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I • ■ ** ERROR CEASES TO BE DANmCRnim oubm ^ir^rrr-T:- ■ “UUB> WHEN SEASON IS I.KFT FREE TO COMBAT IT. I VOL. II. CHARLOTTESVILLE, VIRGINIA, FRIDAY, JULY 24, 1829. MO 52. Published every Friday BY F. CAK.lt &, CO.’ EDITORS SJJVD PROPRIRTORS. AT THREE DOLLARS PER ANNUM PAYABLE IN ADVANCE. MARTl.Y A. DA HSO.Y CO. Printer*. No subscription will be received for less than twelve Months, or be discontinued, but at the discretion 'paid18 U"U al* arrca,M«* shall have been TERMS OF ADVERTISING.—One square or less Three insertions §1—each continuance, *2.r» cents_The number ut insertions must be noted on the Ms or ml yertiseinents will be inserted, and charged are*,Zing ly. Chancery orders, not exceeding two soi'-.res will be published lor Five Dollars. B 1 ’ "tended ,“.E',ilure“,u-‘b« P”«‘ -r U.ey CHARLOTTESVILLE. WEDNESDAY, JULY 22, 1899. THE UNION. ~ Correspondence between John Quincy Att ains, Esquire, President of the. United States, and Several Citizens of Massa chusetts, concerning the Charge of a De sign to Dissolve the Union allcdgetl to have existed in that State. [concluded.] *v e repeal 11, the supreme law, in a free state is its own will, and consequently, a niong such a people, the highest power does not necessarily belong to him who is clothed with office, but to him who does most, in whatever sphere, to guide and de termine the public mind. Office is a se condary influence, and indeed its most en viable distinction consists in the opportu nity which it aflbrds for swaying the opin ions and purposes of the coimnuniiv. The nominal legislator is not always the real one. He is often the organ of superior minds, and, it the people he truly free, hi* chief function is, to give form and effi ciency to the general will. Even in mon archies where a free press is enjoyed, the power passes more and more from the public functionary to the master spirits who frame the nation’s mind.—Thus ‘he pen of Burke rivalled tlie sceptre of his sovereign. 1 he progress of freedom and of society is marked by this fact, that offi cia gives 'dace to personal, intellectual, a I n;‘oral dignity. It is a bad omen, ••ere office is thought the supreme good, and where the people sees in the public functionaries not an organ of its own will, but a superior being, on whom its peace and happiness depend. We mean not to deny the necessity of oflice. We know that the President fills an important place. We know that the community has an interest in his integrity and wisdom, and that is disgraced and in jured by placing an incompetent or un principled man in the most conspicuous station. To the President are confided important functions as can he discharged only by one or two individuals in the coun try, not as ought to make lum an object or idolatry or dread, not such as should draw to him any extraordinary homage, not such as should justify intense desire in the candidate, or intense excitement in the people. Under institutions really free, no office can exist which deserves the strug gles ol ambition. Did our constitution create such an office, it would prove its authors to have been blind or false to their country’s dignity and rights. But that noble charter is open to no such reproach. —The presidency, the highest function in the state, is exceedingly bounded by the Constitution, and still more by the spirit of the community. A president lias been, and may often be, one of the least efficient men in the government. We need not go i*ir tor prooi. jn Doth houses of Congress there were men whose influence over the ■country was greater than the last president. He indeed contributed to keep the wheel of government in motion. But we ask, what new impulse did he give it ? What single important measure did he originate? as there a man in office more fettered and thwarted ? We talk of the administra tions of Mr. Monroe and Adams. W e ask, what impression of themselves have they left on legislation and on public affairs? They gave no spring to the public mind. A popular senator or representative did more to sway the community. And this is as itjshould be. W'c rejoice that official influence is so restricted, that the people are not mere echoes of a single voice, that no m^n can master his fellow-citizens, that tb/ere is a general, an all-pervading in telligence, which modifies, controls, and often neutralizes, the opinion and will of the Ingest public functionary. We have spoken of the presidency as it actually existed, and as it must m a great measure exist, whilst we are free ; and yet through a delusion which has come down from past ages, this office, so limited in power, so obstructed by legisla tive brandies and by public opinion, w hich is conferred upon the individual at the longest but for eight years, and from which he retires to a seclusion, where scarcely an eye follows, or a voice of approbation cheers him, this office, to our disgrace, is coveted by an insane ambition, as if it were a hereditary throne, and the people are as much excited Af disturbed when they are ealled upon to fill it, as if they were choosing a master for life at whose feet the country was to be laid an unprotected victim. To our shame, be it said, for the last eight years, every interest of the na tion has been postponed in the compara tively inferior concern of choosing a Pre sident. The uatioual legislature, forget ting its appointment to watch over the ge neral weal, has wasted, and worse than wasted its annual sessions in intrigues for the advancement of rival candidates. The most important measures have been dis cussed and decided, not with reference to the country, but chiefly according to their hearings upon what has been called the I residential election. So sadly have we wanted the self-respect which belongs to freemen! In these disgraceful trsusaclions, in this shameful excitement spread through the community, we have not drunk as deeply as we imagine of the lofty spirit of liberty. In proportion as a people become free, in projiortion as public sentiment reigns, office ceases to be a distinction, political ambition expires, the prizes of political ambition are withdrawn, the self respect of the people preserves it from bowing to favorites or to idols. Whilst it is the characteristic ol despotism, that the ruler is every thing and the people comparatively nothing, the reverse is the grand distinction of a free state. This distinction we have yet to learn ; and it cannot be learned too thoroughly. Unless we are preserved by a jus°t self-respect trom dividing into factions for the eleva tion of leaders, we shall hold our union and our rights by a very uncertain tenure. Hotter were it to choose a President by lot from a hundred names, to which each slate s iah contribute its fair proportion, than repeat the degrading struggle through uhich we have recently passed. e close this topic by entreating our citizens *,o remember the great argument lavor ol a hereditary monarchy. It may be expressed in a few words .• “The highest office in a nation,” says the mon archist, “ought to he hereditary, because it is an object too dazzling and exciting to be held up for competition. Such a prize olleicd to the aspiting must inflame to madness the hist of power, and engender perpetual strife. A people having such a gilt to bestow, will be exposed to perpetu tial arts and machinations. Its passions will never he allowed to sleep. Factions, headed by popular chiefs and exasperated by conflict, will at length resort to force, and in the storms which will follow, the Constitution will he prostrated, and the supreme power he the prey of a success ful usurper. The peace and stability of a nation demand, that the supreme power should be placed above rivalry, and beyond the hopes of ambition, and this can only he done by making it hereditary.” Such is the grand argument in favor of monar chy. Asa people we have done too much to confirm it. It is time that we prove our selves more loyal to freedom. We shall do well to remember that a republic, bro ken into parties which have the chief ma gistracy for their aim, and thrown into perpetual agitation by the rivalry of pop ular leaders, is lending a mournful testi mony to the reasonings of monarchists, and accelerating the fulfilment of their sinister forebodings. Much remains to be said of the means of perpetuating the Union, and of the dan gers to which it is exposed. But we want time to prosecute the subject. The inju ries with which the confederation is me naced by party spirit, and a sectional spi rit, arc too obvious to need exposition. The importance of a national literature to our Union and honor, deserves particular consideration. But the topic is too great foi our present limits, and we reserve it lor future discussion. “ o intended lo close this article with some remarks on the conduct of the dil ler-*nt parties in this country, in relation 1.0 the Union, for tnc purpose of showing that all luve occasionally been wanting in fidelity to it. But the subject would ne cessarily expand itself beyond the space allowed us. Still we cannot wholly aban don it. One brauch of it is particularly re j commended to us by the correspondence at the head ol this review. The merits or demerits of the Federal party m respect to our Union, seem to be, in a measure, forc ed upon our consideration: and we are the more willing to give a few thoughts to the topic, because we think wc understand it, and because we trust we can treat it dis passionately Our attachment to this par ly we have no desire to conceal; hut our ideas of allegiance due to our party are exceedingly liberal. We claim the privi lege of censuring those with whom we generally agree ; and we indignantly dis claim the obligation of justifying the mass whatever they may please to do. Of the Federalists, therefore, we shall speak free ly. Wc have no desire to hide what we deem to be their errors. They belong now to history, and the only question is, how their history may be made most use ful to their country and to the cause of freedom. Before wc proceed, however, we beg to remark, that in this, as in every other part of the present review, wc write from our own convictions alone, that we hold no communication with political leaders, and that we are far from being certain ol the reception which our views will meet from our best friends. A purer party than that of the Federal ists, we believe never existed under any government. Like all other combinations it contained weak and bad men. In its prosperity, it drew to itself seekers for of hce. Still, when we consider that it en joyed the conftdenccof Washington to his last hour; that its leaders were his chosen friends; that it supported and strengthened Ins whole administration ; that it partici pated with hirn in the proclamation and system of neutrality, through which that great man served his country as eflectuallv as duringjthe revolutionary war, when we consider that it contributed chiefly to the organization of the federal government in the civil judicial, financial, military and naval departments; that it carried the country safely and honorably through the most tempestuous day of the French revo lution ; that it withstood the frenzied ten dencies of multitudes to alliance with that power, and that it averted war with Great Britain during a period when such a war would have bowed us into ruinous subset 'icncy to the despot of France ; when we consider these things, we feel that the debt ol the country to the federal party is never to be extinguished. -uni we think that this party in some re spccts tailed ol its duty to the cause of the Union and of freedom. But it so failed not through treachery ; fur truer spirits the wot Id could not boast. It failed through despondence. Here was the rock on which Federalism split. Too many ol its leading men wanted a just confidence in our free institutions, and in the moral ability ol the people to uphold them. Ap palled by the excesses of the French rev olution, by the extinction of liberty in that republic, and by the fanaticism with which the cause ol I* ranee was still espoused a mong omselves, they began to despair ol their own country.' '[’lie sympathies of llie majority ol our people with the despo tism of France were indeed a fearful symp tom. 1 here seemed a fascination in that terrible power. An insane admiration lor the sworn foe of freedom joined as it was with so deadly a hatred towards Ungland, so far pervaded the country, that to the federalist, we seemed enlisted as a people on the side of despotism, and fated to sink undei its yoke. I hat they had cause to fear, we think. i hat they were criminal in the despondence to which they yielded, we also believe. They forgot, that great perils call on us for renewed efforts, and for increased sacrifices in a good cause.— J hat some ol then, considered the doom ol the country as sealed, we have reason to believe. Some disappointed and irri tated, were accustomed to speak in bitter scorn of institutions, which, hearing the name of free, had proved unable to rescue us from base subserviency loan all-menac ing despot. The federalists as a body wanted a just confidence in our national institutions. They wanted that faith which hopes against hope, and which free dom should inspire. Here was their sin, and it brought its penalty ; for through this more than any cause, they were driv en from power, fly not confiding in the community, they lost its confidence. By the depressed tone with which they spoke of liberty, their atrachment to it became suspected. T lie taint of anti-republican tendencies was fastened npon them by their opponents; and this reproach no party could survive. Wc know not in what manner we can better commuicate our views of the Fed eral party, ol its merits and defects, than by leferriug to that distinguished man, who was so long prominent in its ranks; we mean the late (»corge (Jabot. If any man in this region deserved to be called its leader, it was he, and a stronger proof of its political purity, cannot be imagined, than is found in the ascendency which this illustrious individual maintained over it._ He was the last man to he charged with a criminal ambition. His mind rose far a bovc office. The world had no station which would have tempted him from pri vate life. Hut in private life, he exerted the sway which is the worthiest prize of a lofty ambition. He was consulted with something of the respect which was paid to an ancient oracle, and no mind among us contributed so much to the control ol public affairs. It is interesting to inquire by what intellectual attributes lie gained tins influence ; acd as his character now belongs to history, perhaps we may render no unacceptable service in delineating its leading features. W e think, that he was distinguished by nothing so much as by the power of ascen ding to general principles, and by the reverence and constancy with which he adhered to them. The great truths of his tory and experience, the immutable laws of human nature, according to which all measures should he framed, shone on his intellectual eye with an unclouded bright ness. No impatience of present evils, no eagerness for immediate good, ever tempt ed him to think, that these might be for saken with impunity. To these he refer red all questions on which he was called to judge and accordingly his conversation had a character of comprehensive wisdom, which, joined with his urbanity, secured to him a singular sway over the minds of his hearers. With such a mind, he of course held in contempt the temporary expe dients, and molly legislation of common place politicians. He looked with singu lar aversion on every thing factitious, forc ed and complicated in policy. We have un derstood, by the native strength and sim plicity of Ins mind, he anticipated the lights, which philosophy and exjierience have recently thrown on the importance of leaving enterprise, industry and, com merce free. He carried into politics the great axiom which the ancient sages carri ed into morals, “ Follow Nature.” In an age of reading, he leaned less than most men on books. A more indepeudedt mind our country perhaps has not produc ed. \V lion we think ol bis whole charac ter, when with the sagacity of his intellect we combine the integrity of his heart, the dignified grace of his manners, and the charm of his conversation, we hardly know the individual, with the exception of Washington, whom we should have offer ed more willingly to a foreigner as a specimen of the men whom America can produce. oiui we think, that Ins fine t|tialities were shaded by what to us was a great de fect, though to some it may appear a proof ol his wisdom. Ho wanted a just faith in man’s capacity of freedom, at least in that degree of it which our institutions suppose. He inclined to dark views of thecondition and prospects of his country. He had too much of the wisdom ol experience. He wanted, what may he called, the wisdom of hope. In man’s past history he read too much what is to come, ami measured our present capacity of political good too much by the unsuccessful experiments of former times. We apprehend, that it is possible to make experience too much our guide; and such was the fault of this dis tinguished man. There are seasons, in human affairs, of inward and outward rev olution, when new depths seem to be bro ken up in the soul, when new wants are unfolded in multitudes, and a new and un defined good is thirsted for. These arc periods, when the principles of experience need to be modified, when hope and trust and instinct claim a share with prudence :n the guidance of affairs, when in truth to dare is the highest wisdom. Now, in the distinguished man of whom we speak, there was little or nothing of that enthusi asm, which, we confess, seems to us some times the surest light, lie lived in the past, when the impulse of the age was to ward the future. He was slow to promise himself any great melioration of human af fairs ; and whilst singularly successful in discerning the actual good, which results from the great laws of nature and Provi dence, he gave little hope that this good was to he essentially enlarged. To such a man the issue of the French revolution was a confirmation of the saddest lessons of history, and these lessons he applied too faithfully to his own country. His influ ence in communicating sceptical, dishear tening views of human afiairs, seems lo us to have been so important as to form a part of our history, and it throws much light on what we deem the great political error of the Federalists. 1 hat the federalists did at one time look with an unworthy despondence upon our institutions, is true. Especially when they saw the country, by a declaration of war with England, virtually link itself with the despotism which menaced the whole civilized woi Id, their hearts sunk within them, and we doubt not, that in some cases their mixed anger and gloom broke forth in reckless speeches, which, to those who are ignorant of the workings of the passions, might seem to argue a pcorn for the confederation and for all its blessings. So far they failed of their du ty, for a good citizen is never to despair of the republic, never to think freedom a lost cause. l he political sin of the federal partv, we have stated plainly. In the other great party, examples of unfai'hfulness to° the Union, might also he produced. Whoever reverts to the language of Virginia, on the subject of the Alien and Sedition laws, or to the mote recent proceedings and decla rations of Georgia, with respect to the In dian territories v ithin her jurisdiction, or to the debates and resolutions of the legis lature of South Carolina, at its last ses sion, will learn, that a sense of the sacred ness of the Union and of the greatness of its blessings, is hut faintly apprehended, even by that party which boasts of unfal tering adherence to it. In closing this article we are aware that we have said much in w hich many of our fellow-citizens will not concur. Men of all parties will probably dissent from some of our positions. But has not the time come when the vassalage of party may be thrown ofT? when we may speak of the [»ast and the present, without asking w he ther our opinion will be echoed by this or that class of politicians ? when we mav cease to condemn and justify in the mass ? when a more liberal and elevated style of discussion may be introduced * when we may open our eyes on the faults of our friends, and look at subjects which in volve our country’s wellaro in the broad clear light ol day f ’l'his style ol discus sion we are anxious to promote ; and we leel that whoever may encourage and dif fuse it, will deserve a place among the most faithful friends of freedom. Noth. In the remarks made in this' article on the restrictive system, ottr inten tion was to assert the general principles, which, in our opinion, ought to have guid ed our legislators from the beginning, and which ought to guide them now, as far as they can be applied in consistence with the past measures of Congress. Whether thcr by these measures the government has not contracted an obligation to the citizen, or whether, after imposing a tariir for the purpose of encouraging certain branches of industry, it can justly withdraw protection is a question which did not come within our subject,1 ami which is to he determined by a differ ent order of considerations. On Thursday forenoon, while Mr Hate, over seer of the picking room in the factory of N Iindgo, at Attleborough, was applying oil to the machinery, the fingers of his left hand Wt.ro drawn in between two large iron cog wheels revolving at the speed of 3(10 a minute. The other hand was applied in the hope of extricating its fellow, tint that also was taken in until the wheels were chunked with the bones, and the whole machinery stopped. In this situation the sufferer remained until his son, a lad, let down the gate, and he was extricated by the inachinerv being ungeared. Amputation of the left arm was soon alter performed. The other hand.. Irom which two lingers and apart of the thumb had been torn, was dressed and there is a possi hility it may be saved, though horribly mutilated. I he hand of the amputated limb was reduced to a complete pomace. Mr. Bates is U> years of a<rC and has eight cliildru. Aimjl'mknti i or fohiikarance. If the peculiarities oi our leelings and laculties he the effect ol variety of excitement through a diversity of organization, it should tend to produce in us mutual for bearance and toleration. Wc should per ceive how nearly impossible it is that per sons should think and feel exactly alike upon any subject. We should not arro gantly pride ourselves upon our virtues and knowledge, nor condemn the errors and weakness of others, since they may depend upon causes which we can neither produce nor readily counteract. No one, judging Irom his own feelings and powers, can be aware ot the kind or degree of temptation or terror, or the seeming inca pacity to resist them, which may induce others to deviate.—[Aiikrnf.tiiy.] REVERSE OF FORTUNE. When Airier, who had conquered Per sia and Tartary, was defeated and taken prisoner, by Ismail, he sat oc the ground, and a soldier prepared a coarse meal to appease his hunger. As this was boiled in one of the pots used for the food of the horses, a dog put his head into it, but the mouth of the vessel being too small, be could not draw it out again, and ran away with both the pot and the meat. The captive monarch burst into a fit of laugh ter, and of bis guards demanding what cause upon earth could induce a person in his situation to laugh replied, ‘ It was but this morning the steward of my household complained, that three hundred camels were not enough to carry my kitchen fur niture, how easily it is now borne by that dog, w ho hath carried away both my cook ing in strurnents and dinner.' Coke, of Norfolk. After mav violent debates in the House of Commons, it was one night moved by Mr. Coke, that the in dependence of America should he iecog> nizcd. Alter a debate, protracted to a very late hour, the motion was carried |>y a majority ol one. Mr. Coke immediately moved, that an address to that effect should he presented to the king in person by the speaker ol the House ol Commons, and a deputation of the members. After the most strenous opposition of the minister (Lord North,) tins motion was also carri ed by a majority of one, and the house ad journed at a late hour of half past eight in the morning, it was afterwards, on the subsequent night, proposed by the speaker, that \lr. Coke should himself present the address to his majesty. Mr. Coke, aocotnp amed by the members of the house, accor dingly was honored by an interview with the king, when Mr. Coke, having read ih<t Address to his majesty presented it, ami the king immediately delivered to Mr. C. an already written answer, at the same lime graciously declaring that, the wishes of his majesty’s faithtul Commons should he granred. ‘ And this’ said Mr. Hlaikic, ‘ put an end to the American war.’ Dur ing the discussion of this great question in Parliament, and many tunes afterwards, Mt. Coke received repeated offers from ministers of any rank in peerage that he might select, and the whole patronage of the county of Norfolk, all which offers he spumed as insults. Kven on the accession of Mr. Fox to power, when he might have accepted them without any dcrchctien ol I his principles, Mr. Coke nobly declared that he would rather he the patriotic rep resentative of the yeomanry of Norfolk, than the possessor of the proudest title, I which the crown eould confer THOMAS T. BAILEY, CJIA UL (J T TES VILLi:, HAS received and offers for sale, a eresii supply of the following /o/i*r cerbrated medicines .* >NL Y T W EN Y-FIVE CENTS Tried and highly approved valuable Medicines. Lef.’s unparalleled Antibillious Pills, price and •>() cents per box—famous for the cure of billious and other destruc tive fevers, obstinate obstructions of the otomach and bowels, giddiness, costive ness, sickness at the stomach, removing cold, &.c. [None are genuine, without the signa ture of Noah Ridgely.1 TWENTY YEARS. Lee’s Llixir has, lor twenty years, been a most successful medicine for colds, coughs, spitting of blood, asthma, indica tive consumptions, and other complaints of the lungs and breast, as many of our citizens have certified. Lee’s Worm Lozenges, a certain and powerful remedy for destroying all kinds of worms. Lee’s Sovereign Ointment for the Itch, warranted to cure from one applica tion, and free from mercury or any perni cious ingredients. L.ek s Genuine Persian Lotion, ren ders the skin delicately soft and smooth— improves the complexion. Lee’s Essence and Extract of Mus tard, an infallible remedy for sprains, bruises, rheumatism, numbness, &c. Lee’s Nervous Cordial, or Grand Restorative, a most valuable medicine for great and general debility, nervous dis orders, loss of appetite, &c. Lee's Auuf. and Fever Drops, war ranted to cure ii taken according to direc tions. Lee’s Indian Veuetaiile Specific, a certain and effectual cure for venereal and gonorrhea. Lee's Tooth Ache Drops, which give immediate relief. Lee’s Eye Water, a certain cure for sore eyes. Lee’s Anodyne Elixir, for the cure of head-aches. Lee’s Corn Plaster, for removing corns. Please to take notice, none are genuine without the proprietor’s signature. NOAH RIDGELY, I.ate Michael Lee and Son. Hundreds of cases of cures per formed by the above truly valuable medi cines could he given, did the limits of a news-paper admit of it. June ^0, ’■*!!) lfl*2t ~ NOTICE. | N pursuance of a Decree of the Coun ty Lourt of Albemarle, pronounced the first day of June, in a suit there in depending between Jeremiah A. Good man and wife plaintiffs, and Jesse Lewis and others defendants, I shall on Monday the 10th of August next proceed to sell at Public Auction, to the highest bidder the TRACT OF LAND of which the late Menoah Clarkson died seized and possessed—lying and being in the County of Albemarle, and upon which Capt. Thomas Amonett and Mrs. Frances Darnell now reside : containing between THREE iV FOUR HUNDRED ACRES. The payments will he as follows, viz One-third of the purchase money payable on the 1st day of Jan. 1830; one-third the 1st day ot Jan. 1831 ; and one-third the 1st day ol Jan. 183"«J.—Ronds with approved security, with a Deed of Trust upon the land will he required of the pur chaser. 1 lie sale will take place at the house of Capt. Thomas Amonett, upon the premises. JOHN R JONES, * ;[ujy *'. dt Commissioner. ELECTION r for congress. r ■ 111 *■' people of the county of Albe ■ rr.arle are reminded that a poll will be held at the Court-house, on the 1st Mon day in August next, for an election of a Member of Congress to supply the vacan cy occasioned by the appointment of YVrn. (/. Hives as Minister to France. T»E SHERIFF OF ALBEMARLE duly Iff—'29 VALUABLE HOOKS AT AUCTION WJ.F' be sold at public Auction, on f T uesday the 4th of August, being rA uV£yF0ff»£eJn,lrle Court> FA/ 1/ // R V °fthc lnte Tri: Tcrms,nf“,e known on the day of sale. WM GARLAND, Deputy for Win. I). Meriwether, Sheriff of Albemarle, and Committee oftbo Estate of Thorns M. Randolph deed. 1 .>,000 ^RTmESlIfN: . . , wl.I.S, for sale in small quantities by JOSEPH BISHOP duly 3—’ ’9 ,f JOB PRINTIJNO Neatly executed a; this OlS^e.