THE STAUNTON SPECTATOR. I Junction Valley Turnpike.—Mr. E. €5. Wall, Engineer of the Junction Valley Turnpike, having visited New York for the purpose of exam ining the Plank: Roads of that State, has submitted a long and interesting report to the Board of Di rectors on the subject. The result of his iri'veeti gation8 is, a decided conVicTion that ‘Planlc Toads are much to be preferred to McAdamrfced Toads, and accordingly he recommends an improvement of the former kind. He expresses the belief that the difference in the repairs on a McAdamtied and Plank road would replace the '{flank on (he fatter in eight or nine years. The .oust of repairing the Valiev Turnpike from the lima it was completed up to October 1348, the Report states, was $95, 275,75.—or $1.035,000 per mile in about eight years. , As to the value of Plank roads to the Stockhold ers, we see it stated elsewhere that not a single one has been built that has proved a loosing concern.— There are 2500 miles of plank roads in New York and the profits vaty from fifteen to twenty-five per cent, on the cost of cotrstrUdtion. CoLONiEATtes Dill.—Aftery long delay and much debate, the bill making an appropriation to aid in the emigration dfttteftde riegroes of the State, has passed both Houses of the Legislature and be come a law. ‘ It appropriates to the object $30,000 annually, for five yeais, and appuinUthe Governor, Lieutenant Governor, and the first and second Au ditors Commissioners to disburse the fund. The Commissioners are authorized to pay to the Agen) of the Colonization Society, $25 each, fur emigrants over ten years of age. and $15 each for emigrants under ten years of age, whenever the evidence is presented that they are actually shipped to Liberia The bill also imposes a taX of one dollar each, on the male colored people between the ages oftwenty ooe and fifty five, to be added to the appropriation. The success of this measure, which is likely to accomplish much good to both classes of our popu lation, white and black, is in a great measure to be attributed to the efforts of the Rev. R. \\. Dai ly, the able and indefatigable agent of the Atneri ean Colonization Society. The Spring .Canvass.—We notice that the Canvass fo» the Legislature has been commenced in many counties in the State. As a United States Senator is to’8e Elected'arid the Congressional Dis tricts are to lxt(re'apportioi:ed next winter, the elec tion is one of more than ordinary importance, and the Whigs throughout the State should exert them selves to secure, if possible, a majority in the Leg islature. . In the election district composed of Pendleton and part of Highland, threecandidatesareout, viz : John C. Woodson, Esq., Whig, and Messrs. J B. Kek and E. T. Saunders, Democrats. Our f«per circulates extensively in the district and we invite our political friends there, and also in Bath and Pocahontas, to use^t as a means of communica ting with one another and the public. *. fty On? Thursday last the Legislature re-elected Judge Robertson, Judge of the Chancery side, and elected John S. Caskie, Esq., Judge of the Law side, of the Superior Court for the Richmond District. The Senate has rejected the bill passed by the House of Delegates, authorizing the Banks to is sue notes of a less denomination than fire dollars. A. VATTEMARE AND HERR ALEXANDER. It will no doubt surprise many of our readers to learn that the celebrated Mons. Vattemare and Herr Alexander are really one and the same person. Under the latter cognomen, this individu al figured extensively for some lime as a juggler, and performed suoh astonishing feats as to induce the suspicion that he had learned the art from the Archtnagieian himself. W hen[he retired from the stage another person assumed the name and has made money by it. As Mons. A Vattemare, he professed to be the originator and agent of a grand system of Interna tional Literary Exchanges. In this new character he has been entertained and caressed by manyofunr State Legislatures and public institutions, and has re ceived from them valuable donations of books and money. Ilis “beautiful system” is now declared to be a humbug—perhaps it should.be regarded as the grand finale of the wonderful juggler. It is said that there is no evidence of his being the authorized agent of any European government, but that he has an auction room in Paris, from the shelves of which be sends us obsolete books in the name of France! How he succeeded in imposing on- the public so long without detection is a thing equally dtfficul1 of explanation as many of his old performances. Although these facts have been known in private circles at the North and East for a long time, nn publio exposure was made through the press until a few weeks ago, when upon Mons. Vatte mare making application to the Legislature of New Jersey, his claims wete summarily disposed of. lie presented tm engraving of "Daniel in the Lions’ Den” to the State and applied as usual for appro priations of Money and Books to carry ont his scheme of international exchange. The following are the resolutions adopted by the lower Howe of ’.he Legislature on the occasion, which, by tha way# give rather an unfavorable idea of the taste and dignity of that body : Resolved, (Senate concurring,) That the engraving af “Daniel in tbe Lion’s Den,” presented to the Stat.j t>>' Mr- A. Vattemare, bo delivered to Abraham liorn feiiiion toextend to fugitive "slaves the right of trial by jury. Rereived 27 to 14. Mr. I Doughtfe resumed and concluded his remarks on th'e President’s Calil'drniA Message. The subject was tfien postponed till Tuesday: Mr. Foote’s resolution was taken up. and Mr. Cass replied to portions of Mr. Calhoun’s sjieech. Nothing of spe cial interest.iti the House. , , Friday, March 15.— The Senate.—The census bill, the special order of the day, was taken tip,and the consideratioit of it occupied the whole time of the Senate during the day. • r House »f Representatives.—The bill to refund the fine impose upon the late Dr. Thomas Cooper, under the sedition law, to his heirs, was passed.— Both Houses adjourned till Monday, r,. ■ - ■ City Advertisements.—We take pleasure iirt calling attention to the New York, Philadelphia and Baltimore, advertisements recently inserted in this paper, aa also, to those on oar first pAge. The Fountain Hotel, Baltimore, has Sustained A high reputation under the management of its present pro prietor, and we have no doubt that persons general ly will find it a most agreeable home, during thbir sojourn in the Monumental city. The establishment of Messrs. SwifT &. Justice, Merchant Tailors. Philadelphia, is represented to us, by a friend acquainted with it, as one of the first of ' the kind in that city. Great inducements arc held oitt ! to Country Merchants to deal there. The same j may be said of Messrs. Lee &. Brewster’s ex i tensive establishment in New York, for the sale of Printed Calicoes. Of the Store ofMessrs. ChesebrocuH, Stearns St Co., the New York Merchants’ Day Book says, it stands without a rival in point of elegance and convenience. “The order and regularity which govern every department, and the great variety and splendor of the goods are subjects of general approbation.” Central Railroad.—The people of Grepn briar seem to be in earnest about extending the Railroad from Staunton to Covington. At a pub lic meeting of the citizens of that County, recently held, a resolution was adopted,recommending to the people to authorize their County Court to subscribe the sum of $50,000 for the purpose. It will be re collected that the Legislature passed an act a month two or ago empowering the Courts of the different Counties through which the road will pass,with the consent of the people, to subscribe to the stock of the Company, 09* In order to make room for the lengthy com munications in other columns, we dispense with ed itorial matter prepared for this paper. This will not be regretted by those who read the articles re ferred to. Our columns could not be occupied to more advantage. 09* The Bill divorcing Huldah Hrrskci/L frufft her husband, Ferdinand S. Heiskkll, has pass I ed the Senate by a vote of 14 to 12. Mexican Claims.—A Washington letter in the N Y. Courier says— . The Board of Mexican Commissioners will ad journ in the course of two or three weeks until next fall. They have despatched a large amount : of business during the present session, and followed | a rule never observed by any farmer Board, of filing ; \ written opinion in every ease.by which the claim ant is enabled to understand the grounds upon which ihe decision rests. It is understood that claims to the amount of twelve millions of dollars have been presented, but it is questionable, whether anything like that amount will be allowed. Indeed it is sup posed in some quarters, that the appropriation un der the treaty will be sufficient to cover every al lowance. J|__ OAi.JVonNtA Counties.—The following are the i namt s of the con n ties .as they aie set forth in the bill sub dividing the State into counties and establishing the seals of Justice therein : "San Diego. Los Angelos, Santa Barbara, San Luis Abispo, Monterey, Brnncifurle, San Francis • co, Santa Clara, Mount Diablo, Marin, Sonoma, Solano, Yolo. Mendieino, Sacramento, Coloma, Sutter, Bute, Yuba. Colttsi; Shasta, Trinity, Gala- j veras, Tuolumme, Mariposa—-twenty-five in nutn* j her.” ___ Gke*t Industrial Exhibition.—'Theooniern plated exhibition of the works of industry of all na tions, 'which is to lie hold at London in !S5f,- con tinues to attract attention on the other side. On the 10th ult., a public meeting was held in London on the subject, at which the French, Prussian,- A> meriean and Belgian Ministers were present, and" addressed the meeting, expressing their hearty co operation in the scheme. 09* James P. Dorman and Andrew Patterson,' Esqrs.,the present Whig delegates from Rockbridge are announced aa candidates for re ekwtiou. COMMUPflCATIOM S. AN INDEPENDENT JUDICIARY. , Messrs. Editors:—Since it is noW Vtffy'Wetf'tln- i derstond that a Convention will be soon assembled to foirn a'Constitution for Virginia, it is important that iTio people 'should fully cotfdftldr and discuss the various measures of reform f*to existing institu tions” wliich h'dVe been suggested, In reference to many constitutional changes there is little, if any, 'difference of opinion, but kbout others, men “dudtf fer,” and it iVpieper that these should be discuss ed that public opiriTun may be well ascertained.— To prevent any misconception, I will explain here that upon all of the proposed changes, save tho^e looking to periodical elections of the Judges, I stand identified with the, friends of Reform. Differing on this question with many of rriy'Friends, hi ‘whose judgmenis I have high respect, I propose 'express ing, as briefly as is consistent with clearness, a few views in favor of an Independent Jifdiuitrry,, which, to my mind, are conclusive, and which, if not ah satisfactory to others ae myself, are, I trust, at least worthy of respectful consideration. The. term and principle ire derived ,from the English Constitution and originated in the power of the King to appoint and remove the Judges at pleasure. During the time he exercised this pre rogative, his influence was so grievously felt and was so fatal to the rights altd liberties of the sub ject, that it was found necessary to render lh« Jud ges independent by a life tenure and a more popu lar mode of appointment. Now because it origina ted in the power of the King, it does not by any means follow that there were not, and could not j have been in England, and that there are not influ- \ ences in this country, which might operate as inju- ! riously to the rights of the people as that of the | King. Such is not the fact, but directly the re verse. Yet it is gravely argued in an article from the March No. of the Democratic Review for 1848, that there can be no independent Judiciary where there is no King! I merely refer to this matter, without intending to review that article, portions of! which are excellent; because it has been re printed j and widely circulated in Virginia, and a statement 1 of this kind left unconiradicted miglitoperate against a good measure. it is thought by the friends of Judicial indepen dence here, that it is necessary to render the Judge independent of the Government, and the citizen tried by the government, of rich and powerful men, and of faction, all of which are calculated to pre vent nn administration of justice. The opponents of this measure talk largely of the fidelity and firm ness of men and of their ability to do their duty at i all times and under all circumstances :—To all of which I reply simply, that if in limes past some of 1 the pruudi st ornaments of the profession have been ieoapable of resisting improper influences, may we ! not £a lee late upon similar acts of weakness hereaf ter ? Anticijrating ytAir answer, I contend that ev ery protection Should be given and every facility should be afforded the Judge in his arduous duties, for necessarily a largo portion of those upon whom the office is conferred, want the requisite qualifica tions of good ji.dges and will inquire litis aid. A , good Judge possesses a vigotousand highly cultiva* I ; ted intellect, and to talent and learning, lit! Unites j 1 physical and moral courage and inflexible integrity. | Shell a combination of good qnaliiies is rarely to be met in one min. and of course the number fit for the office of Judge is Very 6mnll; t«nd it is not reasona ble to suppose they will be always selected from , this class. This, like all other difficulties, should lit; faced, and, as far as possible, provided against. The weakness of the man should be fortified by j Strengthening the office—by giving it tenure; by [ removing all possibility of appeals to his prejudices or his pas6iniY&; his interest or his principles.— ’ Wheti thus left, with nothing to control him but i God and his conscience, confidence may be placed in his decisions, Tor they will be formed and pro nounced “without the iiope of reward or the fear of punishment.” The necessity of such a Judiciary is palpable, for it addresses itself to us inevery con ceivable Way—to our lives, our fortunes and onr reputation^; arid w ithout it we haVe no vestige of j Civil liberty. , .. | If we had enjoyed, under the English Constitu tion, tho blessings of civil and political liberty, we would have been at this day, in all probability,coir j | onies of Gieat Brilinn ; but neither was vouchsafed i us, and in this tyranny the American Revolution had its inception. Odl1 ancestors sought to es tablish in this country, as the friertrU of liberty throughout the world haVo sought lit Various limes to establish, an upright and impartial adfitinislra-j tion of just anti e&pfeditult laws—laws made by thb common Consent for the common good. Believing what is now generally concedrd tlliit “tonere there is no civil liberty there can be no law. and whejethere is no law there can be no civil liberty.” Liberty depends upon the law, the efficiency of thp law up on its administration, and the safety of ail bpfun its known certainty ; and all of these depend on tne in dependence of the Judiciary,, which can only be se cured in one way, and that is by giving some per j manence of tenure to the office. You thus taiSe the j Judge above suspicion of influence from any qiiXr- j i ter. As by this tenure, in a monarchy, they are I in dependent of thepowerand influence of the*"lmwn, 1 so aie they, in a Republic, of the other branches of the government, which is important, as they stand j between the people and the people’s representatives, i to defend their Constitution against the assaults of j their agents. And as to the Judiciary being dangerous, as some apprehend, to the other departments of the govern- ! ■ ment and liberty, thrso find their greatest security j ; In its fearless independence. No ofife acquainted , j with onr own, or any oilier government, in which the departments are separated, can be ignorant of the fact that the Judiciary is the weakest. The 1 Celebrated Montesquieu, speaking of it with refer- 1 ence td life Executive and Legislative branches in 1 such a government, says it is “rteftt to nothing.”— It Ifohfe neither the sword nor the prirse; it confers i no honors and originates nothing; it has neither , “force nor will, but judgment.” It expounds the I farts passed by the Legislature and guards the ! rights of the people; by seeing that those laws are not in violation of the fundamental laws of thp land, i i Unarmed as it is, where’s the danger that it will : encroach on departments armed both with the sword and purse ! The idea is absurd. So far from ap • prebending it, every consideration of policy dictates I rbht rt should be rendered independent of them, lest I they may overrun it. Moreover, it places the i Judges beyond the re.Tcbof faction and the influence of powerful men. . , Judge Marshall, in his gfeat speech on tne Inde pendence of the Judges, remarks, “You do not al low a man to per firm the duties of a “juryman or a Judge, if he has one dollar of interest in the mat ter ; and you will allow a Judge to give a decision ; when his office may depend upon it?—When his decision mav offend a powerful and influential man? j You do not allow any of your Judges to lay up for j his old age; the longer he remains in office, the more dependent he becomes on his office. He wish • es to retain it; if he did not wish to retain it he would not have accepted it. And will you make me believe that if the manner of his decision may effect tho tenure of the office, the man himself will not lie effected by that consideration.” He further adds, in concluding this speech in support of the tenure of good behaviour, and against a dependent Judiciary :—“The independence of all those who try causes bptween man and man, and between a man ami bis government can be main tained only by the tenure of his office. Will the i gentleman (Mr. Tazewell,) recollect that in order to secure the administration of justice, Judges ol’ca | parity and legal knowledge are indispensable?— And ho\V is lie to get fhem 7 I low are such turn tube drawn offfroma lucrative practice? Will j any gentleman of tbe profession, whose practice will secure him a comfortable independence, leave that practice and come to take an office which may be taken fimm him the next day 7 YoO may invite ffiem but they will not come. You may elect them, bur they Will not accept the appointment. You don’t give salaries that will draw respectable men, unless by the certainty of permanence connected wiib fhertrr, But if they may be removed at pleas me, will any laWydr of distinction come upon1 yoilr j bench ? No, sir. 1 have always thought front’my j earliest youth till now, that the greatest scourge an angry Heaven ever inflicted'boon an ungrateful and sinning people was an ignoitn't, a corrupt or a de pendent Judiciary. Will you draw down this curse tlpon Virginia!” Tho tenufe is important also to a steady and uni form administration of tho laws ; to the establish ment of its principles upon a fixed and certain ba 'sis. When vexed questions have been decided by j tfie' Jurfge, rememtaring his derision, .Tllftoture an- j alogous cases will be made io follow this precedent, j arid thus the country will derive the benefits of his 'experience. How different if the Judge is ejected frorh-ofice! His successor will not know the for mer decision and will decide the'case anew. It is ^preferable that a defective Inw in operation and well known, should be permitted to stand always, as contracts'made'will befhade with reference to it, 'than that it should give way to a bfetrer laV, if this last ft; in a^horl time to be sui>erceded by another, for in this uncertainty there is perplexity and dan ger. 'STabiflryin the Taws, no leSB’thin itt govern ment, is a matter of the highest, practical impor * tan cp, an«l no effort shout'd be wanting to secure an object so desirable. Aftef a principle is decided—a precedent set—all cases should b«i made to follow it, till in the course of time the system would bear perfect as mart could'fhake it. This r.bject should not lie lost sight of, for notwithstanding the perfec tion to which ihe common lav; has attained, being, as one of its most learned defenders asserts, “the perfection tif human reason,” and the great learning of the eminent Judges by whom its principles have bepn ex|xrtjtrdprl,'rfiirny e extended to the Legislature. It decides upon the merits of men, with whom i probably not a half dozen member# are acquainted | and of whom of coune it can know nothing, for their friends will laud them and their enemies detract j front them. It decides a matter in which it feels no immediate ! or special interest; upon which the members will j not take the trouble ut inform themselves, and on ! which they vote as fancy or the impulse of the rno : ment may dictate. [ Besides low and disgusting intrigue and vile cor- j i rnption may be successful (and often are) much more ! readily in Uie Legislature than before the people, | and to bring the matter home, our own Legislature ! has in more cases than one (when the people of the i district would have acted differently) elected men j I of narrow minds and “a little learning.” over men ; of splendid abilities and profound knowledge. For these reasons I greatly prefer the election of j | the Judges by the people of each district, over all j other modes of appointment; and to the success of i this object, I trust the friends of Judicial indepen denco will direct all thteir thoughts and actions. C1VIS. THE UNION! Cftlifferteu:—'The scales that are to decide our national des'iuy fur many years, are still vibrating in air. On «nB side* We find the accumulating weight Mf sectional prejudices and passions, and on ihe olheri the affections of the people with their hallowed memories and their most cherished hopes. All eyes are turned Ui the Seat of Government, a wailing the mumenlous issue with intense and anx ious interest. Under such circumstances every ’ word has its value. Every patriotic sentiment, ev-: ery just observation which lends to enhance our es-1 tiruate.uf the inheritance we enjoy, must contribute ! its influence to the great tide of popular feeling j which* I trust, is soon to sweep into oblivion our pfe$htii dissensions and their mischievous authors. Afb'W me'therefore, whilst my own feelings are ardently alive on this subject, to occupy a portion of your columns in an humble attempt to illustrate the value of our Union, and the considerations for which some perverted minds have proposed to bar ter it Sway. NVhat is it worth—this fairest politi cal iabricever reared by human hands? What ad vantage have we as a people derived from it, and what would we lose by its ruin ? These cjuestibns have been solemnly propounded and eloduenlly an swered in the Coiincils of tiie rialiuri. But so vast is tlie subject, arid so pressing has been the multi tude of special topics demanding discussion in those bodies, that loll justice could tiol be done to a l home which calls for the sober investigation of history.— I would not presume to undertake such a task my self, but may be pardoned for calling attention to its importance, i may be pardoned for attempting to turn the public eye more steadily to those blessings which, under Providence, we actually enjoy, and turning it away from certain great sources of discon tent and foreboding apprehension. Down to the present day it has been the custom of our people, of all parties, to rec<*gnize the Union ! ns an inestimable blessing—the object of national \ pride, and the theme of Universal prdise. VVe have met at our public festivals to rival one another in paying it homage. We have assembled around our favorite altars to Return thanks fur its preservation. In all onr social and political meetings we have seen it honored With delight, and heard it defamed with horror. In spite of all the subtle logic addressed to our heads, the moral power of patriotic feeling has retained the mastery over our hearts. In short it has everbeen the habit of the great mass of our people, both South and North, to revere the foun ders of our Union, and to bless them for the inher itance. But this general sentiment has not been founded.solely upon a grateful recollection'of its or igin. It ha9 also arisen from a rational appreciation of its benefits.' Under its protection we have grown in population from four to twenty millions, and in number, from thirteen to thirty commonwealths ; all these afe rri full possession of religious, and ndarly all of political aird personal liberty, limited only by bartiers erected by oflrselves, and ptirefifr its exer cise than any ever enjoyed by mail. We have un restricted freedom of speech and of the press; a boundless empire oter which to roam in search of pleasure or of fortune, innumerable prizes open to our ambition, and every thing that can lie desired to protect our privileges or promote our prosperity. in the midst of all these unrivalled advantages and enjoyments there never has been hut one serious source of discontent. Slavery alone has poisoned f lie cup of our happiness and threatened us with ruin. But our review of the benefits of the Union should not be limited to its positive and direct influence.— it has been our safe guard and only refuge from a thousand perils. It lias snred ns by a combination of strength from the aggressions of foreign nations, and it lias saved us by internal harriers from a sue cession of civil wars. What would have been our fate in the war of 1812, if the South had stood alone against the vast power of Great Britain? What would have happened if New England had been, as it is probable she would have been, the ally of our enemies? Imagination recoils with horror from the abvss of humiliation into which we would have plunged. But foreign wars are blessings in com parison with civil commotion. No one can conceive the horrofsnf oof condition if this Union had never existed. Wars between States, sections and races, Sotnh American anarchy, and chaotic barbarism would hare shrouded this Continent in gloom, dimming the hopes and hushing the aspirations of mankind. The Union is that which gitnes us a national j rn ' ^j-*esakc j character abroad, and secures for us the respect and | friendship of the world. Were it dissolved, how many difficulties would attend the efforts of the South to secure a position equally commanding f— How many years must elapse before she could build up a sufficient navy! In the meantime what mor tifying reverses might degrade her flag! She would perhaps become odious to the world, reproached and branded by all civilized powers. Her name, associ ated by the event with all the wrongs imputed to African Slavery, might become a luinltd name which even the throned oppressors of other lands would affect to abhor. *1 he C hristian part of her population, becoming implicated in her supposed crimes, would lose the little sympathy from other quarters which they now enjoy, and cease to exert abroad that salutary influence which is now every where felt. We would stand alone among nations, and like the proud Castilians, move tmong man kind disliked by all, respected only by ourselves. Happy might we esteem ourselves if our misfor tunes would end here. A long line of frontier would divide us frmnour enemy,our intercourse with whom wottH I*, like that of England and France, all the more dangerous from our proximity to each other. Immediate ‘neighborhood would add rancour to hos tility, engendered by jealousy. W are,relentless and" exterminating, would rage along the line only to be ended by the exhaustion ol the parties. The ma lignity of civil strife would pollute our consecrated battle-fields, and around the tun.bs of revolutionary -patriots would lie heard the mutual curses of their sons. . , , "Bat in the lowest depth a lower deep "Still yawncth to cngliJph us.” We \vould not lilt the veil that hangs in mercy over the future, and conceals the awful but inevitable conflict that would rage amund the firesides of the South'. The heart grows faint and the head sick ens to contemplate it. Let it suffice to allude to it, and then ask what is to be gained by dissolution? What is the great advantage fur the sake of which we would encounter all these perils? Is it the in creased value oT slaVe property, or the promotion of the Cotton interest? Is U to gratify the personal ambitidn'ofVhose Who advocate disunion ? By no means. There is not to be found within the broad limits of the Union one respectable politician who would acknowledge 6uch motives. Judging fiom the professions of those who urge the necessity ol dissolution, it is no mailer dfi’nlerest or ambition. The imputation is indignantly repelled. U is for principles they contend, and principles which they allege lie at the ‘foundation, not only of ours, but of ail free institutions. What are they ? We understand both from history and tradition that our fathers braved the perils of revolutionary conflict-, hot to fcseape a paltry tax, but to settle a principle wltiph thpy maintained to be the basis ot Brilish freedom. It was no less th«n the great fun damental principle that taxation and representation should go together. This Was live great right guar anteed in Magna Charlti at llrtnnytttede, and con firmed by every triumph of the popular party in ; England, that no British freeman should be taxed j but by a constitutional majority of the legislative j body in which he should be represented. It was I because this right was denied to American sul jects of the British Crown, that our fathers drew the sword which they never returned to the sheath till the same great principle was conceded to themselves. It will not be denied that where this is fully secur ed. constitutional power is sometimes so used as to justify a resort to revolutionary violence. Interests of such magnitude are sometimes brought intojeop ardv by the despotism of majoities, that men are justified in throwing their charities to the winds, and making their solemn appeal to the last arbiter of nations. But neither jn our revolutionary con- j test, nor in our present difficulties, could any such j argument lie adduced. It is now, as it was then, | purely a question of principle) and as such must be decided. . ■ Now it dantlot be dented that the Constitution of the United States abundantly secures the right of representation. Taxation, as a consequence, can not be Unfairly distributed without the sanction of a constitutional majority sufficient to shield it from the charge of tyranny. We are not called upon, therefore, to vindicate the sacred right which the revolution secured. We are neither excluded from the national councils, nor'trampled upon, in the ad justment of the tariff, by an unscrupulous majority. The sole ground of all iiur discontent, is the dispo sition shown by a constitutional majority lo exclude a certain species of property from territory belong ing in common to the North and the South. Ifslave holders, instead of being aggregated at the South, were equally distributed over the Union, the ques tion would not materially change its character.. If the property were of a different kind, the principle would still be the same. It would still b« a prop osition to exclude not the owners of that species of property, but the property itself. It Is cleab that however unwise and unjust such a measure may be, it violates no State fight, because no man can emi grate to those ieffitoiies wltliotil leaving the States; ditd It Violates In no degree the principle of-repre sentation, because every citizen and every State re tains in the national legislature the influence to which it is entitled by the. Constitution itself. Freely admitting therefore that the exclusion of slavery from the territories would be unjust, and Violative of the spirit of mutual concession in which our government was fbitnded, we contend that it stands in point of principle upon the same level with many recurring instances in which minorities are wronged in reprerentative governments. Shall a minority of the people or of the States withdraw from the Union whenever their construction of the Constitution is violated ? |f not, some substantial reason other than a regard for the integrity of that instrument,’ would become those who are anxious to destroy it. Had this rule been always observed, a general anarchy would long since have buried in its oloom the devout hopes and cherished recollections of us all. But it were folly in an individual to for sake civilized society whenever it is unjust, and it would he still greater madness in a State to aban don the confederacy whenever she has cause locum plain that others have violated the compact. It would be like the folly ofa plaintifl who should tear up fi bond because the defendant refuses to pay.. But we are told that the exclusion of slavery from the territories would be insulting as well as unjust, and that we should not submit to the indig nity, whatever might be the sacrifice in resisting it. Here lies the whole difficulty »f the case.— The large slaveholders ol the Sooth, jdstly incens ed at the effort to stigmatizo the relation of mas ter and slave by repelling that species of proper ty from rhs terrihrries, ami stuny to the quick by an Odious t/isfincfioii implying something shameful irf themselves, have given expression to their indig natron' through every chanrtel, ant'd in'the madness of offended dignity, threatened to tear down the temple of Liberty itself, It weru needless to 6eek for any other solution of the present slate of affairs. All oUr danger, has arisen from Northern aversion to slavery, on the one hand, amf the towering pride of Southern chivalry on the other. But disunion can neither diminish the one, nor appease the other. It will ever Ire natural for those who contemplate slavery ortly at £ distance, and through the medium of imagination, to hold it in abhorrence ; and so long as this Is so, the South must expect to be condemn ed by fanaticism and taunted by hypocrisy. Irf the Union she might bear patiently the language of Northern reproach ; out of the Unioh, bping far the weaker party, elm would biped helplessly under the heel of Northern aggression. In the. Union, she may foil the violence of fanaticism by the mor al power ofa just and dignified moderation ; out of the Union, she must become the prey ofa crusade more devastating than any recorded in history.— .Shall we then, in order to recent an indignity on ! the part of Congress, abandon the last refuge ol the hopes of man ? Belter cling ui the ship, where we are captives, than madly throw ourselves over board. “Ycf, though destruction sweep these lovely plainti Bine, fellow-men! Our Country yet remains l By that dread name we rajae the sword on bigb» And swear for her to fire ! With her to die — _HAMPDEN. TO 'rtlE PEOPLE OP AUGUSTA. Fellow Citizens:—An editorial in the last Statin ton Spectator, under the head of “Southern Con uenfion,” suggests a meeting °f il*e citizens of this County at the Court House, on the first day of your March Court. It is well.—A momentous question deiqands your consideration. A question involving lliet interests, nay, perhaps the integrity of the U nion. Southern men-, as such, are about to assert)-' hlq, together hi Nashville to deliberate on Southern Righto and Southern ftemtfiites. ‘l’he Legislature of Virginia—not elected with a view to such a pur I pose—have recon. fhendnl to yon to send delegates I to that Convention, and haVe further' resolved, in certain events, that yo%, the People of VirginitV shall elect other delates to another Convention.^ These are all matters out of the scope of ordinary legislative power, and fit subjects for the considera tion and action of the people in their primary a* sembliefc**— Come and reaswwgetlie* at your March Court. It is for yur duty in the event of having become the representative of the district spoken of, to vote for a U. S. Senator, you would vole for a member of the Democratic party to filj that office, provided a majority of thp people ofyour election district tVefe ascertained to he Demierat*? Have you endeavered to create the impress* it among the members of the democratic parly that your opinions assimilated nearly to theirs, by sta ting that you were opposed to several of the lead ing measures of the Whig policy ? Speak maiij and say under which King. Very respectfully, ynur friend, RUSTICU5; Highland Co., March 15, 1850. Senator Benton.—This is the happiest and most amusing man in this wide Confederacy. Thd verification of his prophecy respecting Mr. Calhoun’s disunion penchant, inflates his self love to a high pitch of extravagance. Me would answer tf.iiii hS says, “But why. sir, should I make it speech io a J dead man—Mis head is off, sir, ofrr—He does’nt know it—but let him shake it,.sir, and it will fall to the ground, sir, to the ground, sir!’* But the return of of his son-in law, Fremont, as Senator, fills his cup to overflowing wrth joy. In' rill Companies, and on all occasions, he expatiates upon his merits. “Ho is only second to Washing ton (he says.) Like Washington he was the sod of a widow, sir,—Left an orphan at the same agei sir;—Like Washington, he swam a river, sir, at 17—Like Washington, sir, he commenced as a Surveyor, sir,—Like Washington, sir, he explored, the West, sir! And Humbolt, the philosopher of Europe, sir, calls him the great Fremont uf Amer ica, sir, and had carried out, sir, tjte gtattd Concep tions, which were only ,dimly seen by bis great mind, sir,’* &.c., &.c.— Whig. Ireland.—In the House of Commons, Feb. J4tH Lord John Russell related the origin of and detail* of the distress which called fur the advances to the unions in Ireland. Famine bad now ceased, and by emigration or death the country had become, in a great measure, cleared. Accounts from the coast; and from almost all the counties of Ireland, spoke well fur the revival of a spirit of industry artel prise. In the four months ending Jan, 5,1850,there had been a decrease in the expenditure upon Irish pauperism amounting to .£l88,000. The number of out-door paupers receiving Relief had . declined, between January last-year and the month jiisi past, from 557,284 to \ 18,940. These were among the tokens of brightening prospects. The noble Lord then recounted the various advances made from the irpfteria'I treasury since 1839, for Irish workhou^ji and reliefs, which left a gross sum still due and urr, paid of-£4,483,000. This total it was no\y proposed to consolidate; and allow forty years fuf its gfraduitf reftajment. - -- ' ... ■ T— Jenny Lind.—The New York Herald his tlfe following statpmenl in regard to the projected move ments of Jenny Lind in.l|iis country: *,t Mad’llo Lind visits our great country, in a great, measftfe from fturfosily, and she purposes going through all the principal Stales, .tenninaiin* tour at Havana,’and returning to Europe viaMeii co, which arraniTenVent Will preclude the possibility of re-visiting our cities ; and, arcording 1<» the platf of the tour, which we have seen, she will employ the time allotted to thn 150 concerts in about cities of the Union, which gives to NtrW Yoflf 12 j Boston 8; Philadelphia 6; Baltimore 4? WasKingtotS 2; and so on to Charlestoh; and, aSonti’or Mad’lle/ Lind’* great inducements to visit America is lose* the Falls of Niagara, the Monmoth Cave of Ken tucky,and other interesting f»-stures of our country; concerts will vpry prohahly begivenat Albany, Ro chester, Syracuse, Buffalo—North ; and Cincinnati and Louisville—West; and so on to New Orleans/1 A correspondent of tbft Herald, writing from Leon do -Nicaragua under datd of 11'tH-ull./ says— . , v' I met Mr. tvAi’f*, ftgfnf of the canal company, irf • Granada a few days ago. He has examine*! tbu route lor' immediate transit, and finds but twelv* miles of /and travel. The passage can.be made I fr„m sea to'sea in 3G hours, and it is said one week4 I ()f (im« will bo saved to the.steamers—two days on I the Atlantic and four on the Pacific. If so—and ! tfipre is fu> doubt of the fact—ilie mute to California will be shortened not less than eight days. We Ictirn from the National Intelligencer thsf Mr. ftoSERT Mills, Architect, of Washington city, has been appointed by the Governor ofVirginia Architect and Superintendent of the Washington Monument about to be erected at Richmond- .Mr.' Crawford, the eminent sculptor, and author of the design of the Monument, is about to proceed to Italy to execute the statues for the work.