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Staunton spectator. [volume] (Staunton, Va.) 1849-1896, March 20, 1850, Image 2

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THE STAUNTON SPECTATOR.
I
Junction Valley Turnpike.—Mr. E. €5.
Wall, Engineer of the Junction Valley Turnpike,
having visited New York for the purpose of exam
ining the Plank: Roads of that State, has submitted
a long and interesting report to the Board of Di
rectors on the subject. The result of his iri'veeti
gation8 is, a decided conVicTion that ‘Planlc Toads
are much to be preferred to McAdamrfced Toads,
and accordingly he recommends an improvement
of the former kind. He expresses the belief that
the difference in the repairs on a McAdamtied and
Plank road would replace the '{flank on (he fatter
in eight or nine years. The .oust of repairing the
Valiev Turnpike from the lima it was completed
up to October 1348, the Report states, was $95,
275,75.—or $1.035,000 per mile in about eight
years. ,
As to the value of Plank roads to the Stockhold
ers, we see it stated elsewhere that not a single one
has been built that has proved a loosing concern.—
There are 2500 miles of plank roads in New York
and the profits vaty from fifteen to twenty-five per
cent, on the cost of cotrstrUdtion.
CoLONiEATtes Dill.—Aftery long delay and
much debate, the bill making an appropriation to
aid in the emigration dfttteftde riegroes of the State,
has passed both Houses of the Legislature and be
come a law. ‘ It appropriates to the object $30,000
annually, for five yeais, and appuinUthe Governor,
Lieutenant Governor, and the first and second Au
ditors Commissioners to disburse the fund. The
Commissioners are authorized to pay to the Agen)
of the Colonization Society, $25 each, fur emigrants
over ten years of age. and $15 each for emigrants
under ten years of age, whenever the evidence is
presented that they are actually shipped to Liberia
The bill also imposes a taX of one dollar each, on
the male colored people between the ages oftwenty
ooe and fifty five, to be added to the appropriation.
The success of this measure, which is likely to
accomplish much good to both classes of our popu
lation, white and black, is in a great measure to
be attributed to the efforts of the Rev. R. \\. Dai
ly, the able and indefatigable agent of the Atneri
ean Colonization Society.
The Spring .Canvass.—We notice that the
Canvass fo» the Legislature has been commenced
in many counties in the State. As a United States
Senator is to’8e Elected'arid the Congressional Dis
tricts are to lxt(re'apportioi:ed next winter, the elec
tion is one of more than ordinary importance, and
the Whigs throughout the State should exert them
selves to secure, if possible, a majority in the Leg
islature. .
In the election district composed of Pendleton
and part of Highland, threecandidatesareout, viz :
John C. Woodson, Esq., Whig, and Messrs. J
B. Kek and E. T. Saunders, Democrats. Our
f«per circulates extensively in the district and we
invite our political friends there, and also in Bath
and Pocahontas, to use^t as a means of communica
ting with one another and the public. *.
fty On? Thursday last the Legislature re-elected
Judge Robertson, Judge of the Chancery side,
and elected John S. Caskie, Esq., Judge of the
Law side, of the Superior Court for the Richmond
District.
The Senate has rejected the bill passed by the
House of Delegates, authorizing the Banks to is
sue notes of a less denomination than fire dollars.
A. VATTEMARE AND HERR ALEXANDER.
It will no doubt surprise many of our readers to
learn that the celebrated Mons. Vattemare and
Herr Alexander are really one and the same
person. Under the latter cognomen, this individu
al figured extensively for some lime as a juggler,
and performed suoh astonishing feats as to induce
the suspicion that he had learned the art from the
Archtnagieian himself. W hen[he retired from the
stage another person assumed the name and has
made money by it.
As Mons. A Vattemare, he professed to be the
originator and agent of a grand system of Interna
tional Literary Exchanges. In this new character
he has been entertained and caressed by manyofunr
State Legislatures and public institutions, and has re
ceived from them valuable donations of books and
money. Ilis “beautiful system” is now declared
to be a humbug—perhaps it should.be regarded as
the grand finale of the wonderful juggler. It is said
that there is no evidence of his being the authorized
agent of any European government, but that he has
an auction room in Paris, from the shelves of which
be sends us obsolete books in the name of France!
How he succeeded in imposing on- the public so
long without detection is a thing equally dtfficul1
of explanation as many of his old performances.
Although these facts have been known in private
circles at the North and East for a long time, nn
publio exposure was made through the press
until a few weeks ago, when upon Mons. Vatte
mare making application to the Legislature of New
Jersey, his claims wete summarily disposed of. lie
presented tm engraving of "Daniel in the Lions’
Den” to the State and applied as usual for appro
priations of Money and Books to carry ont his
scheme of international exchange. The following
are the resolutions adopted by the lower Howe of
’.he Legislature on the occasion, which, by tha way#
give rather an unfavorable idea of the taste and
dignity of that body :
Resolved, (Senate concurring,) That the engraving
af “Daniel in tbe Lion’s Den,” presented to the Stat.j
t>>' Mr- A. Vattemare, bo delivered to Abraham liorn
f<slier, Esq., of Burlington County, the contemplated a
j,.nt for International Exchange*, ami whereas it i* evi
dent that this extraordinary and valuable engraving has
b. en purchased lor the state from some pawnbroker or I
sicood-band book stall for at least three -hillings, it is
nrotH’r it ihould be placed in the custody of some vener
able and ancient dames, therefore
Resolved, (Senate concurring,) That Mr. IIornfi«her
Nj requested to present in the name of France, Mr. Vat- I
u marc, aud this State, this celebrated engraving to the j
N\ warit Historical Society, to be deposited among their ,
equally valuable documents.
Resolved, That Mr. Hornfuner be requested, before t
he departs for Europe, to depo-ite iu the office of the
S retary of State a daguerreotype likeness of himself,
h\tthe people uuy know the face of their ag»nt.
\ od where a* the predecessor of Mr. Hornfisher de
;rt.<| a pair of possunie ami a pair of polecats should be
j.'-at froi the United Stales to Frame as International
Literary Exchange*, therefore
Resolved, That Mr. Hornfisher be requested Jo pro
•urc those literary Animals, and present them to Frauca
vbaa he reaches that country.
ttesolved that the Secretary of State be requested to
forward to Mr. Hornfisher a copy of these resolutions.
CONGRESS.
Monday, March 11th.—‘The Senate. At one
o’clock, the cortsideriition oft!:e President s Mes
sage in relation to California was resumed and Mr.
Seward having the W, addtessed the Senate.—
He was opposed to nT compromises, as radically
wrong—was in ftfvor df abolishing slavery in the
District of CuUtttibta, now and always. The speech
was more dedidely anti-slavery, and, as Gen. Cifc
since declared, tlnOTe mischirvooB, th«n"airy yet de
livered.
House of hepresentativea.—Mr. King ot New
York presented anti-slavery resolution's passed by
‘the Legislature of that "State. The House went
itfto Committee of the Whole on the California bill
‘‘and Mr.'Stanton, of Ky., and Mr. Fowler of Mass.,
delivered Speeches. .
Tuesday, March 12.—Thc:SinMe.—After pe
titions, and somo uni important business, Mr. Joolu
moved that Mr. Bell’s resolutions betaken up, with
a view to move their reference to a committee of
thirteen. The subject waR discussed and finally
postponed till the next day. 1 ho Senate then re
sumed the consideration of Mr. Clay’s resolutions.
Mr. Turney addressed the Senate in defenco of the
rights of the South.
TTottse if Representatives.—A resolution to print
50,000 copies of the mechanical portion, and 100,
000 copies ert" rtre agricultural portion of the annual
Report of the Commissioner of Patents was adopted,
itlessrs. Gorman, of la., and Butler, of Con., deliv
ered speeches in Committee of the W hole on the
California bill.
Wednesday, March 13.— The Senate.—Mr.
Seward presented petitions for the abolition of slave
ry in the District of Columbia-on the removal of
the seat of government, and also remonstrating a
oaiiisl the extention of slavery into territories of the
tlnited States. Laid on the table for the present
Mr. Foote’s resolution was taken up, and, after an
interesting discussion, the subject was further post*
poned. Mr. Douglass spoke at length on the Cal
] ifornia Message.
House of Representatives.—Mr. Robinson from
; the Cotfifititteo on Roads and Canals, reported a
; bill to Appropriate and sell to Asa Whitney, of N.
i Y., a'portion of. the politic land, to enable him to i
I construct a road from the Mississippi River to the :
Pacific Ocean. The bill was read twice by its tit ;
! tip, and (jrtlerdd to be printed.
Mr. Thompson, of Va., from the Committee on ’
! the Judiciary, made an adverse report on all the;
memorials referred to that Committee for the abo- J
lition of the ofRce of Chaplain in CongresA and Jo ;
the Army-and Navy.
Air.- Disney, of'Ohio, spoke fur an hont TA Ctfm- [
! mitlee of the Whole on the California bill.
Thursday, March 11.— The Senate.—Mr. Se
ward presented a |>eiiiion toextend to fugitive "slaves
the right of trial by jury. Rereived 27 to 14. Mr.
I Doughtfe resumed and concluded his remarks on
th'e President’s Calil'drniA Message. The subject
was tfien postponed till Tuesday: Mr. Foote’s
resolution was taken up. and Mr. Cass replied to
portions of Mr. Calhoun’s sjieech. Nothing of spe
cial interest.iti the House. , ,
Friday, March 15.— The Senate.—The census
bill, the special order of the day, was taken tip,and
the consideratioit of it occupied the whole time of
the Senate during the day. • r
House »f Representatives.—The bill to refund
the fine impose upon the late Dr. Thomas Cooper,
under the sedition law, to his heirs, was passed.—
Both Houses adjourned till Monday, r,.
■ - ■
City Advertisements.—We take pleasure iirt
calling attention to the New York, Philadelphia
and Baltimore, advertisements recently inserted in
this paper, aa also, to those on oar first pAge. The
Fountain Hotel, Baltimore, has Sustained A high
reputation under the management of its present pro
prietor, and we have no doubt that persons general
ly will find it a most agreeable home, during thbir
sojourn in the Monumental city.
The establishment of Messrs. SwifT &. Justice,
Merchant Tailors. Philadelphia, is represented to
us, by a friend acquainted with it, as one of the first of
' the kind in that city. Great inducements arc held oitt
! to Country Merchants to deal there. The same
j may be said of Messrs. Lee &. Brewster’s ex
i tensive establishment in New York, for the sale of
Printed Calicoes.
Of the Store ofMessrs. ChesebrocuH, Stearns
St Co., the New York Merchants’ Day Book says,
it stands without a rival in point of elegance and
convenience. “The order and regularity which
govern every department, and the great variety
and splendor of the goods are subjects of general
approbation.”
Central Railroad.—The people of Grepn
briar seem to be in earnest about extending the
Railroad from Staunton to Covington. At a pub
lic meeting of the citizens of that County, recently
held, a resolution was adopted,recommending to the
people to authorize their County Court to subscribe
the sum of $50,000 for the purpose. It will be re
collected that the Legislature passed an act a month
two or ago empowering the Courts of the different
Counties through which the road will pass,with the
consent of the people, to subscribe to the stock of
the Company,
09* In order to make room for the lengthy com
munications in other columns, we dispense with ed
itorial matter prepared for this paper. This will
not be regretted by those who read the articles re
ferred to. Our columns could not be occupied to
more advantage.
09* The Bill divorcing Huldah Hrrskci/L frufft
her husband, Ferdinand S. Heiskkll, has pass
I ed the Senate by a vote of 14 to 12.
Mexican Claims.—A Washington letter in the
N Y. Courier says—
. The Board of Mexican Commissioners will ad
journ in the course of two or three weeks until
next fall. They have despatched a large amount
: of business during the present session, and followed
| a rule never observed by any farmer Board, of filing
; \ written opinion in every ease.by which the claim
ant is enabled to understand the grounds upon which
ihe decision rests. It is understood that claims to
the amount of twelve millions of dollars have been
presented, but it is questionable, whether anything
like that amount will be allowed. Indeed it is sup
posed in some quarters, that the appropriation un
der the treaty will be sufficient to cover every al
lowance. J|__
OAi.JVonNtA Counties.—The following are the
i namt s of the con n ties .as they aie set forth in the bill
sub dividing the State into counties and establishing
the seals of Justice therein :
"San Diego. Los Angelos, Santa Barbara, San
Luis Abispo, Monterey, Brnncifurle, San Francis
• co, Santa Clara, Mount Diablo, Marin, Sonoma,
Solano, Yolo. Mendieino, Sacramento, Coloma,
Sutter, Bute, Yuba. Colttsi; Shasta, Trinity, Gala- j
veras, Tuolumme, Mariposa—-twenty-five in nutn*
j her.” ___
Gke*t Industrial Exhibition.—'Theooniern
plated exhibition of the works of industry of all na
tions, 'which is to lie hold at London in !S5f,- con
tinues to attract attention on the other side. On
the 10th ult., a public meeting was held in London
on the subject, at which the French, Prussian,- A>
meriean and Belgian Ministers were present, and"
addressed the meeting, expressing their hearty co
operation in the scheme.
09* James P. Dorman and Andrew Patterson,'
Esqrs.,the present Whig delegates from Rockbridge
are announced aa candidates for re ekwtiou.
COMMUPflCATIOM S.
AN INDEPENDENT JUDICIARY. ,
Messrs. Editors:—Since it is noW Vtffy'Wetf'tln- i
derstond that a Convention will be soon assembled
to foirn a'Constitution for Virginia, it is important
that iTio people 'should fully cotfdftldr and discuss
the various measures of reform f*to existing institu
tions” wliich h'dVe been suggested, In reference
to many constitutional changes there is little, if any,
'difference of opinion, but kbout others, men “dudtf
fer,” and it iVpieper that these should be discuss
ed that public opiriTun may be well ascertained.—
To prevent any misconception, I will explain here
that upon all of the proposed changes, save tho^e
looking to periodical elections of the Judges, I stand
identified with the, friends of Reform. Differing
on this question with many of rriy'Friends, hi ‘whose
judgmenis I have high respect, I propose 'express
ing, as briefly as is consistent with clearness, a few
views in favor of an Independent Jifdiuitrry,, which,
to my mind, are conclusive, and which, if not ah
satisfactory to others ae myself, are, I trust, at least
worthy of respectful consideration.
The. term and principle ire derived ,from the
English Constitution and originated in the power
of the King to appoint and remove the Judges at
pleasure. During the time he exercised this pre
rogative, his influence was so grievously felt and
was so fatal to the rights altd liberties of the sub
ject, that it was found necessary to render lh« Jud
ges independent by a life tenure and a more popu
lar mode of appointment. Now because it origina
ted in the power of the King, it does not by any
means follow that there were not, and could not j
have been in England, and that there are not influ- \
ences in this country, which might operate as inju- !
riously to the rights of the people as that of the |
King. Such is not the fact, but directly the re
verse. Yet it is gravely argued in an article from
the March No. of the Democratic Review for 1848,
that there can be no independent Judiciary where
there is no King! I merely refer to this matter,
without intending to review that article, portions of!
which are excellent; because it has been re printed j
and widely circulated in Virginia, and a statement 1
of this kind left unconiradicted miglitoperate against
a good measure.
it is thought by the friends of Judicial indepen
dence here, that it is necessary to render the Judge
independent of the Government, and the citizen
tried by the government, of rich and powerful men,
and of faction, all of which are calculated to pre
vent nn administration of justice. The opponents
of this measure talk largely of the fidelity and firm
ness of men and of their ability to do their duty at
i all times and under all circumstances :—To all of
which I reply simply, that if in limes past some of
1 the pruudi st ornaments of the profession have been
ieoapable of resisting improper influences, may we
! not £a lee late upon similar acts of weakness hereaf
ter ? Anticijrating ytAir answer, I contend that ev
ery protection Should be given and every facility
should be afforded the Judge in his arduous duties,
for necessarily a largo portion of those upon whom
the office is conferred, want the requisite qualifica
tions of good ji.dges and will inquire litis aid. A
, good Judge possesses a vigotousand highly cultiva* I
; ted intellect, and to talent and learning, lit! Unites j
1 physical and moral courage and inflexible integrity. |
Shell a combination of good qnaliiies is rarely to be
met in one min. and of course the number fit for the
office of Judge is Very 6mnll; t«nd it is not reasona
ble to suppose they will be always selected from
, this class. This, like all other difficulties, should
lit; faced, and, as far as possible, provided against.
The weakness of the man should be fortified by j
Strengthening the office—by giving it tenure; by [
removing all possibility of appeals to his prejudices
or his pas6iniY&; his interest or his principles.— ’
Wheti thus left, with nothing to control him but i
God and his conscience, confidence may be placed
in his decisions, Tor they will be formed and pro
nounced “without the iiope of reward or the fear of
punishment.” The necessity of such a Judiciary
is palpable, for it addresses itself to us inevery con
ceivable Way—to our lives, our fortunes and onr
reputation^; arid w ithout it we haVe no vestige of j
Civil liberty. , .. |
If we had enjoyed, under the English Constitu
tion, tho blessings of civil and political liberty, we
would have been at this day, in all probability,coir j
| onies of Gieat Brilinn ; but neither was vouchsafed i
us, and in this tyranny the American Revolution
had its inception. Odl1 ancestors sought to es
tablish in this country, as the friertrU of liberty
throughout the world haVo sought lit Various limes
to establish, an upright and impartial adfitinislra-j
tion of just anti e&pfeditult laws—laws made by thb
common Consent for the common good. Believing
what is now generally concedrd tlliit “tonere there is
no civil liberty there can be no law. and whejethere
is no law there can be no civil liberty.” Liberty
depends upon the law, the efficiency of thp law up
on its administration, and the safety of ail bpfun its
known certainty ; and all of these depend on tne in
dependence of the Judiciary,, which can only be se
cured in one way, and that is by giving some per
j manence of tenure to the office. You thus taiSe the
j Judge above suspicion of influence from any qiiXr- j
i ter. As by this tenure, in a monarchy, they are I
in dependent of thepowerand influence of the*"lmwn, 1
so aie they, in a Republic, of the other branches of
the government, which is important, as they stand j
between the people and the people’s representatives, i
to defend their Constitution against the assaults of j
their agents.
And as to the Judiciary being dangerous, as some
apprehend, to the other departments of the govern- !
■ ment and liberty, thrso find their greatest security j
; In its fearless independence. No ofife acquainted ,
j with onr own, or any oilier government, in which
the departments are separated, can be ignorant of
the fact that the Judiciary is the weakest. The 1
Celebrated Montesquieu, speaking of it with refer- 1
ence td life Executive and Legislative branches in 1
such a government, says it is “rteftt to nothing.”—
It Ifohfe neither the sword nor the prirse; it confers
i no honors and originates nothing; it has neither
, “force nor will, but judgment.” It expounds the I
farts passed by the Legislature and guards the
! rights of the people; by seeing that those laws are
not in violation of the fundamental laws of thp land, i
i Unarmed as it is, where’s the danger that it will
: encroach on departments armed both with the sword
and purse ! The idea is absurd. So far from ap
• prebending it, every consideration of policy dictates
I rbht rt should be rendered independent of them, lest
I they may overrun it. Moreover, it places the
i Judges beyond the re.Tcbof faction and the influence
of powerful men. . ,
Judge Marshall, in his gfeat speech on tne Inde
pendence of the Judges, remarks, “You do not al
low a man to per firm the duties of a “juryman or
a Judge, if he has one dollar of interest in the mat
ter ; and you will allow a Judge to give a decision
; when his office may depend upon it?—When his
decision mav offend a powerful and influential man?
j You do not allow any of your Judges to lay up for
j his old age; the longer he remains in office, the
more dependent he becomes on his office. He wish •
es to retain it; if he did not wish to retain it he
would not have accepted it. And will you make
me believe that if the manner of his decision may
effect tho tenure of the office, the man himself will
not lie effected by that consideration.”
He further adds, in concluding this speech in
support of the tenure of good behaviour, and against
a dependent Judiciary :—“The independence of all
those who try causes bptween man and man, and
between a man ami bis government can be main
tained only by the tenure of his office. Will the
i gentleman (Mr. Tazewell,) recollect that in order
to secure the administration of justice, Judges ol’ca
| parity and legal knowledge are indispensable?—
And ho\V is lie to get fhem 7 I low are such turn
tube drawn offfroma lucrative practice? Will j
any gentleman of tbe profession, whose practice
will secure him a comfortable independence, leave
that practice and come to take an office which may
be taken fimm him the next day 7 YoO may invite
ffiem but they will not come. You may elect them,
bur they Will not accept the appointment. You
don’t give salaries that will draw respectable men,
unless by the certainty of permanence connected
wiib fhertrr, But if they may be removed at pleas
me, will any laWydr of distinction come upon1 yoilr j
bench ? No, sir. 1 have always thought front’my j
earliest youth till now, that the greatest scourge an
angry Heaven ever inflicted'boon an ungrateful and
sinning people was an ignoitn't, a corrupt or a de
pendent Judiciary. Will you draw down this curse
tlpon Virginia!”
Tho tenufe is important also to a steady and uni
form administration of tho laws ; to the establish
ment of its principles upon a fixed and certain ba
'sis. When vexed questions have been decided by j
tfie' Jurfge, rememtaring his derision, .Tllftoture an- j
alogous cases will be made io follow this precedent, j
arid thus the country will derive the benefits of his
'experience. How different if the Judge is ejected
frorh-ofice! His successor will not know the for
mer decision and will decide the'case anew. It is
^preferable that a defective Inw in operation and
well known, should be permitted to stand always,
as contracts'made'will befhade with reference to it,
'than that it should give way to a bfetrer laV, if this
last ft; in a^horl time to be sui>erceded by another,
for in this uncertainty there is perplexity and dan
ger. 'STabiflryin the Taws, no leSB’thin itt govern
ment, is a matter of the highest, practical impor
* tan cp, an«l no effort shout'd be wanting to secure an
object so desirable. Aftef a principle is decided—a
precedent set—all cases should b«i made to follow
it, till in the course of time the system would bear
perfect as mart could'fhake it. This r.bject should
not lie lost sight of, for notwithstanding the perfec
tion to which ihe common lav; has attained, being,
as one of its most learned defenders asserts, “the
perfection tif human reason,” and the great learning
of the eminent Judges by whom its principles have
bepn ex|xrtjtrdprl,'rfiirny <rf them hfeVfll involved in
douht.and if this be so fh regard to laws of such
long standing and with Judges whose whole lives
1 have been seduously devoted to their elucidation, a
! fortioii, iV rrmst he l1te case with men who have
not given their lives to the prqfcSsiop: who have no
inducement in the tenures of their offices to do so;
men who may be to-day Judgps, to-morrow lawyers
and the next day industriously driving some more
profitable trade. The question of tenure being dis
posed of, and the independence of the Judiciary
: (supposed to be) secured, the brsl mode oTappoint
I ment will be very briefly considered, for if yon give
! the Judges a tenure during good behaviour; one till
he is sixty-five or seventy years of age, or till the
physical and mental faculties usually fail, it is a
matter of less importance than the tenure, to whom
he owes his appointment, since he is independent
of that power. Still in many points of view it is of
the highest moment.
The experience of England proves it unsafe t»
. confide the power to the Executive. I will merely
‘ stale, as I fear I have already occupied too much ol
i your space, the reasons w hy I think it should not
I l>e extended to the Legislature.
It decides upon the merits of men, with whom
i probably not a half dozen member# are acquainted
| and of whom of coune it can know nothing, for their
friends will laud them and their enemies detract
j front them.
It decides a matter in which it feels no immediate
! or special interest; upon which the members will
j not take the trouble ut inform themselves, and on
! which they vote as fancy or the impulse of the rno
: ment may dictate.
[ Besides low and disgusting intrigue and vile cor- j
i rnption may be successful (and often are) much more
! readily in Uie Legislature than before the people, |
and to bring the matter home, our own Legislature !
has in more cases than one (when the people of the i
district would have acted differently) elected men j
I of narrow minds and “a little learning.” over men
; of splendid abilities and profound knowledge.
For these reasons I greatly prefer the election of j
| the Judges by the people of each district, over all j
other modes of appointment; and to the success of
i this object, I trust the friends of Judicial indepen
denco will direct all thteir thoughts and actions.
C1VIS.
THE UNION!
Cftlifferteu:—'The scales that are to decide our
national des'iuy fur many years, are still vibrating
in air. On «nB side* We find the accumulating
weight Mf sectional prejudices and passions, and on
ihe olheri the affections of the people with their
hallowed memories and their most cherished hopes.
All eyes are turned Ui the Seat of Government, a
wailing the mumenlous issue with intense and anx
ious interest. Under such circumstances every ’
word has its value. Every patriotic sentiment, ev-:
ery just observation which lends to enhance our es-1
tiruate.uf the inheritance we enjoy, must contribute !
its influence to the great tide of popular feeling j
which* I trust, is soon to sweep into oblivion our
pfe$htii dissensions and their mischievous authors.
Afb'W me'therefore, whilst my own feelings are
ardently alive on this subject, to occupy a portion
of your columns in an humble attempt to illustrate
the value of our Union, and the considerations for
which some perverted minds have proposed to bar
ter it Sway. NVhat is it worth—this fairest politi
cal iabricever reared by human hands? What ad
vantage have we as a people derived from it, and
what would we lose by its ruin ? These cjuestibns
have been solemnly propounded and eloduenlly an
swered in the Coiincils of tiie rialiuri. But so vast
is tlie subject, arid so pressing has been the multi
tude of special topics demanding discussion in those
bodies, that loll justice could tiol be done to a l home
which calls for the sober investigation of history.—
I would not presume to undertake such a task my
self, but may be pardoned for calling attention to its
importance, i may be pardoned for attempting to
turn the public eye more steadily to those blessings
which, under Providence, we actually enjoy, and
turning it away from certain great sources of discon
tent and foreboding apprehension.
Down to the present day it has been the custom
of our people, of all parties, to rec<*gnize the Union !
ns an inestimable blessing—the object of national \
pride, and the theme of Universal prdise. VVe have
met at our public festivals to rival one another in
paying it homage. We have assembled around our
favorite altars to Return thanks fur its preservation.
In all onr social and political meetings we have seen
it honored With delight, and heard it defamed with
horror. In spite of all the subtle logic addressed to
our heads, the moral power of patriotic feeling has
retained the mastery over our hearts. In short it
has everbeen the habit of the great mass of our
people, both South and North, to revere the foun
ders of our Union, and to bless them for the inher
itance. But this general sentiment has not been
founded.solely upon a grateful recollection'of its or
igin. It ha9 also arisen from a rational appreciation
of its benefits.' Under its protection we have grown
in population from four to twenty millions, and in
number, from thirteen to thirty commonwealths ; all
these afe rri full possession of religious, and ndarly
all of political aird personal liberty, limited only by
bartiers erected by oflrselves, and ptirefifr its exer
cise than any ever enjoyed by mail. We have un
restricted freedom of speech and of the press; a
boundless empire oter which to roam in search of
pleasure or of fortune, innumerable prizes open to
our ambition, and every thing that can lie desired
to protect our privileges or promote our prosperity.
in the midst of all these unrivalled advantages and
enjoyments there never has been hut one serious
source of discontent. Slavery alone has poisoned
f lie cup of our happiness and threatened us with
ruin.
But our review of the benefits of the Union should
not be limited to its positive and direct influence.—
it has been our safe guard and only refuge from a
thousand perils. It lias snred ns by a combination
of strength from the aggressions of foreign nations,
and it lias saved us by internal harriers from a sue
cession of civil wars. What would have been our
fate in the war of 1812, if the South had stood alone
against the vast power of Great Britain? What
would have happened if New England had been,
as it is probable she would have been, the ally of
our enemies? Imagination recoils with horror from
the abvss of humiliation into which we would have
plunged. But foreign wars are blessings in com
parison with civil commotion. No one can conceive
the horrofsnf oof condition if this Union had never
existed. Wars between States, sections and races,
Sotnh American anarchy, and chaotic barbarism
would hare shrouded this Continent in gloom,
dimming the hopes and hushing the aspirations of
mankind.
The Union is that which gitnes us a national j
rn ' ^j-*esakc
j character abroad, and secures for us the respect and
| friendship of the world. Were it dissolved, how
many difficulties would attend the efforts of the
South to secure a position equally commanding f—
How many years must elapse before she could build
up a sufficient navy! In the meantime what mor
tifying reverses might degrade her flag! She would
perhaps become odious to the world, reproached and
branded by all civilized powers. Her name, associ
ated by the event with all the wrongs imputed to
African Slavery, might become a luinltd name
which even the throned oppressors of other lands
would affect to abhor. *1 he C hristian part of her
population, becoming implicated in her supposed
crimes, would lose the little sympathy from other
quarters which they now enjoy, and cease to exert
abroad that salutary influence which is now every
where felt. We would stand alone among nations,
and like the proud Castilians, move tmong man
kind disliked by all, respected only by ourselves.
Happy might we esteem ourselves if our misfor
tunes would end here. A long line of frontier would
divide us frmnour enemy,our intercourse with whom
wottH I*, like that of England and France, all the
more dangerous from our proximity to each other.
Immediate ‘neighborhood would add rancour to hos
tility, engendered by jealousy. W are,relentless and"
exterminating, would rage along the line only to be
ended by the exhaustion ol the parties. The ma
lignity of civil strife would pollute our consecrated
battle-fields, and around the tun.bs of revolutionary
-patriots would lie heard the mutual curses of their
sons. . , ,
"Bat in the lowest depth a lower deep
"Still yawncth to cngliJph us.”
We \vould not lilt the veil that hangs in mercy over
the future, and conceals the awful but inevitable
conflict that would rage amund the firesides of the
South'. The heart grows faint and the head sick
ens to contemplate it. Let it suffice to allude to it,
and then ask what is to be gained by dissolution?
What is the great advantage fur the sake of which
we would encounter all these perils? Is it the in
creased value oT slaVe property, or the promotion of
the Cotton interest? Is U to gratify the personal
ambitidn'ofVhose Who advocate disunion ? By no
means. There is not to be found within the broad
limits of the Union one respectable politician who
would acknowledge 6uch motives. Judging fiom
the professions of those who urge the necessity ol
dissolution, it is no mailer dfi’nlerest or ambition.
The imputation is indignantly repelled. U is for
principles they contend, and principles which they
allege lie at the ‘foundation, not only of ours, but of
ail free institutions. What are they ?
We understand both from history and tradition
that our fathers braved the perils of revolutionary
conflict-, hot to fcseape a paltry tax, but to settle a
principle wltiph thpy maintained to be the basis ot
Brilish freedom. It was no less th«n the great fun
damental principle that taxation and representation
should go together. This Was live great right guar
anteed in Magna Charlti at llrtnnytttede, and con
firmed by every triumph of the popular party in ;
England, that no British freeman should be taxed j
but by a constitutional majority of the legislative j
body in which he should be represented. It was I
because this right was denied to American sul jects
of the British Crown, that our fathers drew the
sword which they never returned to the sheath till
the same great principle was conceded to themselves.
It will not be denied that where this is fully secur
ed. constitutional power is sometimes so used as to
justify a resort to revolutionary violence. Interests
of such magnitude are sometimes brought intojeop
ardv by the despotism of majoities, that men are
justified in throwing their charities to the winds,
and making their solemn appeal to the last arbiter
of nations. But neither jn our revolutionary con- j
test, nor in our present difficulties, could any such j
argument lie adduced. It is now, as it was then, |
purely a question of principle) and as such must be
decided. . ■
Now it dantlot be dented that the Constitution
of the United States abundantly secures the right
of representation. Taxation, as a consequence, can
not be Unfairly distributed without the sanction of
a constitutional majority sufficient to shield it from
the charge of tyranny. We are not called upon,
therefore, to vindicate the sacred right which the
revolution secured. We are neither excluded from
the national councils, nor'trampled upon, in the ad
justment of the tariff, by an unscrupulous majority.
The sole ground of all iiur discontent, is the dispo
sition shown by a constitutional majority lo exclude
a certain species of property from territory belong
ing in common to the North and the South. Ifslave
holders, instead of being aggregated at the South,
were equally distributed over the Union, the ques
tion would not materially change its character.. If
the property were of a different kind, the principle
would still be the same. It would still b« a prop
osition to exclude not the owners of that species of
property, but the property itself. It Is cleab that
however unwise and unjust such a measure may be,
it violates no State fight, because no man can emi
grate to those ieffitoiies wltliotil leaving the States;
ditd It Violates In no degree the principle of-repre
sentation, because every citizen and every State re
tains in the national legislature the influence to
which it is entitled by the. Constitution itself.
Freely admitting therefore that the exclusion of
slavery from the territories would be unjust, and
Violative of the spirit of mutual concession in which
our government was fbitnded, we contend that it
stands in point of principle upon the same level with
many recurring instances in which minorities are
wronged in reprerentative governments. Shall a
minority of the people or of the States withdraw
from the Union whenever their construction of the
Constitution is violated ? |f not, some substantial
reason other than a regard for the integrity of that
instrument,’ would become those who are anxious to
destroy it. Had this rule been always observed, a
general anarchy would long since have buried in its
oloom the devout hopes and cherished recollections
of us all. But it were folly in an individual to for
sake civilized society whenever it is unjust, and it
would he still greater madness in a State to aban
don the confederacy whenever she has cause locum
plain that others have violated the compact. It
would be like the folly ofa plaintifl who should tear
up fi bond because the defendant refuses to pay..
But we are told that the exclusion of slavery
from the territories would be insulting as well as
unjust, and that we should not submit to the indig
nity, whatever might be the sacrifice in resisting
it. Here lies the whole difficulty »f the case.—
The large slaveholders ol the Sooth, jdstly incens
ed at the effort to stigmatizo the relation of mas
ter and slave by repelling that species of proper
ty from rhs terrihrries, ami stuny to the quick by
an Odious t/isfincfioii implying something shameful
irf themselves, have given expression to their indig
natron' through every chanrtel, ant'd in'the madness
of offended dignity, threatened to tear down the
temple of Liberty itself, It weru needless to 6eek
for any other solution of the present slate of affairs.
All oUr danger, has arisen from Northern aversion
to slavery, on the one hand, amf the towering pride
of Southern chivalry on the other. But disunion
can neither diminish the one, nor appease the other.
It will ever Ire natural for those who contemplate
slavery ortly at £ distance, and through the medium
of imagination, to hold it in abhorrence ; and so long
as this Is so, the South must expect to be condemn
ed by fanaticism and taunted by hypocrisy. Irf the
Union she might bear patiently the language of
Northern reproach ; out of the Unioh, bping far the
weaker party, elm would biped helplessly under
the heel of Northern aggression. In the. Union,
she may foil the violence of fanaticism by the mor
al power ofa just and dignified moderation ; out of
the Union, she must become the prey ofa crusade
more devastating than any recorded in history.—
.Shall we then, in order to recent an indignity on !
the part of Congress, abandon the last refuge ol the
hopes of man ? Belter cling ui the ship, where
we are captives, than madly throw ourselves over
board.
“Ycf, though destruction sweep these lovely plainti
Bine, fellow-men! Our Country yet remains l
By that dread name we rajae the sword on bigb»
And swear for her to fire ! With her to die —
_HAMPDEN.
TO 'rtlE PEOPLE OP AUGUSTA.
Fellow Citizens:—An editorial in the last Statin
ton Spectator, under the head of “Southern Con
uenfion,” suggests a meeting °f il*e citizens of this
County at the Court House, on the first day of your
March Court. It is well.—A momentous question
deiqands your consideration. A question involving
lliet interests, nay, perhaps the integrity of the U
nion. Southern men-, as such, are about to assert)-'
hlq, together hi Nashville to deliberate on Southern
Righto and Southern ftemtfiites. ‘l’he Legislature
of Virginia—not elected with a view to such a pur
I pose—have recon. fhendnl to yon to send delegates
I to that Convention, and haVe further' resolved, in
certain events, that yo%, the People of VirginitV
shall elect other delates to another Convention.^
These are all matters out of the scope of ordinary
legislative power, and fit subjects for the considera
tion and action of the people in their primary a*
sembliefc**—
Come and reaswwgetlie* at your March Court.
It is for y<m to determine whether the time has st
rived for these sectional movements.—Whether
the grave questions now disturbing the harmony bo*
tween the North and the South, should be snatch*
ed away from the hands Of the National I^gisfit*
ture, (whose business and duty ft. HlWj fire ride fair
and harmonize the interests Jf tf.J whole Union,)
now in die midst of their deliberations, and carried '
before a sectional body, assembled without form or
law. Or whether we should await the decision of
! Congress and abstafh from revolutionary measures
I until the regular and constitutional action of the
j government has refused to give the desired relief)
j and inflicted real tangible injury upon us worthy
| of revolution-.
If the object wf that Nashville Convention is td
preserve the Uninh, why is it Sectional? Why are
not all the fro mis of the Union invited to Ssneinbfo
there, from North as well as South, to deliberate
together? II it is to destroy the Union, then it it
for you to consider Whether 5/ijnries have berh ijj.
dieted on you hy tho Union, lufficifnt to justify its
dissolution, and whether those injuries \youl<i be re
paired or aggravated by the remedy pro^ntexf..
Be the object what it may, it is of viiafconcern
ment to every individual American. Come then,
or.e and all, without respect of party, to your March
Court, and deliborate what you will do. The call
is sudden ; but the time allowed for action is short:
Now or Never—is the Word. VV.
Jtfcsrrt. Editors:—Yon hare doubtless by this
time learned through the public prints that we are
doing a large business in politics tn these ends of thl
earth'. The Democrats have two candidates in this
field—the redoubtable Capt. launders and Captain
Kee, both perfect Ajaxes iu their own parttcufiV
spheres.
A candidate has also appeared on the political a
rei a, who it is said is to be voted fur by the \\ big*)
or in other words, he is called the Whig candidate*.
Now it is without doubt material to the Whigfe fa
know something about the stuff out of which they
are to make a representative to sit it! Vhe Capitol
Richmond, next winter. They oVrjghl to know
something about the tr ’ of this courser who ap
pears oh the turf, ci.* ng the bit, pawing the
ground and impatiently waiting the appointed hour
to be let un the track. With this view, a few plain
Questions—dropping the figurative mode—is here
propounded to this gentleman.
John C. Woodson—Sir: since the lime it became
knotVn that yon were a candidate for the suffrages of
the people of Pendleton and Highland counties, ill
order to obtain a seat iu the, next I. egislature of Vir
ginia, rumors have been and now are afloat with je
gard to political doctrines prom ulgcd and political pro
mises made by you. Haveyoti at any time said that
tfcalled, in the exercise oryi>ur duty in the event of
having become the representative of the district
spoken of, to vote for a U. S. Senator, you would
vole for a member of the Democratic party to filj
that office, provided a majority of thp people ofyour
election district tVefe ascertained to he Demierat*?
Have you endeavered to create the impress* it
among the members of the democratic parly that
your opinions assimilated nearly to theirs, by sta
ting that you were opposed to several of the lead
ing measures of the Whig policy ? Speak maiij
and say under which King.
Very respectfully, ynur friend,
RUSTICU5;
Highland Co., March 15, 1850.
Senator Benton.—This is the happiest and
most amusing man in this wide Confederacy. Thd
verification of his prophecy respecting Mr. Calhoun’s
disunion penchant, inflates his self love to a high
pitch of extravagance. Me would answer tf.iiii hS
says, “But why. sir, should I make it speech io a
J dead man—Mis head is off, sir, ofrr—He does’nt
know it—but let him shake it,.sir, and it will fall
to the ground, sir, to the ground, sir!’*
But the return of of his son-in law, Fremont, as
Senator, fills his cup to overflowing wrth joy. In'
rill Companies, and on all occasions, he expatiates
upon his merits. “Ho is only second to Washing
ton (he says.) Like Washington he was the sod
of a widow, sir,—Left an orphan at the same agei
sir;—Like Washington, he swam a river, sir, at
17—Like Washington, sir, he commenced as a
Surveyor, sir,—Like Washington, sir, he explored,
the West, sir! And Humbolt, the philosopher of
Europe, sir, calls him the great Fremont uf Amer
ica, sir, and had carried out, sir, tjte gtattd Concep
tions, which were only ,dimly seen by bis great
mind, sir,’* &.c., &.c.— Whig.
Ireland.—In the House of Commons, Feb. J4tH
Lord John Russell related the origin of and detail*
of the distress which called fur the advances to the
unions in Ireland. Famine bad now ceased, and by
emigration or death the country had become, in a
great measure, cleared. Accounts from the coast;
and from almost all the counties of Ireland, spoke
well fur the revival of a spirit of industry artel
prise. In the four months ending Jan, 5,1850,there
had been a decrease in the expenditure upon Irish
pauperism amounting to .£l88,000. The number
of out-door paupers receiving Relief had . declined,
between January last-year and the month jiisi past,
from 557,284 to \ 18,940. These were among the
tokens of brightening prospects. The noble Lord
then recounted the various advances made from the
irpfteria'I treasury since 1839, for Irish workhou^ji
and reliefs, which left a gross sum still due and urr,
paid of-£4,483,000. This total it was no\y proposed
to consolidate; and allow forty years fuf its gfraduitf
reftajment.
- -- ' ... ■ T—
Jenny Lind.—The New York Herald his tlfe
following statpmenl in regard to the projected move
ments of Jenny Lind in.l|iis country: *,t
Mad’llo Lind visits our great country, in a great,
measftfe from fturfosily, and she purposes going
through all the principal Stales, .tenninaiin*
tour at Havana,’and returning to Europe viaMeii
co, which arraniTenVent Will preclude the possibility
of re-visiting our cities ; and, arcording 1<» the platf
of the tour, which we have seen, she will employ
the time allotted to thn 150 concerts in about
cities of the Union, which gives to NtrW Yoflf 12 j
Boston 8; Philadelphia 6; Baltimore 4? WasKingtotS
2; and so on to Charlestoh; and, aSonti’or Mad’lle/
Lind’* great inducements to visit America is lose*
the Falls of Niagara, the Monmoth Cave of Ken
tucky,and other interesting f»-stures of our country;
concerts will vpry prohahly begivenat Albany, Ro
chester, Syracuse, Buffalo—North ; and Cincinnati
and Louisville—West; and so on to New Orleans/1
A correspondent of tbft Herald, writing
from Leon do -Nicaragua under datd of 11'tH-ull./
says— . , v'
I met Mr. tvAi’f*, ftgfnf of the canal company, irf •
Granada a few days ago. He has examine*! tbu
route lor' immediate transit, and finds but twelv*
miles of /and travel. The passage can.be made
I fr„m sea to'sea in 3G hours, and it is said one week4
I ()f (im« will bo saved to the.steamers—two days on
I the Atlantic and four on the Pacific. If so—and
! tfipre is fu> doubt of the fact—ilie mute to California
will be shortened not less than eight days.
We Ictirn from the National Intelligencer thsf
Mr. ftoSERT Mills, Architect, of Washington
city, has been appointed by the Governor ofVirginia
Architect and Superintendent of the Washington
Monument about to be erected at Richmond- .Mr.'
Crawford, the eminent sculptor, and author of the
design of the Monument, is about to proceed to Italy
to execute the statues for the work.

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