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predator. PUBLISHED EVEEY TUESDAY HEOBNING BY Hicliard Mauzy &St£^. RATES. Advanco Payments. SI-ECIK. .CURRENCY. gahaoription for One Year, $2.00 $3.00 '* Six Months, 1.*25 1.8.0 '- ** Three " .75 I.UO Postponed Payments. If not paid in advance, additions to the above charges will be made as follows :—lf payments hs delayed for three months, an addition of" 12) per cent, will be charged ; if for 6 months, '2l> per cent.: and if for 12 months, 50 per cent. J&~ The rates in currency will be changed from time to time as the price of specie may rise or fall. ' _, _■■ _E_- Subscriptions will not be discontinued, except at the option ofthe Editor, till all arrear ages ue paid. ADVERTISING RATES. ' Advestisements will be inserted at the rate of One Dollar per Square of Ten Line 3or less, for every insertion. Unless the number of inser tions be maked upon the manuscript it will be published until forbid and charged accordingly. Obituaries, Announcements of Candidates for Office, Communications calling upon, Advoca ting or Opposing Candidates, and all Communi cations or Notices of a Personal or Private char acter, or intended or calculated to promote any Private Enterprise or Interest, will be charged for as advertisements. Special Notices will be inserted at double the advertising rates. - _** Address—"Staunton Spectator," Staunton, Augusta County, Va. Professional Directory, . m * JOHH ECHOLS, B. H. CATLETT, Monroe county. Lexington, h. M. bell, Staunton. ECHOLS, BELL A CATLETT, ATTORNEYS AT LAW, Staunton, Virginia, Will practice in the State and Federal Courts at Staunton, and in the Circuit and County Courts of Rockbridge, Rockingham and Alleghany. — They will also attend to special business in any part of Va. and West Virginia. [Sept 12—tf TUOS. J. MICHIE. j. w. o. smith. MICHIE A SMITH, ATTORNEYS AT LAW, Staunton, Va., Practice in the Federal Court at Staunton ; in all the Courts of Augusta county; in the Circuit and County Courts of Rockingham ; and in the Cir cuit Courts of Rockbridge. Collection of claims promptly attended to. Nov. 14—tf ■ iVLiiraK * ii!vi*i'9A... JJ ATTORNEY AT LAW, Staunton, Va., Attends the Courts of Augusta and adjoining Co duties. Attention given to the interests of residents in this country in lands in Missouri, lowa, and other Western Slates. Oct 21—tf. _ J~~ a m i_sw. n jiXERr SURGEON DENTIST, Staunton, Va., Offers his Professional Services to the citizens of Staunton and of Augusta county. All operations upon teeth neatly and skillfillly executed. Office in Odd fellow's Buildings. [ july2*>—tf. ORLANDO SMITH. ATTORNEY AT LAW, and Commissioner in Chancery, Staunton, Va.. Practices in the Courts of Augusta and adjoining eouuties. Will attend to tho purchase and snle of Real Estate on Commission. Nov It—ly. OEO. ISAVLOR. MARSHALL lIANOKR. BAYLOR A HANGER, ATTORNEYS AT LAW. Staunton, Va., Practice in all the Courts of Augusta county, and attend promptly to tho collection of claims vi any ofthe adjoining counties. Nov 7 —tf Late of "Lunen burg county, Va., has permanently located iv Staunton, and offers his Professional Services io the citizens of town and neighboring country. .r/v-i'j- Office, for the present, at his residence, corner of Frederick and Augusta Streets. __________ C-t£ORGE M. COCHRAIf, Jfr- W ATTORNEY AT LAW, _ Staunton. Va., Office in rear of Court Ilouse, adjoining David Fultz. Augl_-tf DR. ARTHUR has returned and will be glad to see his old patrons. Staunton, Oct 24—tf Real Estate Agencies. »♦♦■-..- ■ - - JD. PRI. 'E A CO., . REAL ESTATE AGENTS, Harrisonburo, Va. Persons having Real Estate to dispose of will se cure early cash purchasers by calling on us. No commissions charged unless sales are positively affected. Those wishing Accurate Surveys of their lands will find at our office Mr. F. Boylan, Civil En gineer, formerly connected with the Topographi cal Corps of Gen. Lee's army, who stands pre eminent as an accurate Surveyor. Drafts of Land, either plain or tinted, furnished when desired. Aug 22-*3 m J. D. PRICE & CO_ Fire and Life Insurance. VIRGINIA IVSIRA\(i; COIt-PAI*Y. Books and Subscriptions to the Capitol Stock of this Company are now open at the Ranking House of \V. if. Tarns & Co., and at the offices of the two Banks iv Staunton. The attention of Capitalists is called to the merits of this Stock, which is recommended to them as probably the most remunerative investment of money now of fering. By Order ofthe Jan 9—tf COMMISSIONERS. ?7**II.E AND LIFE lASCRAACE.—The undersigned, representing the "'Maryland ife,"' and the ''Merchants aua Mechanics Fire : ' Insurance Companies, of Baltimore. Md., (two of the ftiost reliable companies in the U. S.) is pre pared to issue Policies, for any amount desired, against loss of life or property. O. SMITH. «=&*• Office in rear of "Spectator" building, Nov 14—tf Staunton, Va. Photographs. PHOTO „RAPI£ GALLERY ! _T The subscribers have opened permanently GALLERY in Staunton, ov er the store of Roane <& Alby, opposite the Virgin ia Hotel where Pictures of every style can be bad. Their rooms are newly and neatly fitted up for the accommodation of all who maj* favor them with « call. They are thankful for past patronage and hope, by close attention to business, to merit as much or more in future. ..£_*" One of Steif s celebrated Pianos will be found in the reception room for the amusement of friends and patrons. Sept 12— .1. If. BURDETTACO. QPjLEXDIDLY -EXECUTED PHOTO- O GRAPHS, (large size), of Leading South ern Generals, &c, at less than the frames can be purchased at anywhere else. Only $1,75 each, frame and all. Also, Carte de visites ofthe same, at only 15 cents each, or eight for One Dollar.— Call at the Post Office. . Nov. 28-tf JEWELL. Watches and Jewelry. _— ('OOD TlMES.—Persons desiring good JTtimes in their jwekets are respectfully request ed to get their A*» atches repaired by Barnard Matne, Watchmaker from Europe, All work warranted at moderate charges. He keeps also for sale, fine Watches. Spectacles, Jewelry, Keys, Watch Crystals, etc., corner Main and Augusta itreett, up stair*. Jan. HO-i*.* BARNARD MAYNE. iSfit^' rfM SV =1 iftIY> ) ww w<lr 1M w (^^5< Jp *V ; V • J W / M -V 4 l*o etr y. By the River. I stood upon the margin of a stream, Watching the sunlight shadows dance and gleam, Lpon its placid breast, So calm in its sweet rest. I threw a pebble halfway from the shore, I And saw its calm surface no more ; 1 But tiny wavelets from the centre went, And eddving circles with the circles blent, And such, said I, is life, Sometimes all free from strife, The heart reposes, careless, happv calm, Till some light trifle tills it with alarm, A pebble in the stream. A heavy cloud swept o'er the azure sky, The stream grew dark as it passed swiftly by: I saw the shadows there, 'Twas dark where once 'twas fair. A little breeze came with the darkening cloud, The troubled waters rippled against the shore, And plaintive sighed— "we are at rest no m*>re." How much, said I, is this, Like life's strange fitful bliss : A little cloud, a breeze sweep o'er our sky, And all our hopes and joys grow dark and die ; A shadow on the stream. [From the German of Yost] My Dearie. Fairer than any in Palace grand, Truer than any in All the land; She the fairy, She, my dearie. Just now threw me a kiss with her hand. There she airy a- Way doth trip 1 Hath no fairy a Hi per lip! Laughs it blissful, Pouts it kissful, Flutters my heart its sweet to sip. Eyes as winning as Violets blue, Brim with meaning as They with dew; Kound and rosy, Fresher posy Than her mouth never mortal know. Angels none of them Curlier head Have—not one of them Cheeks so red. That God knowetli 1 Ah! shegoethl Blossom the flowers where her feet but tread. INTERVIEW BETWEEN MR. JOHNSON AND THE VIRGINIA DELEGATION. The State of Virginia Impressively Repre sented at the White House —Interesting Interview with the President by a Dele gation from the Legislature—Patriotic Address of Hon. Tohn B. Baldwin, Speak er of the House of Delegates—Eloquent and Touching Reply of the President. On.Saturday, the 10th inst., about 12 o'clock, the delegation from the Legislature of Virginia, consisting of Messrs. John B. Baldwin, Speaker of the House of Delegates, Judge AVilliain T. Joynes, P. R. Grattan, A. G. Pendleton, and James Marshall, of the House of Delegates, and Messrs, A. S. Gray, E. F. Keen, and Dale Carter ofthe Senate, had an interview with President Johnson, and tendered him a copy of the resolutions passed by the Virginia Legisla ture, endorsing tbe President's policy; ancl al so assured hi in of their cordial support of his administration, and the great confidence felt in him by the people of Virginia. Mr. Baldwin addressed the President as fol lows : Mh. President—We arc a committee ofthe Senate and House of Delegates oi the State of Virginia, sent to present to you, in person, cer tain resolutions which received the unanimous approval ofthe Senate and House of Delegates. With your permission I will read them. Mr. Baldwin then read then as follows: Resolved by the General Assembly of Virgin ia, That the people of this Commonwealth, and their Representatives here assembled, cordially approve the policy pursued by Andrew John .-•on, President ofthe United States, in the re organization of the Union. We accept the re sult ofthe late contest, and do not desire to re new what has been so conclusively determined, nor do we mean to permit any one subject to our control to attempt its renewal, or to violate any of our obligations to the United States Go vernment. We mean to co-operate in the wise, just and firm policy adopted by the President with all the energy and power we can devote to that object, 2d. That the above declarations express the sentiments and purposes of all our people, and we denounce the efforts of those who represent our views and intentions to be different, as cruel and criminal assaults upon our character and interests. It is one of the misfortunes, of our present political condition that we have among us persons whose interests are temporarily pro moted by such false representations; but we re ly on the intelligence and integrity of those who wield the powers of the United States Govern ment for our safeguard against such malign in fluences. 3d. That involuntary servitude, except for crime, is abolished, and ought not to be re-es tablished ; and that the negro race among us should be treated with justice, humanity and good faith, and every means that the wisdom of the Legislature can devise should be used to make them useful and intelligence members of society. 4th. That Virginia will not voluntarily con sent to change the adjustment of political power as fixed by the Constitution of the United States; and to constrain her to do so in her pre sent prostrated and helpless condition, with no voice in the councils of the nation, would be an unjustifiable breach of faith ; and that her earn est thanks are due to the President for the firm stand he has taken against amendments of the Constitution, forced through in the present con dition of affairs. After reading them, Mr. Baldwin proceeded to deliver the following written address in be half of the delegation: ADDRESS OP MR. BALDWIN. Mr. President: —We arc a committee of Sen ators and Delegates sent to present to you in person, certain resolutions w r hich have received the unanimous approval of the General As sembly of Virginia. We come as representatives, sent by one of the States of this Union to confer with our con stitutional President in regard to matters affect ing the common government, and therefore of interest to all the States and all the people. AYe come to you, Mr. President, for the rea son that you recognize our common interest in the Government under which we live, and be cause thrs far we have been denied the consti tutional means of communication by which oth er States and other people make known their opinions, purposes and feelings in the councils ofthe nation. In declaring that the people of Virginia and their representatives accept and abide by the results of the late contest, and that they intend in good faith to meet all the obligations thereby incurred, the General Assembly expresses a sen timent and a purpose which have been imi- STAUtfTO_¥ f VA., TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 20, 1866. formly recognized by our people individually and in masses, and in regard to which there is no hesitation or division in all Virginia. Chief among the results thus accepted is the universal conviction that the Union of these States is an established and enduring fact, and that the whole future of our people is indis solubly hound up, for weal or woe, with the success or failure of the Government of the United States. We recognize that Government as our Government. Its Constitution is our Constitution ; the duties which it requires are our duties, and the rights which it promises are our rights. Another great result alike accepted by our people is the final overthrow of the institution of slavery. This has been completed by a con stitutional amendment, the binding force of which is universally admitted; for although we were not represented in the Congress by which it was proposed, the failure to be so rep resented was of our own choice. The condition of the freedmen among us, and the policy to be adopted with regard to them, will be recognized by you as calling for the ex ercise of the highest faculties of the statesman and the best feelings of the Christian philan thropist. The General Assembly of Virginia is engaged earnestly in the consideration ot these subjects, and in anticipation of the results of their labors, we can only say that whatever pol icy may be adopted, will be addressed in good faith and with kind feeling to the improvement of the physical, intellectual and moral condition of our freedmen. You can understand, and will readily believe, that the feelings of our people towards these freedmen are those of kindness, sympathy and good will, and that to treat them with harsh ness or injustice is opposed as much to our feel ings as it is to our interests and our sense of right. The policy pursued by you, Mr. President, toward Virginia and other States in like condi tion, has its strong foundation in broad and comprehensive views of constitutional right and of national policy, and must rely for its ultimate success upon the conservative sense of justice of the people of all the States. It is due, hoAV ever, to you and to our people to assure you that when our General Assembly declare the universal approval of that policy by the people of Virginia, they express what each one of this committee here present knows to be a living truth. It happens that your position places you be tween us and a threateued clanger, and the Gen eral Assembly have but given voice to the real feelings of our people when they tender to you the Avarnicst thanks of Virginia for the firm stand you have taken against the facility Avith which it is proposed to change the fundamental law. We would not, however, claim as the on ly, or even the chief merit of the course you are taking, that it affords to us protection in a time of trouble. It is as defender of the general Constitution that you deserve and command the confidence and support ofthe people of the' United States, and it will be, hereafter, remembered as your highest claim to the character of a Republican statesman, that under all the trying circum stances, by Avhich you are surrounded, you have not only .proclaimed the Constitution of the United States to be the supreme law of this land, but have defended it alike from violation and from innovation. On the conclusion of Mr. Baldwin's speech the President began, at first, hesitatingly, but as he proceeded, he grew earnestly eloquent in manner and matter. His remarks in full, as follows, were reported for the National Repub lican : In reply, gentlemen, to the resolution. - you haA*e just presented to me, and the clear and forcible and concise remarks which you have made in explanation ofthe position of Virginia, I shall not attempt to make a formal speech, but simply enter into a plain con\*ersation in re gard to the condition of things in which we stand. As a premise to what I may say, permit me first to tender you my thairks for this visit, and next to express the gratification I feel in meet ing so many intelligent, responsible, ancl res pectable men of Virginia, bearing to me the sentiments which have been expressed in the resolutions of your Legislature, and in the re marks accompanying them. They are, so far as they refer to the Consti tution of the country, the sentiments and the principles embraced in that charier ofthe Gov ernment. The preservation of the Union has been, from my entrance into public life, one of my cardinal tenets. _\t the very incipiency of this rebellion I set my face against the dissolu tion ofthe Union ofthe States. Ido not make this allusion for the purpose of bringing up any thing Avhich has transpired which may be re garded as of an unkind or unpleasant character, but I belieA*ed then, as I believe BOW, and as you have most unmistakably indicated, that the security aird the protection ofthe risiits of all the people were to.be found in the Union; that we were certainly safer in tho Union than Aye were out of it. Upon this conviction I based my opposition to the efforts which were made to destroy the Union. I have continued those efforts, not withstanding the perils through which I have Eassed, and you are not unaware that the trial as been a severe one. When opposition to the Government came from one section of the country, and that the section in which my life had been passed, and with which my interests were identified, I stood, as I stand now, con tending for the Union aire! asseverating that the best and surest way to obtain our rights and to protect our interests, was to remain in the Union, under the protection ofthe Constitution. The ordeal through Avhich Aye have passed during the last four or five years demonstrates most conclusively that that opposition was right; and to-day, after the experiment has been made and has failed; after the demonstration has been most conclusively afforded that this Union cannot be dissolved, that it Avas not designed to be dissoh*ed, it is extremely gratifying to me to meet gentlemen as intelligent and as responsi ble as yourselves, who are wiQing and anxious to accept and do accept the terms laid down in the Constitution and obedience to the laws made in pursuance thereof. We w*ere at one period separated; the sepa ration Avas to me painful in the extreme ; but now, after having gone through a struggle in which the powers ofthe GoA-ernment have been tried, when we have swung around to a point at which Aye meet to agree and arc willing to unite our efforts for the preservation of the Government, which I believe is the best in the world, it is exceedingly gratifying to me to meet you to day, standing upon common ground, ral lying around the Constitution and the Union of these States, the preservation of which, as I conscientiously and honestly believe, will result in the promotion and the advancement of this people. I repeat, I am gratified to meet you to-day, expressing the principles and announcing the sentiments to which you have given utterance, and I trust that the occasion Avijl long be re membered. I have no doubt that your inten tion is to carry out and comply with every single principle laid down in the resolutions you have submitted. I know that some are distrustful; but I am of those who have confidence in the judgment, in the integrity, in the intelligence, in the virtue of the great mass of the American people, and, having such confidence, I am will- ing to trust them, and I thank God that we have not yet reached that point where we have lost all confidence in each other. The spirit of the Government can only be pre served, we can only become prosperous and great as a people, by mutual forbearance and confidence. Upon that faith and that confidence alone can the Government be successfully car ried on. On the cardinal principle of representation to which you refer, I will make a single remark. That principle is inherent; it constitutes one of the fundamental elements of the Government. The representatives of the States and of the people should have the qualifications prescribed by the Constitution of the United States, and thorn qualifications most unquestionably invpfly loyalty. He who conies as a representative, having the qualifications prescribed by the Con stitution to ht him to take a seat in either of the deliberative bodies, which constitute the National Legislature, must necessarily, accord ing to the intendment of the Constitution, be a Joyed mew, willing to abide by, and be devoted to. the Union and the Constitution ofthe States. He cannot be for the Constitution, he cannot be for the Union, he cannot acknowledge obe dience to all the laws, unless he Is loyal. When the people send such men in good faith, they are entitled to representation through them. In going into the recent rebellion, or insur rection, against the Government of the United States, we erred; and in returning and resu ming our relations with the Federal Govern ment, I am free to say that all the responsible positions ancl places ought to be confined dis tinctly and clearly to men who are loyal. If there were only five thousand loyal men in a State or a less number, but sufficient to take charge of the political machinery of the State, those five thousand men, or the lesser number, are entitled to it if all the rest should be other wise inclined. I look upon it as being funda mental, that the exercise of political power should be confined to loyal men; and I regard that as implied in the doctrines laid down in these resolutions, and in the eloquent address by which they have been accompanied. I may say, furthermore, that, after having passed through the great struggle in which we have been engaged, w*e should be placed'upon much more acceptable ground in resuming all our re lations to the General Government, if we pre sented men unmistakably and unquestionably loyal to fill the places of power. This being done, I feel that the day is not distant—l speak confidingly in reference to the great mass ofthe American people—when they will determine that this Union shall be made whole, and the great right of representation in the councils of the nation be acknowledged. Gentlemen, that is a fundamental principle. "No taxation without representation" was one of the principles which carried us through the Revolution. This great principle will hold good yet; and if we but perform our duty; if we but comply with the spirit of the resolutions pre sented to me to-day, the American people will maintain and sustain the great doctrines upon which the Government was inaugurated. It can be done, and it will be done j and I think that if the effort be fairly and fully made, with forbearance and with prudence, and with dis cretion and wisdom, the end is not very far dis tant. _ It seems to me apparent that from every con sideration the best policy which could be adop- | ted at present would be a restoration of these States and of the Government upon correct principles. We have some foreign difficulties, j but the moment it can be announced that the | Union ofthe States is again complete, that Aye i have resumed our career of prosperity and great- I ness, at that very instant, almost, all our for- j eign difficulties will be settled, for there is no Power upon the earth which wiil care to have a J controversy or a rupture with the Government ! of the United States under such circumstances. | If these States be fully restored, the area for j the circulation of the national currency, which; is thought by some to be inflated to a very great extent, will be enlarged-, the number of persons through whose hands it is to pass will be in- i creased, the quantity of commerce in which it is to be employed as a medium of exchange will be enlarged ; and then it will begin to approx- \ imate, what we all desire, a specie standard.—; If all the States were restored, if peace and or- '• der reigned throughout the land, and all the in- j dustrial pursuits, all the avocations of peace \ were again resumed, the day would not be very far distant when we could put into the commerce I of the world two hundred and fifty or threfe hundred million dollars worth of cotton and to- j bacco, and the various products ofthe Southern j States, which woukl constitute in part a basis ; of this currency. Then, instead of the cone being inverted, we should reverse the position and put the base at the bottom, as it ought to be; and the curren cy ofthe country will rest on a sound andendu ring basis; and surely that is a result which is calculated to promote the interests not only of one section, but of the whole country, from one extremity to the other. Indeed, I look upon the restoration of these States as being indis pensable to all our greatness. Gentlemen, I know nothing further that I could say in the expression of my feelings on this oeeation—and they are not affected—more than to add that I shall continue in the same fine of policy which I have pursued from the commencement of the rebellion to the present period. My efforts have been to preserve the Union ofthe States. I never, for a single mo- ] ment, entertained the opinion that a State could withdraw from the Union of its own will. That attempt was made. It has failed. I continue 1 to pursue the same line of policy which has been my constant guide. I was against dissolution. Dissolution was attempted—it has failed —and now I cannot take the position that a State which attempted to secede is out of the Union, when I contended all the time that it could not go out, and that it never has been out. I can- j not be forced into that position. Hence, when j the States and their people shall have complied j with the requirements of the Government, I | shall be in favor of their resuming their former relations to this Government in all respects. I do not intend to say anything personal, but | you know as well as I do that at the beginning, ! and, iirdeed, before the beginning ofthe recent} gigantic struggle between the different sections ofthe country, there were extreme men South, ; and there were extreme men North. I might make use ofa homely figure (which is some times as good as any other, even in the illustra tions of great and important questions.) and say that it has been hammer at one end oi the line and anvil at the other; and this great Govern metkt, the best the world ever saw, was kept | upon the anvil and httmmered before the re- j bellion, and it has been hammered since the re bellion; and there seems to be a disposition to I continue the hammering until the Government shall be destroyed. I have .ppposed that sys tem always, and I oppose it now._ The Government, in the assertion of its pow- j ers, and in the maintenance ofthe principles of the Constitution has taken hold of one extreme, and with the strong arm of physical power has put-down the rebellion. iSow, as we swing around the circle of the Union Avith a fixed and ' unalterable determination to stand by it, if we find the counterpart or the duplicate of the same spirit that played to this feeling and these per sons in the South, this other extreme which stands in the way must get out of it, and the Government must stand unshaken and unmoved ; on its basis. The Goycniment must be pre served. I will only say, in conclusion, that I hope all the people of this country, in good faith and in the fullness of their hearts, will, upon the prin ciples you have enunciated here to-day, of the maintenance ofthe Constitution and the preser vation of the Union, lay aside every other feel ing for the good of our common country, and with uplifted faces to heaven swear that our gods and our altars and all shall sink in the dust together rather than that this glorious U nion shall not be preserved. [Great applause. ] I am gratified to find the loyal sentiment of the country developing and manifesting itself in these expressions; and now that the attempt to destroy the Government has failed at one end of the line, I trust we shall go on determined to preserve the Union in its original purity against all opposers. I thank you, gentlemen, for the compliment you have paid me, and I respond most cordially to what has been said in your resolutions and address, and I trust in God the time will soon come when we can meet under more favorable auspices than we do now. Mr. Baldwin —Mr. President, as an assurance that we represent the sentiment of the State, I beg leave of you to introduce to you the mem bers of the committee and to name the parts of the State from which they come, in order that you may be certified that this is a fair repre sentation of all parts of Virginia. I introduce to you Mr. Keen, the Senator from Pittsylva nia ; Mr. Joynes. the Delegate from Petersburg; Mr. Carter, Senator from the county of Russell; Mr. Marshall, Delegate from the county of Fau quier ; Mr. Gray, Senator from the county of Rockingham; Mr. Pendleton, Delegate from the county of Giles; Mr. Grattan, Delegate from the city of Richmond. We claim this to be a fair and equally distributed representation of the people of Virginia. The gentlemen named, as their names were mentioned, stepped forward, and shook the President by the hand. The President added: lam happy to meet you, gentlemen. As I said to another delega tion the other day, I have no ambition and no object beyond the restoration of this Govern ment. 1 feel that lamin a condition where 1 can afford to do right. I have occupied during my career many different posts in this Govern ment. I started at one of the humblest cabins in the country, and I have passed through tbe State Legislature, the Gubernatorial chair, both Houses of Congress, the Vice-Presidency ofthe United States, to the position which I now oc cupy before you. The climax, the acme, the summit of my ambition has been fully reached, yea more than reached. If, now, I can only arrive at a point at which these States are all restored, each having its representation in the National councils, with the Union restored so that we can once more proclaim peace and good will among the people of the United States, it will be to me a happy day. I care not what may be said in taunt or jeer; I care not what may be insinuated, but I tell you that whenever I shall have reached that point, the measure of my ambition will have been filled, and more than filled. I have no object beyond it. Oh, how proud ancl gratifying it would be to me to retire from this place, feeling ancl knowing that I had been instrumental in consummating this great end. [Great applause.) [From the National Intelligencer.] To the Sovereign People. We cannot doubt that it has noAV become our duty as journalists, claiming the public good as ■ our cherished object, to invoke the testimony ' from every loyal man that the ivar has erased, the Union has been restored, the time has come Avhen the States must be practically, as they have always been hypothetical!}*, equal iv rights, iv immunities, and in sovereign dignity.. Either this is so, or it is not. If so, the refu sal of Congress to admit members elect from a part of the common Union is revolutionary. — The example is one of fearful promise. The practical form of the question is, as to tbe qual ifications for seats of the individual members elect. Adverse reports upon their credentials have not been made. No reports have been made. There is, by a majority, mere non-ac tion on the subject. After long hesitation, the ' Clerk of the Ilouse had declined to enroll those members elect. Thus, the ministerial act of an inferior officer—doubtless, ia this instance, con scientiously done —lias had the practical effect (by giving opportunity to a party organization unknown to the organic law to refuse to exer- ' cisc legislative functions upon a certain and vi- ! tal matter) to suspend tJie Constitution of the country. Is this not a fearful precedent to set ? The clerk of any future Congress may refuse to en- ; roll the names of the adverse party, without re ' gard to their sectional locality, and his party | might, upon assembling, organize the Ilouse and delay action upon claims to seats, of which they might not even deny the validity. What would that be called? and Avhat is the present case else? The truth is plain, and it ought to be heard. EA*erybody knows it. To deny it is to dishonor the mind Avhich contrives the subterfuge of a dissent. We talk now not at the argumenta tion, but to the conscience of every reader. And what is that truth . It is this : The Republic is restored in whole, and in every ] part. And Avhat is the Republic ? A union of States in which all that they have not given up to the nation they hav*e reserved to themselves, ancl what they haA*e given up to the nation is specified in the Constitution, ancl is to be exer cised by equal delegates from all the States sub ject to its jurisdiction. But if men haA*e the audacity to say that the civil Avar is not over, then when is it to be over t Are avc in the midst of a civil struggle now ? — If so, proclaim to the Avorld that the overthroAV ofthe rebel armies, the abolition of slavery, and the general amnesty conclude nothing, obligate nothing, end nothing, effect nothing ; that we j have defrauded the rebels into submission, and i have resolved to force them into a retraction of it. Let us confess that in every syllable of the following heartfelt pledge ofthe loyal people of the United States, made almost unanimously by Congress two days after the battle of Bull Kun, on the July, 1861, and solemnized by every drop of loyal blood ever shed once, we were recording the gravest and most stupendous falsehood of history. It was on the faith ofthe following that our loyal armies were raised. — Those who now seek a subversion of the Repub lic dared not then disclose such an object; Resolved, That this war is not prosecuted up on our part in any spirit of oppression, nor for any purpose of conquest or subjugation, nor pur- - pose of overthrowing or interfering Avith the rights or established institutions of those States, but to defend and maintain the supremacy of the Constitution and all laws made in pursuance thereof, and to preserve the Union with all the dignity, equality, and rights ofthe several States unimpaired ; that as soon as these objects are j accomplished the Avar ought to cease. Js that resolution lumd or disloyal now ? — ! that is the question. We pronounce without the least hesitation our opinion that no man is loyal avlio denies the apposite, conclusive, and controlling application of the doctrine of these resolutions nuio and here. We think they are a perfect test. We hope the people will open their eyes. The scenes of 1861 in Congress are being noAv re-enacted in all their substantial elements of revolution, of disunion, of treason. The old rebellion is suppressed, and the neAV rebellion is \ in progress. It is only the difference of circum stances that makes the difference of consequen- NUMBER XXXV. ces. The majority in Congress are earning on an essentially revolutionary scheme. And tho object is like that of their predecessors in con spiracy and treason. It is to presa-ve power. — For this object the secessionists undertook to Southernize the North against an accomplished event, and adapt the Constitution by a violent reform to their own section. For the self-sama object the disunionists now in Congress under take, against an accomplished event and one of the greatest in history, by denationalizing tho South, to deliberately destroy the rescued U nion, abolish the social compact, defy the lawt* of nature, and revive the abominable abasement ofa feudalism which perished under the curso of Heaven three hundred years ago. This, from the lust of power in a few hands —just as the few artful and arrogant traitors of 1861 did for the sake of power. But there must soon come to pass a notable difference. The desperate secessionists wen able to induce their people to follow them, aud war resulted. The present revolutionary com bination, defiant ancl desperate as it is, cannot command their people, and hence their extrcmu and reckless malevolence. We implore the people to realize for them selves that the solemnly declared pledge niado by every one of them, through Congress, in 18- -61, is being repudiated by their party leaders, and a conspiracy is ou foot for the subversion of the Republic arid the establishment of a grim and monstrous military despotism instead. Do you doubt it, fellow-citizens of the Union ? The South is to be kept down as a fulcrum. But the iron lever is coming with crushing force up on your own breasts, and you must rise and in dignantly demand that v restored Cnion shall not be subverted, or the power will pass forover from your still sovereign hands. Ix?t the people* hold meetings in every hamlet in the North and West, with Andrew Johnson, the resolution of 1861, and the Union as tho only party platform, and rebuke with disgust every suggestion of sectional malice or ruiuouri fanaticism. We say to you, fellow-citizens, that your aw ful sacrifices and your splendid achievement* arc all to be in vain, ancl that speedily, if you do not put forth your powerful arm and sniito your betrayers. Their scheme is to perpetuate their hold upon you by establishing themselve* as a ww and mighty slave polar in the South. through the pretence of negro suffrage; and thus entrenched, aided by the powerful namu of universal freedom, they will establish a re morseless and tremendous enginery of oppres sion of the white people of the whole country, through a passive and brutal negro soldier}'. — The issue is between liberty and bondage—aud bondage to a race of bondmen, through a few who are to control them. Men of the United States, are you for a Union for freemen and fret doin for white, mm t Pretext for Oppression. The Richmond Enquirer says : The AS*Alt IS not TBI OTTO-! —This is the watchword of tha Radicals, by which they justify every measure that forms part of their scheme of revenge, and every precaution they take for the future. Does a military district commander nullify the act of a Legislature ? Does a general order re-estab lish provost marshals in all localities where a gents ofthe Freedmen's Bureau are stationed? Are men torn from the bo.-om of their families and suddenly carried off' to be placed before military tribunals ? The reason is one and tho same : the war is not yet oxer. It may bo so, and as those who have the power in the land say so, it is not for us to deny it. But a singu lar war it is, waged by one combatant only, without fear of resistance, Avithout danger of body or life. It is kicking the dead lion. A noble duty, indeed, for a great, powerful nation, Avith two hundred thousand bayonets at its com mand. Seccession is dead, its leaders captive, its soldiers disarmed, its spirit crushed —great must be the pleasure, then, to worry prisoners, to try undei'lings, and to play for the war danco of the loyal and hard-fighting freedman. But if this delights the heart of the Radicals, wo have no right to object. We knew Avhen wo raised the banner ofthe Confederacy that we were in revolution, and that rebels, Avhen they succeed, are praised by man and glorified in his tory, but that failure brings to them sorrc-Av to the heart and a penalty to pay. We count the cost beforehand, and AA - e must now pay it liko men. The burden may be heaA*y, the sharp thorns in it may sting, but Aye must reap Avhat Aye have sowed, and those aalio fought heroical ly Avill knoAV also lioav to bear heroically. * * * * * " * For the present the South must bear and for bear. It must show its true courage by sub mitting to the inscrutable decrees of Provi dence ; ancl its high principle by scrupulously fulfilling every pledge it has made. It must guard its honor faithfully to give no just cause of complaint to the North, and to deserve tho Avarm sympathy that ever goes with the op pressed. Where resistance Avould be madness, complaint is idle, and recrimination unworthy a great nation. History enters for us our solemn, silent protest on its indcllible record, and justice is sure to reAvard our patience and our self-con trol. Every step in the wrong brings those who hate us nearer to their destruction, and adds to the strength of our cause. It is useless to fret ancl to fume. Let us rather wait and Avatch ; we have enough to do in building up the broken fabric of our States, ancl action is the best medi cine for sorrow. Every house we build, every field we till, and CA-ery mile of canal or railroad we construct brings us nearer to the time of our restoration ; and glorious will be the day when the South, great and powerful once more, will have proved itself worthy, by patient endurance and noble forbearance, to be the Aviso and mag nanimous ruler of the restored Uuion. The Party Movement. We have deprecated the formation of the proposed so-called '"Union Party" here, be cause in reference to the eA'ents of the past, it would be an attempted fraud on the part of those who might enter it, and in reference to the present it would be a slander upon those who should not; the object of both the fraud ancl the slander, being to further merely per sonal and selfish designs. As to the real "U --nion 31en" of Confederate times, our town-crier could not find them, and one of Garber's omni buses would certainly hold them all. .At thi-i time, there is, in every honest sense, no other sort. This most unworthy attempt to gain credit on pretences known to the whole community to bo false, and to seek advantage by injuriously mis representing the mass of our people, is bearing its natural fruits. It tends to excite bitterness of feeling, and already it has led to recrimina tions and exposures, soavii jealousies and pre judices, and set citizens at variance, at a time when we should all consent to throw a vail oA*er the past, ancl labor in harmony for tho promo tion of our common interests. And truly our work is arduous enough, if we approach it Avith united effort. We trust, as the movers in thi* ''party" scheme must now see the evil they are effecting, that they will abandon that attempt to divide us which could only be mischievous.— Sentinel. .a . .1 ■ . .— - He is not worthy of tha name of a poet who would not rather be read a hundred times by one reader than once by a hundred. ■ ■ ...—■ 1 1 We ought not to Judge of men's merit.* by their qualifications, out py the use they mak* of them.