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Richmond, Published (on the Mornings of Wednesday and Saturday) by 8A YIUKL, PLEASANTS, Printer Volume XXII. No. 3100.1 SATURDAY. JULY 9, 1814. T^Tlg'T_!iiL to theCommaii wealth, neai'lhe Bell-Ti avern; [i dollars fit*r at; to. FOREIGN A.RTICI.ES From, Cob b<t ft Weekly Remitter, of April 23. Decolonization op the American STATES. It •« easy to be lit* re, that the enemies of freedom would upon this occasion, turn their baleful eyes towards the United States of Ame rica, and endeavour to stimulate our govern ment, who, let us hope, however, has too much sense to be so worked ou, to wage a ear for the destruction of liberty in the western world. But I, who fully expected to see this, am really Astounded at the speed and the holdnest, with which the project has been brought forward in ■dine of our public prints, especially the Times, which, in plain terms, urges a war against the United States upon the same principles that the close of the war has been carried on against Napoleon j and, indeed, which aims at the sub* jugation, inoccupation, and recolonixation of that country. Before I proceed any- further, I shall insert the article, which has called forth these observations. “ It is understood that part of our army in France will be immediately transferred to A tnerica, to finish the war there with the same glory at in Europe, and to place the peace on a foundation equally firm and lasting. Now, that the tyrant Bonaparte has been consigned to in famy, there is no public feeling in this countiy stronger than that of indignation against the A mencans. That a republic boasting of its free dom should have stooped to become the tool of that monster’s ambition ; that it should have at* tempted to plunge the parricidal weapon into the heart of that country From whence its own origin Was derived ; that it should have chosen the precise moment when it fancied that Rus sia was overwhelmed, to attempt to consum mate the ruin o f Britain—ail this is conduct so black, so loathsome, so hateful, that it natural, ly stirs up the indignation that we have des cribed. Nevertheless, there is in this case the same popular error, that there was, not long since, when France identified in the minds of most men, with the name of Bonaparte. The American Government in the point of fact, as much a tyranny (though we are far from say ing it is so horrible a one) as was that of Bona* 8arte : and as we firmly urged the principle of To I’eacc with Bonaparte ; so, to be consistent' with ourselves, we must in liko manner main-. tain the doctrine of NO PEACH WITH JAMES MADISON. Tlie reasons for tills are tivolold, as respecting this country, and as respecting America. A vary little reflection will render them sufficiently manifest—In the first place, hatred of England is the fundamental point in the policy of Mr. Madison. He is the ostensi ble organ of s party, all whose thoughts, feel ings, and sentiments are guided by this master key. Some of the statesmen of this school have not blushed to assert in full Senate, “ that the W...U1 on*;hi to rejoice, if Britain were sunk in the sea j” if, where there are now men, and wealth, and laws, and liberty, there were no more than a sandbank for the sea monsters to fatten on, a apace for the storms of the ocean to , mingle in conflict.” Such is the deep-rooted antipathy which these wicked men have to the land of their forefatlu rs! With rich men Mr. Madison acts ; and he himself before the ac cession of his party to power, expressly laid it down as a principle (on the discussion of Mr. I Jay’s neguciationj “ that no treaty should be made with the enemy of Franc. ”—Ills love for the latter country, however, was hut an adjunct •f the hatred which he ent* ruined towards us: and he hated us for the very same reason t at Bonaparte did—b cause we stand in toe way of any state that aspires at universal dominion ; for, young as is the transatl mtic Republic, it has already indulged in something more than dreams of the most unmeasured ambition. We nt-ed not here detail the long history of fraud and falsehood by which he at length succeeded in deluding his countrymen into war. Suffice it to say, fie had two objects in that war : first, to sap the foundations of our maritime great ness, by denying the Hllegia -.ee of our sailors ; and secondly, to seize on our colonial possts&U ons on the main land of Aim-ricn, leaving it to a future qcc-sinn to lay b*nds on our insular settlements in the West Indies Perhaps when he finds himself unexpectedly deprived of the buckler under which he aimed these stubs at oar vital existence—the mighty Napoleon, the protector in petto of the Columbia* Con fete racy —he may be willing to dr nv in his horns, and an^ak away from his audacious under taking* —But having wrested the d-igg r from die bravo’s hand, shall we quietly return it to him t® put up in its sheath f No. No. Mr. Ma. difon himself, in his very Inst public speech, has 'urnished us with a :nost apposite rule ol eondu t, which he cannot blnme us for adopt xng, since he avowedly folio-v* it himself namely, that we should “ not o-ily chistise the Savages into present peace, bu‘ make a lasting impression on their fears. llithertw we have considered the .Americans as identified with Mr. Madison’s governou • tj but is this the fac. ? To much the reverse, tb .r alias teen openly ^r,se,‘ 10 *' »»>e of lb:- states to treat for ^with Great Hi it sin separately: <»nd they |d act wisely and jubiifc.lly in adopMrg ka*ure **‘3 eastern sta’es; the most ic bi.-s cultivated, the most intelligent, !^'rv respect, are at this instant re ■^|g£^br*!«lon» by the southern i in whirli union J or eisetnat constitution lias been viola ted and overthrown by the faction oi* which Mr. Mudison is the ostensible head ; pnd, in either case, the oppressed states would act justly to themselves, to separate their interests from those of the incapable and treacherous indivi dual who has dragged them reluctantly into a war no less inglorious than unjust. When we apeak oi these and tlw like crimes as perpetra. tvd bv Mr. Madison individually, we only mean to use his name in the common way, in which Ersons in eminent stations are generally spo* n of. He stands at the head of the list, not but that Mr. Gallatin may be more artful, Mr Clay more furious, Mr. Jefferson more malig nant, and so on ; and besides there is a feroci ous banditti belonging to hia party, of wham, I perhaps, he hiipsetf stands in awe, and who, as they consist of Irish traitors, and fugitive bank rupts and swindlers, from all parts of the Uni ted Kingdom, may easily be conceived to ex ceed even the native Americans in rancour a giuist Great Britain : but the more shameless abandoned are tha individuals who compose thislactionl.the greater odium must be cast on' Mr. Madison himself, in the eyes of the moral and reflecting part of the American population. It is a great mistake to suppose that the Uni ted states are wholly deficient of characters of the latter description. They have many wise and many eloquent men, whose words yet live in the hearts nnd in the meditations of their countrymen. Mr. Walsh, the accomplished e Jitor ot the American Review, lias attained a high literary reputation even in this country, and though the late Fisher Ames (the Burke ot the western hemisphere,) is not so much known in this country, he deservedly enjoys a much greater popularity in America. These, and many more such writers as these, have kept alive the fire of genuine British liberty in the United States. Whilst, on the other hand, the miserable blunders of the Dcarbons and Hop kins’s, and Wilkersons and Hamptons, and all the long list of defeated generals, have thrown a ridicule on that invasion of Canada which was one of the great baits of the war. Lastly comes the fall of .Mr. Madison’S grand patron, atien ded wuh the execrations and i-orn of all Eu rope. Can we doubt, that a vigorous effort on our part will annihilate the power of a faction alike hostile to Britain, and fatal to America ? Is not tha time propituoua for winning at least the sounder and better parts of the Americans to an union of interests with the country from whence they sprang ?’* It is impossible to read this article with out being convinced that there are men, who seriously eiuertained the wish to see A merica recolonised; who wish to see our king restored in America, as the Bourbons have beeu in France; for Mr. Madison is the choseu President of the uniou ; be does nothing of himself ; it is the President, the Congress and the people, all acting in concert. Yet he is to be put down ; no p-'^ace is to be made with him any more than with Napoleon; the government of the states is a tyranny ; ihe consiifution is vio lated, or inefficient; its existence inimical to lasting peace ; the time is propitious for winning the sounder part of the States, at least co an union of interests with thecoun-* try whence they sprang. These are • gnti t meats and declarations to begin with ; but, in fact, they go the whole length of recoin nization ; and that is the project now on foot amongst the foes of freedom, who seem to be resolved to prove to us, that those friends of liberty in America who did hot wish for the extinguishment of Napoleon, despot as he was, were not without sound reasons for their sentiments. They saw, that, though he had betrayed the public cause, if he were put down there would be men ready to urge projects of the descrip tion of that of which we are now speaking. Phis language towards the United States was never made use of : sentiments like tln-se were never hazarded, while Napoleon was in power ; but, the moment he is down, these men turn their hostile eyes towards America, the only republic left upon the face of the earth !—Our quarrel withAmer ica ceaBes with the war. There being peace in Europe, the quarrel is at an end without any discussions. But this writer panes over all the subjects of quarrel. The American President and government are bad. That is now, according to him, to be the ground of the war ; and, we are to have no peace with them. 1 will pass over the impudent falsehoods which this writer ut ters as to the conduct of Mr. Madison and the nature and the effects of the American government ; and come at once to what is most interesting to ua now—namely, first, whether a war for the recovery of the A meric »n States as colonies would be popu. lar in England; and second, whether it would be likely to succeed. As to the first, I have no hesitation in expressing my belief, that it would be, for a while at least, the most popular war in which England was ever engaged; the reasons for which opinii onl will now state. In the first place, peace, real and lasting peace, and a vast reduction ofoue forces, would be total ruin to a great number of persons and families. All these wi;I wish for war, no matter with whom, or upon wlmt grounds. They will be for the war for the same reason that undertakers are for deaths, and without being, any more than these, chargeable with any malicious motive. The farmers will be for war, upon much about the same principles—they be ing of opinion, no matter whether errone ously or not, that war makes corn dear_ iHere are two very numerous classes of per A third is the land-owners in »l»o believe thru peace will lower their T without lowering their tayes. The Iwncrs and bonders fear America, who *iil<l and sail rtiuch cheaper than thev [and who if left at quiet, would cover with their ships. The great man* rrsever will be for a war, likely, as lik, t« tear up, root and branch, those lineal* wlroh are not only supplying ich herself, but must, in a few years, Lilly with the emigration of artizans to lea, become our rival, and supplant us, ier the world. Betides if America Itobe recovere d, vve mould, they think, ^a monopoly of supplying her. l.ven jt..r.kholder<i. though they might, gen y wi,h for pe .ee, might probably be jaded,tnat the rt colonization of Amer* rouid afford the means of lessening the national debt ;that America might be made to bear a share of the debt-—that the lands there might be sold for our account—and, iu short, that this might be made an immense source ofincoine, and an infallible security to th« paper system. Of politicians there will be t wo descriptions for the war : one will see in America a dangerous maritime rival—a maritime power which grows, like her own Indian corn, almost visibly to the e<.e. They will mix this apprehension with tho feelings of mortificati .n and revenge a rising from the naval victories of America, which are not to be washed away by the fall of Napoleon, nor of fifty Napoleons at his heels. These are hon orable* mi tided men, loviag their country~not able to en dure the idea, of her ever, at any time, cea sing to be mistress of £he ocean, and so ter* rified at this idea as to lose sight, in the pur suit of a preventative remedy, all notions if justice, humanity and freedom. Another description of politicians, animated solely by tneir hatred oi whatever gives liberty to man. will see in America what, indeed, they hare always aetn, .and lor which they have always hated her, an asylum f*>r the oppressed—a dwelling for real liberty—an example of a people, enjoving the height of prosperity and the greatest safety ot per* son and property, without a. y hereditary titles, without any army, and aim-st without taxes—a country, wnere the law knows no thing about religion or its ministers—where every man pursues his own notion in re ligious matters—where there are no sine cures, no pensions, no grants of public mo. ney to individuals——where the people at large choose their representatives in the le gislative, their presidents, governors, and slieriffs, where bribery and corruption are unknown, and where the putting of a crim inal to death is nearly as rare as an eclipse of i -at Sun or Moon. This description of politicians look at A merica as Satan is said to have eyed our first parents in the garden of Eden; not with feelings of envy, but with thoseofdead. ly malice. They would exterminate the people and burn up the country. The ex ample of such a. people ‘‘sears the eye balls” They will tell us, that, while that example exists, nothing is done ; nothing is secured ; nothing is safe ; they will endeavor to terrify the government aod the nation by describing the emigrations which will take place from Europe ; the numbers of artizans and of people of enterprize that will crowd to America, adding to her pop ulation, ex ending her knowledge. Increa sing her means of all sorts, and enabling her, in a short time, to spread far & wide what they call her disorganizing principles. This last description of politicians have the press greatly in their hands ; the pre»s is the most powerful instrument ; and it wi I in this case have prejudice, supposed private interest, passion, and all in favor of its ef forts. These are the reasons on which 1 found my opinion as to thu popularity of such a war ; but yet I hope and trust that the Ministers and the Frince liegent will not be carried away by such notions. It is lor them to consider what is best fer the country, and permanently best; and not to sutler their judgment to be warped by an out-cry, pioceeding from the selfishness of some and the rage of others. With regard to the second question ; whether a war for the recolonization of America would be likely to succeed t I think it would not. I must, however, confess, that I agree with the author of the above article, that “ the time is propitious” in the highest degree. Not only have we an army ready organ ized, composed of the best stuff; best com manded ; best appointed and provided ; best diciplincd in the world; l-u we do not know what to do with it in the way 61 em ployment, and it would be for a year at least a9 expensive in peace as in war._ We have more than a sufficiency of ships of war to carry this army across the At lantic, without crowding and without the aid of a single transport. In Europe we have nothing to fear. France will, for some years, have enough to do at home. It is me same in Spain and Holland ; and, besides, what are any of them to do without Beets, and where, in the world is there a fleet but in England f now, then, what are the Americans to do against this army and this fleet ? 1 have no doubt that our army would lay waste the sea coast; that it would at first beat the Americans wherever they meet them ; that it would if it chose, dvmolish some towns anil occupy others ; that it would make the Congress change its place of sitting } but unless the States divided, I have no idea that such a war would finally succeed, and it appears to me that the fall of Napoleon, especially coupled with what will be deemed the rigorous language of the Times Newspaper, will infallibly si lence the v< ice of faction in America, and will make the whole of the people of one mind as to the necessity of providing for reT sistance—The Times seems to suppose that the people of America, or, at l^ast a part of them, and especially in the Eastern States, will heartily participate in our joy at the fall of Napoleon and the restoration of the Hourbons. Will they noton the con trary be terribly alarmed ? And will not those who have cried out against the gov ernment for aiding Napoleon, as they called I it, begin to fear the consequences of his fall, when the project of the Times reaches their ears, and when they find that there nrc writers in England who already openly propose to make war upon them for the express purpose of subverting their govern ment and etfecting in America what has been effected in France, uamely a restora* tinn f Mr. Ames is complimented by this writer as the Burke of America, and 1 dare say that Mr. Ames would have liked very well to get a pension of three thousand pounds a year; but in that respect he was not so lucky as his great prototype. Mr. Ames was a poor drivelling hankerer after aristocracy. His party wished to establish, a sort of petty noblesse ; they wanted to mt’.ke some honorary distinctins. The people took the alarm ; put them out of power, and they have ever since been en deavoring to tear out the vital* of their C0|,|U|t1^' ^ of Napoleoti, however, will leave them wholy without support from the people when that people hears that the lust consequence of hi* fall is a propositi, on in the English public prints, to treat their government as that of Napoleon ha* been treated, and upon the same principle, name* ly, that uis a despotism. As I said before, 1 trust that our government is too wise to be led to tiie adoption of any such projects, but it they were, what could our friends in America say f They have been asserting for years past, that ours was a cause of free* dom against a despot -What will they say if we make war upon them upon the same principle, and for the same end that we v* »e«n tnakir.g war against Napoleon f By Mr. Jefferson and his party it was al ways concluded that there was no danger to be apprehended from France under any circumstances ; and that ii France, if the new order of things was subdued in France, America would be in great danger. There, fore mey always wished, and they acted 1 J“ey wished, that France should not be defeated in the remit of the war. V It i* in our power, by making peace with them at once, and waving all disputes about differences that cannot arise during peace, to show them that their fears were ground* less ; but wijl they not when they see the ob ject the Times Newspaper, hold it up to the teeth of their political adversaries, and here!! Here is the first fruits ot the tall of the man whose destruction yon told us we ought to assist in producing, and to do any ih ng in the upholding of whom you represented as impolitic and base. This will be the language to those adver saries, who will hang their heads with shame, unless the author of the Times can maice a shift some how or other to convey to them a small portion of his impudence.— I think it is clear, then, that the people ol America would, in case such a war were to be made upon them be united in a spirit of resistance ; and, if thev were, I have no idea that ten such armie's as all that we coum send, weu disciplined and brave as our army is, would finally succeed in subdu* ing and re-colonizing the country.* We might make inroads :rom Canada ; we might destroy manufactories; we might lay waste the cornfields and burn many of the mills ; we might tear the country a good deal to pieces; but I do not believe that we should, even by adding another eight hundred millions to our debt, secure one single colo ny in tlVe country now called the United States of America. Yet it is Italy true that the enemies of freedom, while Ameri ca remains what she now is, have gained nothing. Napoleon has been put down, but then he was an enemy of freedom. He was n..t owned by any friend of freedom. Trance was not a repub.ic, nor had she a represen. tut’ . e government under her. The war a« gainst him was in the name of the people, i ne example, so hateful to the euemies of liberty, of a people happy and free, with** out distinction of ranks, without an establish ed church, without heriditary power or pri** vilege of aujr sort, with a press now perfect ly free, with legislators and chief magistra es periodically elected by the people at large ; this example still exists, and this country is yet open to all the world ; and to put down this example wou.d, 1 am of opinion, cost us more blood and more money than it cost us to put down Napoleon. The enemies of freedom proini-.ed us peace, durable peace, if we got Napoleon ; but scarcely is he down, when they propose to us a new war, more, if possible, expensive in its nature, and longer in its duration. To be sure A merica holds out an alluring bait; it pie* sent* employment for Governors of Tr.*** vinces. Commanders, Postmasters, Attor neys and Solicitors, Generals, Secretaries, Councillors of State, 'Taxing people, Pay masters, Judges, and a long and nameless list of hangers on ; but again, I say, I hope and trust that the prince Regent and his Mi nisters will have too much wisdom to listen to any such mad and wicked project.— It is impossible, however, for the people of i America not to feel some alarm and to make preparations accordingly. This Ian guage of our Newspapers is quite enough to excite apprehensions ; and for this, a* rnongst the rest, we have to a curie base and degenerate press. >o:x:o< TREATY OF ALLIANCE. Viewna, April 7. The Gazette of this city contains in the French and German language the following TREATY OF ALLIANCE, Between his majesty the emperor of Austria, king of Hungary liohemia, hit majesty; i1n emperor of ah the Russia*, his majesty the* king of the united kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland, and his majesty the king ol Prussia, signed atChaumonl, March 1, 1814. In the name of the most holy and indivisible Trinity.— Their imperial and royal majesties, the em peror of Austria, king of Hungary and Bohemia, his msjesty the emperor of all the Russia*, his majesty the king of (I*, united kingdom* of G. Britain and Ireland, and his majesty the king of Prussia, having transmitted to the French go vernment proposal* for a general peace, and be ingat the same time animated with the wish, in case t ranee should reject these proposal*, to •trengthen the mutual obligation existing be tween them for the vigorous prosecution of a war which is designed to relieve Europe from its long sufferings, and to *ecure its future re pose, by the re»establishment of a just balance of power ; and on the other hand, in case Pro vidence should bless their peaceful views to a* gree on the best means of securing the happy result of their exertions against every future st uck: I heir imperial and royal majesties, above named, have resolved to confirm this double a greement by a solemn treaty, to be signed by each of the tour powers, separately, with the three others. I hey have named for their plenipotentiaries his imperial apostolic m jesty to negociate the conditions oi this treaty with his majesty the emperor of ill the Htiigiia, Clemen* WmzelLo. tharius. Prince of Metternieh, Wineberg Oeh senhausea, Knight of the Golden Fleece, 3tc , Minister of state, and miaioterfor foreign uf • fairs ; and h<s majesty the emperor of ail the llussi.ts, on his aide, Charles ltobert count Nesselrode, his privy councellor, secretary o! state. £»c. who having exchanged their fuH powers have agreed on the folio,vine arti cles : Art. 1. The high contracting powers en« Ca8® ]>>' lhe present treaty, in case France sltould refuse to acoede to the terms of the peace proposed, to exert the whole force of their dominions fora vigor»us prosecution of tlie war against France, and V> employ it in the most perfect agreement, in order by this means to procure for themselves, and all Europe, a general peace, und-r the protec tion of which all nations may maintain, and debts en^°^ ^e‘r independence and their ic to b* understood, that this new agree Went is not to make any change in theobli* gations already existing between the con tracting powers, concerning the number of troops to be employed against the common enemy ; on the contrary, each of the four contracting courts again binds itself, by the present treaty, to keep in the field an army of 150,000 men always complete, in activity against the common enemy, and that cxclur sively of the garrisons of the fortresses. 3- I he high contracting powers mutually engage to enter into no separate negociations with the commou enemy, and to conclude i neither peace, cessation of hostilities, nor a% ny convention whatever, except by a joint consent of them all. | They further engage never to lay down their arms till the object of the war, as they have agreed upon it among themselves, shall be fully obtained. 3. In order to obtain this great object as soon as passible, his majesty the king of G, | Britain engages to furnish a subsidy of 5,000,. ! 0001. sterling for the service oi the year 1814,* which shall be equally divided between the three powers : anil their imperial and royal majesties further engage to settle before the first of January of every future year, in case (which God forbid) the war should continue i 80 l°ng, the advance in money that may be necessary in the course of the subsequent I year. The subsidy of5,000,0001. herein specified, shall be paid at London, in monthly instal ments, and in equal proportions, to the min* isters of the respective powers duly author* ised to receive it. In case peace should be concluded between the allied powers and France before the end of the year’, the subsidies calculated at the rate of 5,000,0001. per annum, shall be paid to the end of the month in *h«ch the defin itive treaty shall be signed, and his Britan* nic majesty promises, over and above the subsidies here stipulated, to pay to Austria and Prussia the amount of twe months, and to Russia of four months, to defray the ex*» pences of the march of their troops back to their own territories. 4. The high contracting powers shall bo mutually authorised to hate officers duly commissioned with the generals commanding those armies, who may freely correspond with their governments, and acquaint them ol the military events, and of every thing re* lative to the operations of the armies. 5. Though the high contracting powers have reserved it to themselves, in the moment when peace shall be concluded with France, to consult with each other on the means by which they may most ceiiainly secure to Europe—and reasonably teach others the maintenance of this peace—they have nevertheless thought it necessary for the de fence of their European possessions, In of an interference to be apprehended from France, in the order of things resulting from the said peace, to make unmediately a de fensive convention 6. For this end they mutually agree, that if the dominions of one of the high contract ing powers should be threatened with an in vasion from France, the rest shall have no means untried to prevent such invasion by amicable mediation. 7. But in case such endeavours should b« fruitless, the high contracting powers engage to send to the party attacked an auxiliary army of 60.000. a. i ms army snail consist ofSO.OOO foot, and 10,000 horse, with a proportionate train of artillery and ammunition. Care should be taken that it sbal take the field at the ve ry latest in two months after it is called for, and in the manner most effectual for the power so attacked or threatened. 9. Aron account of the situation of the thea tre of war, or for ot her reasons, it might be dif ficult for Great Britain to furnish the stipu lated assistance in English troops within the appointed time, and keep them up to the full war complements, his Britannic Majes4 ty reserves to himself the right to furnish, his contingent to the power requiring it, ei ther in foreign troops in his pay, or to pay at* annual sum at the rate of 201. sterling fore very foot soldier, and 301. for every horse man, to the lull amount of the stipulated contingent. The manner in which Great Britain will have to afford its assistance in every particular case, shall be arranged by an amicable agreement between the DritisU governmentand the power attacked or threa ■ tened, at the same time that the assistance is required —The same principle shall be ex tended to the number of troops which hi* Britannic Majesty engages to furnish by tb« first article of me present treaty. Art. 10. The auxiliary army is under the immediate command of the General fn Ckief of the requiring power; but it shall be led by its own General, and employed in all mili tary operations according to the rules of war. The pay of the auxiliary army to be at the charge of the power requiring The rations portions of provisions, forage, &c.as also quarters, will he furnished as soon as the Aux. iliary Army has passed its own frontiers, by the power requiring—-and be supp.ied accor-s ding to the same standing as it supplies its own troops in the field and in quarters. Art. It. The military regulations, and econ# omy in the interior administration of the troops depends wholly on their own general - —The rophies taken from the enemy belong to the tro,JP* which have gained them.