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r PUBLISHRD BY PHILIP IHJ-WL & Co. t;-!.- ■ i — DERA T.E OH THE PEACE ESTABLISHMENT CONTINUED. Mr CALHOUN said, it appeared to him, that nn the question ot fijdrg the Military I’eacc Establishment, the house were ra ther acting in the dark, having before them neither the estimate* nor the facson wlrch they were founded. In determining the a mount of the Military Establishment, he said, the house ought to take ii.to view three objects, and gt adnate the force to he retain ed accordingly : The proper maintenance and garrison of our military posts and for tresses ; the reten'ion of so large a fore** as would keep alive military science and serve as a seminary for that purpose ; and the adaptation of our military force to the polt. cy yf the enemy in regard to this country. As regarded either of the*c objects, it ap. peared to him the house was not in posses sion of information to enable it to act undcr stnrdingly- What force would be neces*a ry to guard cur seaports, to protect our Northwestern & Western frontier from In. dirfn hostility? Of this there was nocsti. mate,but every thing was left to corjecture. As to the second point, practical mi i.ary men ought to be consulted whether it would be proper to keep up a military force to maintain mui’ary science._— The next question was the most import tant: Have we a sufficient knowledge of the force and policv > f the enemy to an tlmrize a reduct nn of our military force? He contended we hud not. What would be the feelings of England on receiving intelli g<*nce of the late events, be did know.— Whether '.he soreness of her recent defeat •wonhl produce a di position to remain at peace or to retaliate, no gentleman could say If there was any doubt on the subject, ■we ought to act with caution in reducing our military cstabl;>hment. What course the enemy will pursue we cannot determine ; whether he will keep up a small peace es« tab'ithmct.t or a large military force, we do not know. It ought to l>2 recollected, that he has abundance cf tr.i'itary means, and that living is as cheap in Canada as in Eng land. If tbe enemy should keep up a force on our borders of 30 or 40 thousar.il men, instead of reducing it to four or five thou sand, would it he wise for us wholly to dis arm? Jt would not air.t. said r.e depre cated such a state of things ; but, if the eremy should retain a large force in service in our vicinity, it would be highly impolitic for us to reduce ours as low ns is proposed. The gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Jnck.. son) had on a former day, remarked that our situation was particularly felicitous in having no enemy immediately in our neigh bnrfcood. Rut. it ought to be borne ;n mind that the most powerful nation in Europe possessed provinces adjoining our • ermo. ry, into which she cooid r.adily pour an armed force. He hoped that tuv ion never would, but it m'ght do so. Suppose, with forty thousand men, .he chose, without notire, to make a hostile movement again*' our territory : every strong position on the N.aeara frontier woufd fa'l at once mio his hands, 6c the expence we wish to avoid must be quadrupled to enable u*> to regain them. Having neither estimates nor facts, as he had before remarked, the house ought to act cautiously. It is easier to keep sol diers thun to get *lirm ; to have officers of skill and renown iu yoor pov-ession, than to make them. Let us wait a while before we reduce our a» my to a mere l’eacs Esta blishment. Me. GOLDSBOROUGH said, that one argument which had been urged in favor of a large military establishment appealed to him to cot both ways. It was con'endrd that it was our duty to kee| up a large rni* litary force until our late enemy reduces hi". Suppose cur late enemy in the same way sin uld keep up his force because we keep up ours ? We shall maintain our pre* sent military forever: and this atgument therefore, goes too far. It appeared to him Mr. G. said, that gentlemen holding the affirmative of the question of leductinn of the army'o 6000 men, need resort for its su»( ort only fn the general policy of the country, to the doty of every member of tie house to telieve his constituents from the heavy burthens which mu t be imposed on them for its support. This argument is sufficiently solid to repel all the arguments he had braid in favor of a larger military establishment than six thousand men. The advi rates rt a larger force had dwelt up the apprehension of a war with Spain, and of a ren pal of '.he war with Britain. Were gen'lemtn serous? Did they mean to a larui the cror try by such language ? Did they mean to express a wish for a Spanish war ? He hoped not. Our complaint a* gainst Spain, it any, is that she has been ac cessary to the acts i f a principal aggressor rn our light*. Having n leased the princi* pal (France) be hoped we should not make war upon a secondary power. As to We t Florida, v e have possejai n ; afod it may be a good rearon to raise an army to def« nd it ■whenever we shall have reason to believe it will be attacked, hot not bf f< re. As to the renewal of war with”flrtat IVpain, he had no sort of ft nr ot it. ’I! e diRicvjties which arn«e in carrying into effect tile trta ty of 1783, afforded no argument in favor of the expectation of a similar course now. Brita n then complained that we had not complied with some of the stir illations in that treaty, ard particu arly that which tecured to British ciizms the drills due to them before the war, and we complained that she did not deliver up some of the. west* ern posts ; Mid both parlies were m ques tionaldy to nlame. It had been sa'd, that 600u men would be a smaller peace esta* blis me- t than we had before the war.— Thi Mr. G. denied. Our peace establish men* in 1805, about the time our collision ■with (>r^t Britain broke out, was short ol three thousand men ; and it was not until this unlucky war, fiom which wc are for* tunatpiy freed, was expected to take place, that our Military Establishment was nomi naliy encreased to tea thousand men. At this time, he could see n» necess.**' for preparing for war / he could not think Con gress would be justified in maintaining any further burthen on the people, than was ne cessary to garrison the various posts in the • United States. 'They would not, he thought, ; do their duty to their country, if they went beyond six thousand men. Mr. PICKERING said, he held in his hand the Message of the President of the United States, transmitting to Congress a Treaty of Peace and dmity with Great Britain. He had supposed this an authen , tie document; that we really had been at i /trace; that we had been rejoicing and il luminating for Peace. But, were lie or any other pei son to form his opinions on the words used by the genijeman from South Carolina (Mr. Calhoun) he should conclude that we v’erc still at war That gentleman had urged, as a conclusive reason, why we should not revince the army below ten thou sand men, that we did not vet know the disposition of the cne/ny ! The PrtAidenCs recommends ion for the maintenance of an adequate regular force having been read by one gentleman, Mr. P. begged the at tention of the house to another passage, which he read/' expressing the sanguine hope and belief, that the Treaty of Peace would be a lasting foundation of the most friendiy in'ercouse The sentiments now expressed on one side of the hou c. ap peared to him to be of a character directly opposed to this ; and would hsve a ten dency to stir up all the sentiments which had existed a nd sh uld only exist in a state ot war. If we have peace in fict, if we are desirous of renewing friendly in crcnurse wi’-h Great Britain, we should lay aside ail enmity. .and iorbear any expressions, calcu lated to keep alive that irratibility which has existed in time past, against the nation with whom we are now at peace. If we desire a renewal ot friendly inte; o .ursc, we ought to lay aside unfounded suspicions, and act upon the state ot things, declared and established by the Treaty. There was ! oue argument that had been so often re peateu, ne cr.ulcl not omit noiicmg itf tho j lie had bten substantially anticipated by ihe gentleman trom Maryland. In the treaty ot 1783, there was a stipu'atioo that neither nation should throw any impediment in the way of recovery of deals due from citizens ot one uaUon to citizens of the o* t.*er. It was a notorious fact, that such impediments were thrown in the way by some of die sta.es, the consequence of which was that Great Bri ain kept possession of the posts she was to have given up to us — i tie surrender of the posts, and the renio, val of legai impediments to the c-Uection of old Bru.sh debts, took place at one and the vame time / and Unquestionably, as the gentleman who last spoke had observed, on noth sides there was blame. Mr. P. said he was well aware, that he Could neither 'P2'tit or write, if he had any reference to Great Britain in either way, but it was said ne was a Jiritish advocate. Kts conduct throughout the war of the Revolution, and since, might to contradict the insinuation 1 am, said he. an American citizen, and know no other predeliction. But, he might add that after the trea»y ot 1794, the Board \ ot Commissioners under that Treaty were broke up, and no measures were taken for thi payment of those British debts; audit was not unti the administration of Mr. Jef ferson, that a Ttea y was entered into, and ratified by him, whereby the United States were pledged to pay those debts, computed at a certain sum. Without waiting for that payment, B i ain did surrender the posts. But, it had been said, we ought to keep up a large force if Britaindid. Great Britain, remote as she is from her provinces, has much stronger rea-on for keeping up a large torce there, than the United States could have for maintaining a corresponding force. I'h continuing to lisrbor such suspicions, Mr. I*, said, would, more than ail other tnings, tend to produce anoiher war. but, ci uid any gentlemen seriously apprehend another war after what had taken place ac the close of this i It had been said the pride ot Great Britain would be wi unded by the events at New Orleans. To this Mr. F. answered, she had made peace with out knowing the result of that expedition. Why did she make peace ? Some suppo sed, on account of the aspect of affairs in Europe. Mr. 1*. rather attributed it to the state of things in Great Britain. J’he sen timents of the opposition in both houses, we I know to have been favorable to Peace.— I he sense of the People of England on that head, m iy be gathered also from the vast number oi petitions for Peace with the U. S. It may also be attributed to the conviction experience had taught of its being cluarly the interest of (». B. jo be at peace with us. She wants a vent for her manufacture*, — INr merchants had supposed, when the whole continent was open to her, there woiimi be an insatiable market for her com. modifies. There was an err r in that spe culation, and many ol her merchants were i' jured, if not rumed, by engaging in it.— l ae ton -merit was inuudate I by finish mariu aciures: the people of the continent were unable or n t me i ied to purense, and tlie goods remained in consequence in the hanus ot the exporters. The British nation, thcrefoie, 30 large a portion of whose peo pit are manufacturers, were anxious for place with the Un ted States, that this bet ter market than any oilier should be open to them. This is t ie great reason why they desired petce wi h os. Mr- P. adverted to »h*» recent disaster of the Brhish arms be fore New-Orleans. If it had only happened to those who mere on our coasts before, dur ing the last summer ; to Admiral Cochrane and his command (whose Inst for plunder was well known) the effect would havo been very different on the British natbn, though, hail the attempt succeeded, it wmld have made for.ones for hi:n and all his officers._ But the expedition was fitted out with the approbation and under the eyes of the Uri tish Ministry, by whom it wan provided with an immense number of troops and vast equipments, destined expressly for the cub ju gat ion of New»Orleans. Before the issue of that expedition was known, from which complete success must have been anticipa ted, the same ministrry concluded a peace. YY hen the result of that expedition is known in l£n;laod, the ministry, he said, must be disgraced, and probably driven from their seafs. Who will succeed them ? The Can • nings, as the gen'leman from Georgia sup poses? No; Mr. Canning himself is now a minister appointed by the present ministry to represent that gn-rerntnent in Portugal. I heir ^ successors will be those very Mem ners of Opposition in bo'h houses of Parlia ment who have clamored for a peace with America. Bat, the gentleman from South Carolina says, Great Britain has a great army in Canada, and may attack us if .ve I disarm ourselves. What motive can she have to do so? If they make peace when they were in po-seasion of very important P'i'- s on our frontier, and expected New. Oilcans to fall, how can we exuect thev u* f**r the purpose ol conquests ? [Mr. Calhoun explained, that he had not asserted that st/ch womd he the ca-e, but only put a case to shew the policy of keep ing up a resnectnble military force- The »<<.-, to! Detroit at the commencement of the w.ii just closed, for the want of adequate olheers and force, had occasioned more than halt die whole expanse of the war."] Mr. ickering resumed. Instead of maintaining a vast military force, at an expence which wi.i lequire a continuance of the present oppressive taxndnn on the people, he said, we ought to i\ doce the army and relieve the. peop.e iron a load of t.xes by wt*»ch they wcie almost cm shed Wc ought to hus_ aand our means, instead of exhausting them njcause it is possible a war may take place, v*ad knows when. Great Brit tin may main 'am a considerable force in Canada, but, if Mie daes.it ought to give no umbrage to the doited States. VVhv will she probably keep up a large force in Canada ? From the ap prehension of such a sudden incursion from 'he United States as took place three years ago. So far from expecting invasion, Mr. P. sr.id he would be willing ‘o raze to the foundation all cur posts on the frontier. — Britain was smarting, he remarked, under the effects of more* than twenty years’ w ir : the na'ion signed tnr repose, and assuredly Won 1*1 not suffer the Ministry to engage in h new war with the United States. One gen tleman, Mr. P. said, had referred to the Spaniards, and intimated that, as we had some differences with them, we therefore ought not to disband our army. Wo very '.veil know, and certainly u > not tear, the military strength of Spain. The feebleness of that government, especially with its pre sent head, leaves us nothing to fear in that quarter. After the signal cirl'est of a Very large British force at New.Orieans, what motive can Spain have to enter into a war with us? I Ue effect of that defeat will he frit not only in Great Britain but in Spain.— 5>ne u> wesk—.in her provinces bordering on the United Spates peculiarly weak. Her in ternal distraction tor bad die possibility al most, certainly the probability of her think ing of war with the United States. These were briefly the reasons, Mr. P. said, which satisfied him that the force of our Military Establishment ought to be reduced at least as low as had been voted in committee of the whole. lie should for hU own part be satisfied with that number- Running along the whole froniier, he. believed six thousand men would be abundantly sufficient for all the purposes of defence and security. Very small garrisons would be sufficient in most of our seaonrts to keep the fortifications in repair. Except New. York, he did not know one that would recpiire more than two hundred men, many not more than fifty, and some not more than twenty-five. Mr. TROUP ro^e for tlir purpose of cor recting some erroneous statements which had been made, greatly exaggerating the amount of expenditure necessary for a Mil itary Peace Establishment. If the army was to be destroyed, he added, let it be by fair argument, and not by erroneous calcu lations of the cost. Mr. GKOSVEMOR rose to assign the reasons, w hy he should, in his vote on the present occasion, d fF<.?r from most of his tnend3. He considered this a lotallv dis« tinct question troin fixing and voting a Peace Establishment He did not belie e this was the time, or that the House had the necessary information on which to fix the Mi itary Peace Establishment : and this was the real question presented to the House. It had been said, and truly, that the British nation have on our soil posts of the utmost importance yet unrelinquished. It is a fact that many tribes of the Indian nations are yet in a state of disturbance, w th whom we have no treaty, no peace or se_ curity for a peace. 'I his house did not yet know the manner and spirit in which the treaty ot peace had been concluded lie regrc.tecl that ihe President had not laid before Congress the correspondence iuie. gard to this very treaty. To have done so would have been no violation of principle, became ihe President had on a former oc casion adopted that course. 'I o this treaty, f-» said, was opposed in England, per haps the strongest party in that country ; and, whatever gentlemen might think, this treaty was not very cordially received in this country, notwithstanding ail our illomi j nations and rejoicings He thought he had already seen symptoms of dissatisfaction at it in debate. Mr. U. said he had been ear. ! }y tau&fit to respect the wisdom of the max- j im, thit to be sure cf peace you must be ^ prepared for war. If ever this maxim had application or point, it applied to the very circumstances in which we are placed ; to this state of things, wherein the enemy has possess’on of so much of our soil, and several ol our strongest posts, of the redemption of which we have no certainty hut the reliance on her faith. In this unsettled state of things, the maxim to which he had referred had made a deep impression on him, He did not know but in the opinion of many gentlemen the faith of the F.ng'ish na'iou m-ght be relied on. Mr. G. inclined to think it might ; but upon this c ccasion he would be guarded at a:l point*: he would rely on es’ablished in "xim* of policy, instead °f relying on the faith of any nation. We h ive tried a great number of experiments ; but there is yet another, it appears. Was it ever before heard of. that on the bare sig nature of a peace, its late antagonist re. tnainiug or« its soil ami borders, tnat a na« | tion disarmed itself altogctiie" ? To be sure, it will occasion some additional expense, to retain our force in existence: buttodis. band our forces at once and entirely, would have a bid influence, and the world would have a. right to say, we had escaped f"om ih i contest so completely v/orn down by its pressure, that we cou’d not even act up to 'h“ ordinary rules of'prudence. If this force should be disbanded, ami an unfortunate collision should again arise, what expenses •inti los-es muy we have to encounter here, after, in order to save a Comparatively tri fling expense now? « What wou!d be the ex pense of supporting four or five thousand meu for a few uv mbs, when put into the oalance ag linst those evils which may grow out of a different course ? In all these mat. ter-, Mr. G. said, it appeared to him that a nation acts wisely when it acts according to maxims established by prudence and sanctioned by experiuce. The history of the world, he boldly pronounced, did not afford an balance in which any nation had co n pletely disarmed itself in the circumstances m which this nation was placed. Mr.GHOLSON said, that, for i is part, fie should not act on the presumption of tne inexecution «.f the Treaty of Fea^e. If in: did. lie should feel himself bound to retain the Mdi.arv Establishment, on its present footing. On the contrary, however, he should act on the principles of the Pre-i» dent’s message; on the hope that G"eat lint iin would carry the Treaty into effect ; because, from the event i of the war just terminated, he believed it to be as litt:e her interest as ours to renew the war But, whi’e freely and frankly avowing thitsenti meat, he could not, under other views of die subject, agri e *o the rapid reduction of the army, whic • was pr ''posed. Was there any 'hitig in the p*e ?nt situation of the country, which required a smaller fore than we had had for several years before the declaration o, war? We have an ex* tent of three or four thousand miles of fron tier. on which are a number <>f points re quiring garrisons ; we are in hostility with a g'-e it many Indian tribes, and oar affairs wi b Spa n are yet on-ettled. Every thing considered, he thought the army ought n .t to be reduced below ten thousand men — No man in the house was more solicitous than hi.nse I to red ice the public expendi tures ; and he e uertained a strong hope, that they would bfe so reduced by the reduc tion of the army, &c. that the next Con gress might repeal nearly all the taxes that have been laid. Mr. 13 ESI IA said that he did not regret that he had bro leiit this subject forward, for it was necessary for tli« nation to know, whether they were to be saddled with a large standing army in time of peace, or a moderate Peace Establishment. But he re gretted that the question should take ap so much time in debite at this late period ot the session, notwithstanding there has been so much eloquence displayed. The question on this amendment was, on Saturday, car* rieil in the committee of the whole house, by a majority of nineteen votes, where I did hope it wa3 sufficiently discussed, and where I did believe it w is sufficiently understood ; but gentlemen have come forward with a new string of arguments against the propo sition. J) > they suppose that the house did not understand this subject, or doth v sup* pr.se that by this great Row of eloquence they can make the substantial part of the house change their opinions in so short a time ? When I spe.ik of the substantial part of the house. I mean those who think much and speak but little—who make com mon sense their guide, 'and not theoretical or visionary proj?c*s. Mr D. said he should not have arisen to trouble the house with a sine'.e remark, but tor that positive state** •neiit made bv/tiie gentleman from Georgia (Mr, Forsyth) who stated in a very positive manner, that six thousand men were not sufficient to garrison the out»post«. IIo v does the gentleman know this? What data does he Judge from. If he has any correct da*a, on which he bottoms his calculations he ought to give them to the house Rot I shall take for granted that he has none that it is a mete guess, notwithstanding the positive manner in which it has been assert ed. I have made some calculations, and, as ! observed on yesterday, th**re is not more than twenty five or thirty forts in all, which it is presumed, arc nut a'l necessary to be kept up in a time of peace. I much ques tion if it is necessary to keep up raora than twenty. Will n it one hundred men on an average be sufficient to man each foit f It is true, some may, perhaps, r* quire two hun dred, but others wdl not require more thau twenty.five or thirty men. Then, sir, you will have upwards of one half of the 6009, as contemplated by the amendment, lor other purposes. Rut s >me gentlemen advocate 10 00f 0, and others 20,099 of a stv'ding ar my. The policy is easy to be seen through —the advocates of a perpetual system of taxation discover that if they cannot letam a consideration standing army,, they will have no good plea for riveting the pres°nt taxes on the people. I was an advocate tor taxes when taxes were necessary in sup port of the war, but as soon as it can be done consistent with propriety, I shall he in fa vor of removing the heaviest of them. Com. nfierce brought us into the Wf, and 1 am for making crnimefte p..y the principal part of the debt incurred by the wri , and not suf fer the people to lie ground do».-n to dust [ by heavy taxation. Mr. 1). said if the ar gument of his codv.ague (.Mr. Hopkins) proved any thing, it proved too much—it proved what wtme Uteie was the lean speck 'n ,!l P ditic t! horizon abroad, that was not tavorah * to us. we must keep u > large standing ar-iies to guaid ngiinst possible dtmcu.ties I bis is a kind of doctrine in'* Consistent wi.h he peaceful habits of re puoltcs but calculated to oppress the peo-> Pie by heavy burthens, instead of ameiiora ting their condition—The gentleman tells you that we have been menaced by the Spaniards, and therefore ought to keep a force in pay sufficient to repel any attempt 00 their part. Kut he has defeated his pur pose by Ins own remarks, by saying the Spaniards are in an unsettled state, that t icy are in a s ate of internal di traction, and t leretore it is uncertain what moment they may pounce upon us. Sir, a momma's re. cutrence to common sense would be suffi cient to discover the fallacy of these re mains. Is it to be presumed, while they are in a state of interna! distraction, that w» have any thing to a prebend f rm them ? to ittlL7 ,nm-‘ Fhty wi!| ,lave ■'-««»» to d.. own JL ,r °<7nr afFlJrs—b> keep their i go.ernment from being overturned, without turning their eve to foreign wars even i. th-y had any just c.useb of com plaint against us. which I deny. And would n r° kee|> "P Iar«e Standing armies m times of peace to Hie oppress, m of our own people, because there is a distant pos v, ( uf "e'n-; attacked by the Spaniards ? Mr. 1) .aid we are ether at war or we h ive peace ,f we are at war, not a single man ougnt to be discharged ; if we are at peace, .t would be mexperli nt o keep more regu , than was sufficient to garrson cur T.ut posts and secure our fro it ers H- thoueht thatsix th visa id were sufficient for these purposes, and therefore hoped the amend mui. would he adopted One word in re a* t.on to other remarks marie by i e gentle, man .ro w Georgia H: laments ha^ more respect is not paid to recommendati ms from 1 ie bxecu.itre. Mr 13. said there was no nan in the nation had a higher opinion of toe goodness and purity of the intentions of the hxt-cutive than lie had, and such recotn uisndati ns always had due weight with him, and would contiuu v create a prepond r* ance in all ca^es of a doubtful character * but as man is fallible, and liable to err -A a representative of a free people he should <nke the liberty on this, as weli as on all oases, w.ier-t no doubt existed, jf exercis* ing Ins rnv:, judgemen-, holding himself re. sponsible tor his conduct to those whom ho had tlu- honor to represent. Mr. RIGA, of l'er». said he heartily cr»% incided in sentiment with that part of the President's message which had been qu ted by the gentleman fro n Matsachuse t !Ie meant, he said, to endeavor, as mm-h ns lay in his power, to cultivate peace "nd friendship wi n Great Britain. If that na tion would let us alone, he was wiliin,- to forget what had passed. He had ao insli nation to renew hostilities with her, and lie hoped that all the members of this botly correspouded with him in the feeling. Hur to disarm ourselves altogether wcold ^ just as wise as, wlien a warm day co nes to throw oflf all our clothes, expecting win*er was over. Although the President h ,d ex pressed m his message pacific purposes l)e also expressed an opinion, in which Mr R fully concurred, adverse to a suilden* or total reduction of our military force. T-Ic ing into view the present state of the wor'd* and the probability that the calm ir. Europe is nothing but the precursor of a violent storm, though he sincerely desired it might be otherwise, Mr Rhea conceived it would be highly impiudent to part with so great a proportion of our army as tv as proposed.— The President had expressed sentiment* in direct opposition to those of the gentle man from Massachusetts, who had quoted another part of the Message. (Mr. Khea here quoted the part of the Mess? e re commending the retention of a respectab'e military force.) This, he said, was a ve* ry plain talk, and far from coinciding with the inferences drawn from that part of the Message recommending tne Cultivation of friendly sentiments towards Great p,ri» f in. The best wr tiog, even the Holy Book itself, might be distorted from ts meaning and general intent, by quoting de tached sentences of it. The reci mmec.da* tion of the Executive ts, in effect, that the Military Establishment be n*>t so reduced a- that other nations m iy take advantage of its diminution, Mr. R. said he respect ed the gcntkman of New-York for the o* pinions he had just delivered ; they were manly and noble / he highly approved them. Su(,po-e the military e-uabiivtimen? to be reduced *n >»ix, four or three thousand men ; we know, said Mr. R, who have been obliged *o bear the responsibility of the war, and who have disavowed any respon*. sibility. If there should be any encroach ments on us on account of our weckn*»i, the very majority of hish m e would be accu. set! of warn of f iresigbt and wisdom in dis banding the armv. Mr. R said h - had no inclination to subj ct himself to this c n li non. Unless th-re •hnuld be o co:respon ds -t reduction of force by ottr late r nv, he would not consent to redact! ihe army so g eat'.y ns was pro| o ed Itlr.dbeen ai l, we ought to r. ly wholly nn militia t’< r defente Militia generally, he *aid, w. n!d do their duty, and that manfully, * h- n cals led on ; but we know ihat our la'e eru.•> y have been permitted to hold on a large portion of uiir territory, without molestation from the mi itia. H'* would not eminent to sui j^ct the United S'.atei to a continuation or repetition of that disgrace by a tctal dis bandment o! the army. Mr. STOCK. TON said that the subject uf reducing the array w..s very import an — he pressue of the T ite war bad already born*, lieu*. Uy upon die peup!*-, and <v ulj soon be rm?re distinctly felt in the frrm of taxes by every man and in every family — fie had, upon due cor salt r *li.« i. dtt rtn n« ►d to vote in favor «-f die amendment m.tdo :n committee, reducing the peace establish* ment to six tltonsind men. Nothing, h wa ever, would have induced him to cake any |,a t to the debate, but the alarming cotr sc ot argument pursued on the ott er side of ^ 1