive slave law in its present form, and he expressed himself in favor of such modifica tions of it as must have deprived it otall value to the South. . In this Syracuse Convention no recommendation was made for a candidate for the Presidency. It oc curred too shortly after the approval by Mr. Fillmore of the fugitive slave law to justify any such formal action. But it is a fact, asserted upon this floor, and not denied, that immediately after the approval by Mr. Fillmore of the fugitive slave law, the name of Gen. Scott as a candidate for the Presidency was placed at the head of every paper in New York under the influence of Mr. Seward- Time had not yet been given to put the machinery in motion which was des tined to impair the confidence of the people of New York in one, a native and resident of the State whose elevated and patriotic character was known to them, and upon whom they had so recently cast their votes for the second office in the gift of the people, and who, by the death of Gen. Taylor, had now suc ceeded to the first. The most decisive blow that these political managers could at that early period venture upon, was to express their distinguished confidence in Win. H. Seward the man who stood before the State the avowed antagonist of Mr. Fillmore who condemned without ressrve his whole policy, and who was then preparing to marshal his well-drilled forces to overwhelm and crush him in the North. The Whig party might have been nationalized ; it might have been made powerful. Had the compro mise resolution been adopted under circumstances to give satisfactory assurances of its sincerity; had the distinguished representative of the principles em bodied in that resolution been triumphantly placed upon its pedestal ; and had the northern Whins ral lied to his support at the polls in a manner to testify that they had the hearts to honor and support a man who had the firmness to maintain the constitutional rights of the South, then indeed a confidence might have been inspired in their patriotism and fraternal sympathies that would in some measure have atoned for years ot hostility and warfare upon our institu tions. But the opportunity is past : the nationality of the Whig party is gone ; sectionalism roust forev er predominate in its present organization. Scott may succeed. He may become President. But success or defeat will now be alike fatal to it. Its inevitable destiny is to have its northern wing herealter absorb ed in this great Abolition Free-Soil party of that sec tion. It is, then, manifest that, with my views of Gene ral Scott's position iu the present canvass, he cannot receive my support. Shall I be neutral in this con test? No, sir; that isalike inconsistent with my sense of duty. Franklin Pierce stands before this nation, in this contest, the representative of that conservative com promise policy, which 1 was sent here to support, and upon whose inflexible maintenance depend the peace and tranquility of this Union. No roan who looks to his past course, or to the influences to which he must be indebted for this election, can feel the slightest emotion of apprehension for its disturbance while he occupies the executive chair. I have alrea dy shown you that, with the first burst of sectional agitation and tumult at the North, in the fall of 1850, he repaired to the post of duty, and before a large as semblage of his countrymen threw the full weight of his high character, of his unbounded personal popu larity, of his great and acknowledged abilities, into the scale of the Union. His presence there upon such an occasion, and under such circumstances, was an evidence of his patriotism. His remarks manifest a just appreciation of the importance of that crisis, and of the necessity and justice of recognizing the constitutional rights of the South. Since that day, every act of which we have any record, every remark which in any authentic form has reached the public eye, every letter which bears his signature, breathes the same anxious and profound interest in the main tenance of that conservative policy. And in his let ter of acceptance, which contains the last declara tion of his viuVt S, he sneaks with the frankness of a soldier and with the fullness of a patriot, who esti mates the vast influence which this question must ex ercise over the destinies of the Republic: " I accept the nomination upon the platform adop ted by the Convention, not because this is expected of me as a candidate, but because the principles it em braces command Ihe approbation of my judgment, and with them I -believe 1 can safely nay, there has BEEN NO WORD NOR ACT OF MY LIFE IN CONFLICT." My first acquaintance with General Pierce dates back to August, 1833. Since that time I have been a close observer of .his public career. Time does not enable me now, to go into an examination of his course. But I do not fear contradiction when I as sert, that the record of no northern statesman exhibits a more uniform and consistent respect for the consti tutional rights of the South than hie nor can one be shown manifesting more true loyalty to all the objects and purposes for which this great Union was formed. It will give me pleasure. Sir, to record my vote for him. THE STANDARD. PIERCE, KING AND VICTORY! The following is from " Revenge" a new novel by the author of the " Smiling Axe " and " The San guinary Crow Bar" : " His eyes were ript from their sockets, and melt ed lead poured in and the fiend yelled again "Ha ! Hell's furies ! wretch ! fiend ! demon ! blood 1 daggers! frenzy ! parricide ! fratricide ! mat ricide ! suieide ! murder ! villain ! pirate ! robber ! rascal ! scoundrel ! Revenge ! ! Ha ! ha ! he ! he ! ho ! ho ! oh ! oh ! o o o !!!!!!!! " . and he died." Well, I guess he did. Boston PosU From information derived from the interior of the State, we learn that Seward's candidate for the pres idency is quite unpopular with many heretofore staid whigs. They are heartily sick of abolitionism, and therefore favor the election of Pierce and King. That is right. Louisville Democrat. RALEIGH, WEDNESDAY, SEPT. 1, 1852. " No North, no South, no East, no West, under the Constitution but a sacred maintenance of the com mon bond and true devotion to the common brotherhood." Frajtihih Pierce. FOR PRESIDENT: GEN. FRANKLIN PIERCE, OF NEW HAMPSHIRE. FOR VICE PRESIDENT : WILLIAM R. KING, OF ALABAMA. Democratic Republican Electors. For the State at lar2e, JAMES C. DOBBIN. First Distrift, WILLIAM H. THOMAS, Sixth District, L. O'B. BRANCH. Seventh District, SAMUEL J. PERSON. Ninth District, THOMAS BRAGG. Resolved, That Congress has no power under the constitution to interfere with or control the domestic institutions of the several States, and that such States are the sole and proper iudsres of everything apper taining to their own affairs, not prohibited by the constitution : that all efforts of the abolitionists or others made to induce Congress to interfere with questions of slavery, or to take incipient steps in re lation thereto, are calculated to lead to the most alarm- intr and danrerous consequences ; and that all such efforts have an inevitable tendency to diminish the happiness of the people, and endanger the stability and permanency of the Union, and ought not to be coun tenanced by any friend of our political institutions. Resolved, That the foregoing proposition covers and was intended to embrace the whole subject of slavery agitation in Congress, and therefore the Dem ocratic party of the Union, star ding upon this na tional platform, will abide by and adhere to a faith ful execution of the acts known as the compromise measures, settled by the last Congress the act for the reclaiming of fugitives from service or labor in cluded which act, being designed to carry out an express provision of the Constitution, cannot, with fidelity thereto, be repealed or so changed as to de stroy or impair its efficiency. Resolved, that the Democratic party will resist all ttempts at renewing in Congress or out of it. the agitation of the Slavery question, under whatever shape or color the the attempt may be made. Resolutions Democratic National Conv. 1852. "I accept the nomination upon the platform adop ted by the Convention, not because this is expected of me as a candidate, but because the principles it embraces command the approbation of my judgment ; and with them I believe I can safely say there has been no word nor act of my life in conflict. Franklin Pierce. "I am persuaded that it is a high moral obligation of masters and slavehotding states to employ all means, not incompatible with the safety of both col ors, to meliorate Slavery, even to extermination. " Winfield Scott. " No interference by Congress with the existence of Slavery in any slave State, but a firm and vigi lant resistance to its legalization in any National Territory, or the acquisition of any foreign Territory wherein Slavery may exist. A perpetual protest against the hunting of fugitive slaves in the free States as an irresistable cause of agitation, ill feeling and alienation between the North and the South. A firm, earnest, inflexible testimony, in common with the whole non-slaveholding Christian world, that hu man Slavery, though legally protected, is morally wrong and ought to be speedily terminated. " Horace Greely, June 25, 1852. "You insist that you cannot submit to the freedom with which Slavery is discussed in the free States. Will war a war for Slavery arrest, or even moder ate that discussion ? No, Sir ; that discussion will not cease war would only inflame it to a greater height. It is part of the eternal conflict between truth and error between mind and physical force the con flict of man against the obstacles which oppose his way to an ultimate and glorious destiny. It will go on until you shall terminate it in the only way in which any State or nation has ever terminated it by yielding to it yielding in your own time, and in your own manner, indeed, but nevertheless yielding to the progress of emancipation." VVm. H. Seward, 1850. Letter from Gen. Franklin Pierce to Maj. Lally. "Tremont House, Boston, May 27, 1852. I intended to speak to you more fully upon the sub ject of the compromise measures than I had an oppor tunity to do. The importance of the action of the convention upon this question cannot be over-estimated. 1 believe there will be no disposition on the part of the South to press resolutions unnecessarily offensive to the sentiments of the North. But can we say as much on our side ? Will the North come heerfully up to the mark of constitutional right? If not, a d reach in our party is inevitable. The matter should be met at the threshold, because it rises above party, and looks to the very existence of the confede racy. The sentiment of no one State is to be regard ed upon this subject; but having fought the battle in New Hampshire upon the fugitive-slave law, and up on what we believed to be the ground of constitution al right, we should of course desire the approval of the democracy of the country. What I wish tc say to you is this : If the compro mise measures are not to be substantially and firmly maintained, the plain rights secured by the constitu tion will be trampled in the dust. What difference can it make to you or me whether the outrage shall seem to fall on South Carolina, or Maine, or New Hampshire ? Are not the rights of each equally dear to us all ? I will never yield to a craven spirit that, from considerations of policy, which would endanger the Union. Entertaining these yjews, the action of !h. convention must be vital. If we of the Noriii Y?ho have stood by the constitutional rights of the South are to be abandoned to any time-serving policy, the hopes of democracy and of the Union must sink to gether. As I told you, my name will not be before the convention ; but I cannot help feeling that what is there to be done will be important beyond men and parties transcendency important to the hopes of democratic progress aud civil liberty. Your friend, FRANK. PIERCE." g&r We regret that our duties are of such a character as to prevent our attendance at the Golds borough Mass Meeting. We anticipate a large gathering, boundless hospitality on the part of the people of Wayne, much good speaking, and the most cheering and gratifying results, from all taken together, for the Democracy. The assemblage is in honor of a native son of the State, Willtam R. King one of the soundest and purest of our pub lic men. The Democracy of North Carolina take pleasure in promoting and honoring such a man. The Wilmington Journal says: "Stephens, of Georgia, came through here last week, and scared some of Scott's friends bad, by giving as his opin ion, that Scott was not certain of more than one State Vermont and was bound to be the most badly beaten of any man that ever was started' for the-Presidency. Stephens has always been looked upon as a very close calculator of political chances." DEMOCRATIC REJOICINGS. On Friday night last a portion of the Democrats of this City and vicinity spontaneously assembled on Fayetteville Etreet, and marched with music to the Governor's residence, to welcome him home and congratulate him on his late brilliant triumph Gen. Singeltary and Mr. George Ruffin acted s& Marshals ; and on arriving at the Government House, after nine hearty cheers for the Governor, Gen. Saunders, on behalf of the assemblage, addressed the Governor and tendered to him their IMPORTANT TESTIMONY pp... The following Card from James Lyons V ' Richmond, Va., to the Boston- Post, wl much attention throughout the country "Revere House, August 21 . Messrs. Editors : I perceive thaTin J ' 185a in your paper this morning, the names of ,hmera,ine. Hit? 1 "P?H P'at0rra ,a9t night at PtRlne: Hall, I am described as Judge Lyonr v aneu'l should be thought that I am conniv St" '- lest " mistake which gives mo a title that I hi lnnCent to, that I am not a iudfre. hut aVe n ripht the bar. I was honored wi.f, , a n,ember r congratulations on the result of the recent election, j form, as a mere spectator bv thV- T011 the plat- ana ineir Dest wisnes ior ms personal napptness. icwueui aim committee ot the granite I k he The address was in excellent taste, and was delivered I iSi 'hat 1 W,as a Verv highly j' 1 Governor Rcid could not see and hear all that V??n in tlle South r- .... ... . av and L- . u by Gen. S. with evident emotion. replied at some length grateful for this mark of respect on the part of the Democrats of Wake County. lie had endeavored, as the Executive of the State, to perform his duties in a just and acceptable manner ; and it could not be otherwise than gratifying to him to receive, as he had done, the approbation of the people of the State at the polls. He trusted he knew no other motive, in the discharge of his duties, than the good of his constituents and the permanent welfare of the whole State. The late triumph was, indeed, a glorious one ; but it was not his triumph it was the triumph of sound and correct principles, of which he happened to be only the organ and ex pounder. He owed his success to his friends, in all portions of the State, who had sustained him in in a manner which commanded his most hearty thanks, and which would never be forgotten by him. All that he could claim for himself was, that he had endeavored to lay before the people, in a clear and candid way, the principles which he held. These principles were not the growth of a day or of a year ; they dated back from the commence ment of his public life, and time but confirmed, in his judgment, their soundness and adaptation to the wants of the country. He said the recent vote of the people of the State was enough, of it self, to satisfy an ordinary ambition ; he was con tent he was proud of the signal approbation of his course which he had received at the people's hands ; and though he did not expect to be again a candidate for any office, he trusted he would never forget the people, who had honored him far beyond his merits, nor popular rights, to the asser tion and vindication of which so much of his pub lic life had been devoted. He alluded also to the importance of the existing struggle for the Presi dency, and urged the Democrats present to perse vere in the noble, national cause of Pierce and King. Gov. Reid concluded by again returning his thanks to the assemblage, and by inviting them in to the Executive mansion. They entered, of course, and were most cordially received by the Governor. Refreshments were set before them, to which they did ample justice ; after which they marched back to the Court-House, where they adjourned with nine hearty cheers. Cheers, loud and long, were also given opposite the residence of Mrs. Henry, for the Democratic ladies of Raleigh ; and nine cheers at the Government House to the Governor. The transparency at the head of the procession bore this inscription : On one side, " Welcome Home ! REID, Free Suffrage, Victory 5,800 major ity." And on the other, " PIERCE and KING, the People's Candidates." This demonstration, though suddenly gotten up, was in every respect worthy of the Democracy and of its honored and distinguished object. THE LEGISLATURE. It will be seen, by the Proclamation of Governor Reid in our columns to-day, that the Legislature of this State will assemble in this City on the 4th day of October next. This is the first called session, we believe, which we have ever had in this State ; and it has been rendered necessary by the pending Presidential elec tion, the State having lost, by the Census of 1850, one Electoral vote. One of the first acts of the Assembly will no doubt be an act in relation to the Electoral Districts. We presume the Assembly will not adjourn to meet again in November, but will go regularly for ward until it completes all the public business. We may expect rather a longer session than usual, as the Assembly, in addition to its ordinary work, will be called upon to lay off the Senatorial Dis tricts, re-apportion the members of the House of Commons, and reorganize the Congressional Dis tricts. MR. GRAHAM. This gentleman the nominee of the Scott-Sew ard Whigs for the Vice Presidency has addressed a letter to Thomas Loring, Esq., of the Wilming ton Commercial, requesting him not to continue the use of his name for the Vice Presidency in con nexion with that of Mr. Webster for the Presi dency. Mr. Graham takes occasion, in this letter, to cer tify to Gen. Scott's soundness on the " compromise" measures. We shall lay this letter before our readers' i? our next, witn some comments tnereupon. we shall also, in reply to inquiries from other States, produce the proof from the record that Mr. Gra ham voted in 1834, while a member of our State Assembly, against giving to the people the right to elect their Governor ! fill a.nd heard" . i E r ml 111 . lie saia lie was deeply "".' ,dSl n,gn, anc at the am, " c?ra m - - HI BKnmni.k . I . r- IllPPtln .....ouivUSU , "icj wouia then feel i as I now do. that the democratic partv of v Sure. land is as sound upon the compromise -W the constitutional rights of the Souih as6' 0n' ini self, and that the Union is safe in it t le.bo"h it. friend, Mr. Reid, who was with mfi j My disclaim also for him the title ascribed i . 68 is like myself, a member of the bar. ' x our ooedient servant, To ihe Boston Post. JAMES LVo-VS. The Washington Union, in introdud tp its readers, says " We would te io as he Id invite the attpm; the following letter which we find in the R 'ea4er3 10 Mr. Lyons is known throughout the South long occupied a leading position at the Richmond'138 and for many years he has been one of "he m?.? W; merit, distinguished, and influential raember, PfT whig party in Vigmia. He was the chTZl rlhe whig central committee, and the head I of Z f,1,e ganization of the State. f lhe whlgor- Mr. Lyons was born near I?;ni,mj ... been a resident of that nit u'?oa ""loi .-.u -V wen time there ; and soon after the Whi Bal'S Jhis vention, Tie resigned his position as chairman 0fr central committee because he could not J .?.: ,' lle dangerous men who had obtained control of . 1 . e party. Now he gives his unprejudiced test i 5 favor of the democracy. It f,.'iTt.u.?I' of whig leaders in the South to denonnce CwhS" North as unsound nn the mioati r nol be trusted with the constitutional rights of ihe So! They have been unable to defend the position of ,h allies in the North, and they haveexcdJELt'' to the southern people by affirming that both . m at the North were tainted with abolitionism 't charged the southern dernocrats with misleading the South by holding that the northern democrat worthy of confidence. Mr. Lyons has taken ih! coarse to obtain correct infnrmnti u L e among the people of the North. He has seenS! northern democrats at their homes and in tlieirprima ry meetings, and has heard them express their semi" ments and give utterance to their feelings and purno . -. V j V- "is nooppor. tunity to deceive him. His prejudices and Drecon. ceived ideas were of course unfavorable to the north ern democracy ; yet he has been satisfied of its narj". otic position, and with honorable frankness announ' ces the fact to the people of the South, who will not fail to listen to his words." Let it be known everywhere that James Lyons, a leading Virginia Whig, has been among the De mocracy of the free States, and declares, as the re sult of his own personal observation,." that ihe De mocratic party of New England is as sound up tlie compromise question and the Constitutional rights of the South, as the South itself and tU the Union is safe in its keeping." What will tie Scott papers of tt is State say to this ? Will tk abuse Mr. Lyons, one of their own, parly, for utter- inp; the truth ? The Fishery Trouble Settled. The Editor of the New York Express has been shown a letter from a prominent American gentleman in London to his correspondent in New York, in which he states that he has just had an interview with the American Minister, who assured him that the British Minister has sent instructions to the colonies that will at once silence and allay apprehensions of difficulty in relation to the fishery question. Dr. W. J. Blow. We were in error in stating that this gentleman voted at the late election for Go-. Reid. He writes us fron) Greenville, under date August 23d, as follows : did not vote for Gov. Reid at the late election. You will please make the correction. " A Democrat who has just returned to New Orl eans from California, " with a pocket full of rocks " probably, offers to bet $100 that Gen. Pierce will be elected, and $100 on each of the 31 States- making $3,200 in the whole. MR. FAULKNER'S SPEECH. We invite the attention of our readers to tie extracts which we publish to-day, from the speh of Mr. Faulkner, of Virginia. Mr. Faulkner is a Whig, but he cannot sn.por: the Seward candidate. He has produced from tic record the clearest proof that Gen. Scott i iw preferred candidate of Seward ; that he has fee breught forward almost exclusively by the cnon;;? of the " compromise" ; that Messrs. Fillmore al Webster have been sacrificed by the "Whig pan; on account of their devotion to the " compromi: and that the election of Scott will, in all probatory- lead to a renewal of the Slavery agitation, ar.'i the calamitous consequences which must fo!. in the train of that agitation. Mr. Faulkner also bears testimony to the so", ness on the Slavery question of Gen. Pierce, t! says he will vote for him in preference to So ". Remember that Mr. Faulkner is a Whig. FOUR THOUSAND DOLLARS .' We have been requested by a gentleim: Warren County to offer the following propo He proposes to bet $1,000 that Gen. Scott be elected $1,000 that North Carolina wih vote for him $1,000 that he will not g't U-'- States and $1,000 that seven Statss caan: named that he will get ; the bets to be tak J together as one bet. We do not approve of betting, biu then vi" thought proper to announce this, by request 1 sons who mav feel disposed to take this Ixv have further information by applying to use: in person or by letter. Political Meeting. We learn that Nereis!'' a mass-meeting at EndelJ, on Friday, ine September next. Several gentlemen of our own have taken up the line of march .on an electionee.. tramp for Scott. There are also gentlemen i Georgia, Tennessee and Virginia, coming occasion, to teach North Carolinians their at-. political matters. Much obliged to them, v'aey don't want office, " nsr nothin." Wilmington Gommcr TJV,w it AA Inrtnn tliflt the Whig " . ..,-. pointed their Mass Meeting at Enfield on tw clay ot trie .Mass Meeting at uoiusuui this fair? Was it just to the opposite i- Does it not show that the Scott leaders -l .i i j.i ,1 Trc Wfm? m " , , , ;q ta K'3'Ti Whigs away ? But we are not surpns Such conduct is altogether worthy Seward managers. ,ed at ; of the : of tl1"- We learn that the Scott Mectm? City on Friday night last, was a failure- were but few very few grown men pre-: scarcely the usual number of boys, enthusiasm " certainly manifests itself a in spots : some ot tne ocouues thiininatio wliiln the preater portion nAifre on i annnront.1v unacmiainted run of politics. We wonder if these la that Reid is elected ? It is stated in the Boston Transcript of evening, that John P. Hale has nation of the free-soil convention at ljt candidate of that party for President