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Obituaries, Announcements of Candidates for Office, Communications calling upon, Advoca ting or Opposing Candidates, ana all Communi cations or Notices of a Personal or Private char acter, or intended or calculated to promote any Private Enterprise or Interest, will be charged for as advertisements. Special Notices will be inserted at double the advertising rates. pSS- Address—"Staunton Spectator," Staunton, Augusta County, Va. Professional Directory. JOHN ECHOLS, E. H. CATLETT, Monroe county. Lexington. H. M. bell, Staunton. ECHOLS. BKLL A CATLETT, ATTORNEYS AT LAW, Staunton, Virginia., "Will practice in tbe State and Federal Courts at Btaunton, and in tho Circuit and County Courts of Rockbridge, Rockingham and Alleghany.— They will also attend to special business in any part of Va. and West Virginia. [Sept 12—tf THOS. J. MICniE. J. AA*. G. SMITH. MICHIE A SMITH, ATTORNEYS AT LAW, , Staunton, Va., Practice in tbe Federal Court at Staunton ; in all the Courts of Augusta county; in the Circuit and County Courts of Rockingham ; and in the Cir cuit Courts of Rockbridga • Collection of claims promptly attended to. Nov. 14-tf BOLIVAR CHRISTIAN, ATTORNEY AT LAW, Staunton, Va., Attends the Courts of Augusta and adjoining Counties. Attention given to the interests of residents in thii country in lands in Missouri, lowa, and other Western States. Oct 24—tf. O~RLAN»O SMITH, ATTORNEY AT LAW, end Commissioner in Chancery, Staunton, Va., Practices in the Courts of Augusta and adjoining counties. Will attend to the purchase and sale of Real Batata on Commission. Noa* 14 —ly. GEO. BAYLOR, MARSHALL HANGER. BAYLOR A IIANCJER, ATTORNEYS AT LAW. Staunton, Va., Practice fn all the Courts of Augusta county, and attend promptly to the collection of claims many of the adjoining counties. Nov 7 —tf -KE R. 91. ATKINSON, Late of Lunen- J_P burg county, Va., bus permanently located in Staunton, and offers his Professional SerAices to the citizons of town and neighboring country. J&W Office, for tho present, at his residence, corner of Frederick and Augusta Streets. Nov 28—8 m in EORGE S_ COCHRAN, J_\, \J ATTORNEY AT LAW, Staunton, Va., Office in rear of Court Ilouse, adjoining David Fultz. Aug 15—tf TjAR. ARTHUR has returned and will be I P glad to ccc his old patrons. Staunton, Oct 24—tf Real Fstate Agetvcies, JD. PRICE A CO., # REAL ESTATE AGENTS, Harrisonburg, Va. Persons having Real Estate to dispose of will se cure early cash purchasers by calling on us. No commissions charged unless sales are positively effected. Those wishing Accurate Surveys of their lands will find at our office Mr. F. Boylan, Civil En gineer, formerly connected Avith the Topographi cal Corps of Gen. Lee's army, who stands pre eminent as an accurate Surveyor. Drafts of Land, either plain or tinted, furnished when desired. Aug 22—6 m J. P. PRICE & CO. Fire and Life Insurance, VIRGINIA INSURANCE COMPANY. Books and Subscriptions to the Capitol Stock of this Company are now open at the Banking House of Vv . 11. Tanis & Co., and at the offices of the two Banks in Staunton. Tiie attention of Capitalists is called to the merits of this Stock, which is recommended to them as probably the most remunerative investment of money now of fering. By Order ofthe Jan 9—tf COMMISSIONERS. JMRE AND LIFE INSURANCE.— The 1 undersigned, representing the ''Maryland ife," and the '"Merchants and Mechanics Fire Insurance Companies, of Baltimore, Md., (two of the most reliable companies in the U. S.) is pre pared to issue Policies, for any amount desired, against loss of life or property. O. SMITH. -__- Office in rear of ''Spectator' building, Jfov 14—tf Staunton, Va. Photographs, -DHOTOGRAPII GALLERY! J_7 The subscribers have opened permanently aPHOTOGRAPH GALLERY in Staunton, ov er the store of Boane & Alby, opposite the Virgin ia Hotel where Pictures of every style can be had. Their rooms are newly and neatly fitted up for the accommodation of all Avlio may favor them Avith a call. They are thankful for'past patronage and hope, by close attention to business, to merit as much or more in future. j_-"_- One of Steifs celebrated Pianos w*ill be found in the reception room for the amusement of friends and patrons. Sept 12— J. 11. BURDETT & CO. S~ PLENHHI.LY EXECUTED PHOTO GRAPHS, (large size), of Leading South ern Generals, &c, at less than the frames can be purchased at anywhere else. Only $1,75 each, frame and all. Also, Carte de visiles of the same, at only 1. cents each, or eight for One Dollar.— Call at the Post Office. Nov. 28—tf JEWELL. Saddles & Harness. SADDLES ANO HARNESS.— The sub scriber has on hand a good supply of Saddles and Harness of his own Manufacture, which he will sell very low for cash, or in exchange for produce. lie returns bis thanks to the public for their past generous patronage, and Avould respect fully ask a continuance ofthe same. His shop is on Beverly or Main street, Staunton, next door to Dr. Chapman's Office. • Jan 16, 1806—6 m GEO. F. ELICK. Watches and Jewelry. OOD TlMES.— Persons desiring good Vl" times in their pockets are respectfully request _}t» get their Watches repaired by Barnard Mayne, Watchmaker from Europe. All Avork warranted at moderate chargec He keeps also tor sale, fine Watches, Spectacles, Jewelry, Keys, Watch Crystals, etc., corner Main and Augusta .tretu, up staixa. Jim fiu-w. PABXABD AIAYNE. [TftlYV ?J JJ l M i) Poetry. For the Spectator. Last Words of Jackson. Lines suggested by the last words of Jackson : — *'Let us pass over the river and rest in the shade of the trees." There was silence profound, in that chamber of death, Where our hero was peacefully lying, o sound broke the stillness—not even a sigh Escaped from the lips of the dying. O, sad were our hearts as we gathered around, As we gazed on the wound, deep and gory, While we thought of the blow that had stricken him down From the height of his fame and his glory. How strange was the fate that had hurried him hence From his home in his own quiet Valley, To raise our proud standard, the battb? cry sound, Where thousands of Southrons would rally. Ave, call it not fate! 'twas the hand of the Lord That had pointed the pathway before him; He followed His guidance—he "turned not aside, And daily he knelt to adore Him. How oft in the contest we saw-that firm hand, Upraised in the heat of the battle, Imploring a blessing, while calmly he stood, In or heeded the musketry rattle. We feared not to follow where'er he might lead, Though death and its terrors were frowning, We watched our loved Chieftain, still leading us on, Where victory ever was crowning. Hark 1 hark ! in his dreams, he is leading us om As he shouts, "men, prepare for the action." "To the front —tothefront;" ishislast battle cry, E'en in death, shone the spirit of Jackson. And our leader must die—in camp, tent and field, There is weeping—aye, bitterest sorrow— Grief, fear and despair, oft mingled with prayer, For strength on the coming to-morrow. But death had no terrors to rouse his calm soul, Nor earth,, with her tender attractions. Could dim his rapt vision, his faith looked beyond This world, and its gloomy distractions. When told he must die, he but calmly replied, "To depart from this strife is far better," "To be with my Savior is infinite gain." No ties his pure spirit could fetter. For a moment, his eye lighted up as of olc^, When told, in the late stormy action, His own loved brigade had entered the fight With "Charge! and remember our Jackson." Now he quietlj' sleeps, yet we linger around, To eaten the faint notes of his breathing, His lips are just moving—list! list I for he speaks, See—a smile his pale forehead is wreathing. "Let us pass o'er the river and rest in the shade," He whispers—wc know not his meaning, Then soars his pure spirit, so gentle its flight, It wakes not the sleeper from dreaming. He has passed "o'er the river," he "rests in the shade Of the trees," on the banks of the Jordan, Earth's cares and its sorrows remembers no more, Nor thinks of life's wearisome burden. Can we doubt that the crown, which to victors alone Is promised, to him has been given, "Well done, faithful servant"—-his welcome will be, "Come enter the mansions of Heaven." But alas ! for our country, alas! for our cause, The arm, on which all seemed depending, Is powerless now—and agony deep The heart of the nation is rending. But fear not, nor faint, on the face of the Lord Deep frowns we may sometimes discover. His smile may not rest on our dear country's cause But o'er Israel His blessing will hover. The name of our Jackson will live in our hearts, Will sparkle on history's pages, Ilis deeds and his virtues forever shall shine, Dowy through the long vista of ages. Rosemont. META. [For the Spectator.] Correspondence between Mr. W. A. Bnrke and Hon. A. H. H. Stuart, in relation to a Protective Tariff. Staunton, February 6, 1866. Hon. A. 11. H. Stuart: Pear Sir:—Enclosed please find memorial to the Congress ofthe U. S., asking an increase of duties on foreign imports, which I haA*e re ceived from the Secretary of the ''American Home Labor League,'' with the request that I should have them signed by the people of our county. I feel a very great interest in the sub ject, and think that a protective tariff would greatly assist in the developenient of our sec tion, but, being unrepresented in the U. S. Congress, I am not sure that a petition from us would have any effect, and I have concluded to submit them to you, and to ask your opinion on the subject. Yours respectfully, W. A. BURKE. Staunton, Va., Feb. Bth, 1866. Wm. A. Burke, Esq. : Dear Sir:—l have receiA*ed your note of 6th inst., enclosing a petition of the "American Home Labor League." and asking my opinion as to the propriety of your undertaking to sec ond the effort to procure adequate protection to American industry. As the people of Virginia are now unrepre sented in Congress, as much through the agen cy of Pennsylvania members as any other cause, I do not see any good that would be likely to re sult from such an attempt. You had better wait, until the sober second thought of the North ern people shall have produced its effects on the National Councils. In regard to the general purpose ofthe peti tion. I need hardly say, I am in favor of it. — For twenty-five years, I have been the consistent adA*ocate of the protective policy. As early as 1842, I delivered an elaborate speech in fiwor of it. in the Congress of U. S., and on several occasions subsequently, 1 have, in public ad dresses, sought to enforce the same line of poli cy. Itecent events have strengthened, rather than changed, my conA'ictions on the subject. From the foundation of the government until 1824, the leading public men of Virginia were supporters of a liberal tariff. One of best reports ever made to Congress, in favor of pro tection, was submitted by Mr. Newton, one of the representatives from Virginia. I have al ways thought that the public men of Virginia committed" a great error in abandoning the ground taken by Washington, and other fathers of the Republic, in favor of fostering domestic industry. Virginia possesses as many, if not more, of the elements of Avealth, if properly de veloped, than any other State in the Union. — To say nothing of her gold mines, which are beginning to attract so much attention, she has boundless quantities of coal, iron, copper, lead, salt, gypsum, manganese, kaolin, barytes, feld spar, and the purest white sand and silex for the manufacture of glass. She also possesses immense forests of ship and building timber, and water power without The salubrity of her climate, the fertility of her soil, and the adaptation of most of her ter ritory to the growth of tobacco, cotton, and ca*- erv kind of grain and grass, and fruits, including •■rapes in profusion and of fine quality, render Flic old State more desirable as a residence than au v other part of our country with Avhich 1 ani acquainted. We are midway between the-North and South, STAUtf TOIV , VA., TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 27, 1866. and possess the advantages of both without the ' drawbacks on either. Yet, with all these advantages, Virginia has never been a prosperous State. And why ? — Simply because she has not shoAvn the proper energy and judgment in developing her resour ces. She has been, almost exclusively, an agri cultural State, and she has expended all the proceeds of her crops in buying from the North a thousand things that she should have made at home. Clinging to certain delusive political theories, she has neglected her substantial inte rests. But all that belongs to the past. The revolu tion in her labour system will compel a change in her policy. A new era is dawning upon us, and we must accommodate ourselves to the new condition of things. We must diversify our pursuits. We must open our mines and coal-fields, fell our forests, improve our water power, introduce all kinds of machinery, extend our orchards, plant vine yards, and establish manufactories and work shops of every description. We must build up a home market for the products of our fields, and make within ourselves every thing necessary for our comfort. The recent war has taught us some useful les sons. It has shown us how dependent we have been on the North and foreign countries, and how helpless we were when cut off from the out side world. Let us profit by this painful and humiliating experience, and try and put our selves on a better footing in future. Our country needs a settled policy in regard to domestic industry. Change, perpetually re curring change, has been the source of untold injury. A bad _ policy steadily adhered to, is hardly as mischievous as one that is constantly shifting. Our people have never had any as surance of stability in our policy. It has gene rally happened, heretofore, that as soon as men of enterprise were tempted, by a fair tariff, to invest capital in manufactories, a cry was raised for the repeal of the law. With the repeal, down went all the enterprises that had been set on foot. The competition produced by home industry was withdrawn, and foreign nations were able to tax us at pleasure. It seems like a paradox to say that a well di gested protection tariff tends to bring down prices. Yet it is unquestionably true. Let me illustrate this idea. Suppose Eng land, in consequence of greater capital, cheaper labor, and other causes has an advantage over the U. S. equal to 40 per cent in the production of and of 20 per cent in cotton goods. In view of this disparity, it is obvious, Aye cannot enter into competition with her, and she conse quently has a monopoly, and can fix prices to suit herself. The only competition is among her own producers, and they find it to their in terest to combine to keep up prices. But suppose we impose a tariff of 40 per cent on British iron and 20 per cent on British cot ton goods, is it not plain, that this will bring our home manufacturers up to the point of com petition with the foreigner? They can then stand the contest, because they fight the battle, as it were, behind a rampart of protection.— Active competition begins between the domes tic and foreign producer. The foreign monop oly is destroyed, a struggle ensues to undersell each other, and thus prices are worked down to the lowest point at Avhich the commodities can be produced. I admit on the other hand, that duties may be too high, and thus drive out the foreigner and secure a monopoly to the home producer. But this can easily be avoided. The true rule is, to graduate the duty, on each article, so as to keep up the competition. If Aye had the protectiA*e policy firmly es tablished, on the principle above indicated, Avhy should not Virginia in twenty years outstrip New England in cotton goods, and Pennsylva nia in iron ? We are nearer than those States, to the raw-material, and to the markets in which our Avares would be* sold. Our mines and coal fields are asextensiA*e and as rich as those of Pennsylvania. Our Avater power is never obstructed by ice, Avhile that of New England is locked up for months at a time, and they arc compelled .to substitute steam. — Steam cannot successfully compete with water power. Provisions are cheaper here than at the North. Our seasons are longer—our lands are better — our stock requires less food and attention than theirs, and our families need less fuel and cloth ing to protect them against the rigors of the climate. _. New England has to bring all her provisions and raw materials a long Avay before they work them up, and then she has to transport the pro duct of her skill and labor a great distance to market. We have every thing Aye need, as it were, at hand, to be worked up, and distributed, with out heavy freight or transportation. We of Virginia need protection, until we can get fair ly under way. When we have established our manufactories, our natural advantages will as sert their poAver. Our people also need relief from direct taxes, excises and stamp duties Avhich they find so burthensome. A high tariff will tend not only to give this relief but also to induce foreigners to transfer capital skill and machinery to Vir ginia. If a guarantee could be given of a permanent protective tariff, I am greatly mistaken, if, Avith in twenty years, Richmond, Petersburg, Fred ericksburg and other towns near the falls in our rivers, would not be formidable rivals of Pitts burg, Lowell and Lawrence and other nianfac turing towns of the North. Now is the crisis of our fortunes. If we will discard antiquated errors, and hereditary prejudices, we can soou repair, so much as is reparable, of the injuries of the past, and establish our prosperity on a solid and durable basis. It seems to me A*ery plain that no nation can ever prosper Avhich buys more than it sells.— This nas been our case. All that we received from our tobacco, wheat, and other agricultural products has been expended iv the purchase of goods from other States and Countries. We have thus been always kept poor. The time has come Avhen we must change all this. We no longer haA*e slaves to till our lands. Let us now be self-dependent. Let us make what we can, Avithin ourselves. Let us keep our money at home, and spend it among our own people. Our wealth will thus be increased. Our lands will rise in value, our population will be aug mented, and our whole country wear a new as- j pect. Why should we not beat the North with their j own weapons ? We have as much inventiA'e j genius as they, and we have, as I have shown, j greatly the advantage in geographical position, j and all the physical elements necessary to a sue-1 cessful prosecution of manufacturing industry. The great cause of discord between the North and South, in former years, was a supposed, (but not real) antagonism between their systems of labor. Kightly understood, and controlled by wise statesmanship, these systems ought to have operated in perfect harmony—as allies, instead of adversaries—each producing what the other could not produce, and each supply ing the best markets for the products ofthe oth er. The North asked protection for her white la bor, which Avas essential to its existence, be-! cause it had to compete Avith the pauper labor of Europe. The South, Handing no protection . for its peculiar labor and productions, because they had no ibrmidable competition in the mar kets of the world, refused to accord it to the : ii'v-v labor of the North, and thu_ by a short- [ I sighted and mistaken policy, the two systems were brought into a relation of antagonism which culminated in the war. If we had supported | the protective system. I really believe we would i have had no war. If you will revert to the his j tory of the last forty years, you will find that ! whenever we had a protective tariff, compara- I tive quiet prevailed in the country ; but as soon \as protection to free labor was withdrawn, sec | tional excitement and animosity followed. The levee or dyke, which has heretofore confined the negro population within the South ern States, has oeen broken down by the war, and freedmen will gradually migrate into North ern and Western States. The peculiar interests of slave labor have, ceased to exist All cause of sectional animosity has thus been removed, and the contest hereafter, will be, not between sections and systems of labor, but between in dividuals, and perchance races, on the broad theatre of the Union. We must prepare ourselves for this great ; struggle. We must subdivide our lands, and j improve our agriculture, We must foster do mestic manufactures, and create a home niark i.et. We must, in a word, make all our natural i advantages tell in the effort to promote our pros- I perity and happiness. It is to be hoped that others will follow your | example, in abandoning old party dogmas and I obsolete ideas. From all I can see and hear, I ! am satisfied that a wholesome change has taken ! place in the public sentiment of Virginia. If our people, with our genial climate, fertile | soil and inexhaustible sources of wealth, cannot compete successfully with the inhabitants ofthe ■ bleak hills of New England, this fact_ will fur j nish strong presumptive evidence, that Aye do j not deserve the blessings which a benificent I Providence has so bountifully bestowed on us. I have thus, according to your request, has j tily, and amid many interruptions, expressed my I opinions. You can make such use of them as j you choose. Very Respectfully, Your obedient Servant, ALEX. H. 11. STUART. Home, Sweet Home. "Home, thy joys are passing loA*ely— Joys no strangers heart can tell!" What a charm rests upon the endearing name —my home :—consecrated by domestic love, that golden key of human happiness. Without this, home would be like a temple stripped of its garlands; there a father welcomes with fond affection; a brother's kind sympathies comfort in the hour of distress, and assist at every trial; there a pious mother first taught the infant lips to lisp the name of Jesus, and there a loA*ed sister dwells the companion of early days. Truly, if there is aught that is lovely here be low, it is horne —sweet home! It is like the oasis of the desert. The passing of our days may be painful; our path may be checkered by sorrow and care; unkindness and frowns may wither the joyousness of the heart, efface the happy smiles from the brow, and bedew life's way with tears, yet, when memory hovers over the past, there is no place in which it so delights to linger, as the loved scene of childhood's home. It is the polar star of existence. What cheers the mariner, far aAvay from his native land in a foreign port or tossed upon the bound ing billows, as he paces the deck at midnight alone—what thoughts fill his breast? lie is thinking of the loved ones far away at his own happy cottage. In his mind's eye he sees the smiling group seated around the cheerful fire side. In imagination he hears them uniting their voices in singing the sweet songs which he loves. He is anticipating the hour Avhen he shall return to his native land, to greet those absent ones dear to his heart. Why rests the deep shade of sadness upon the stranger's brow, as he seats himself amid the family circle? He is surrounded by all the luxuries tlvat Avealth can afford; happy faces gather around him and strive in A'ain to AA*in a smile ? Ah !he is thinking of his own sweet home: of the loved ones assembled in his own cheerful cot. Why those tears that steal down the cheeks of that young and lovely girl, as she mingles in the family circle ? Ah! she is an orphan; she, too, had a happy home ; its loved ones are now sleeping in the*cold and silent tomb. The gen tle mother Avho watched over her infancy, and hushed her to sleep Avith a lullaby Avhich a mother only can sing—who in girlhood's days taught her of the Saviour, and tuned her youth ful voice to sing praises to His name, has gone to the mansions of joy above, and is mingling her songs and tuning her golden harp with bright angels in hcaA'en. Poor one! she is now left to thread the weary path of life a lonely, homeless wanderer. Thus it is in this changing world. The ob jects most dear are snatched away. We are de prived of the friends whom Aye most love, and our cherished home is rendered desolate. ' 'Pass ing away," is engraA'cd on all things earthly.— But there is a home that knows no change, Avherc separation never takes place,—where the sorrowing ones of this Avorld may obtain relief for all their griefs, and where the sighs and tears of earth are exchanged for unending songs of joy. This home is found in heaven. In the shadowy past there is one sweet rem iniscence which the storm of life can never Avith er; it is the recollection of home. In the visi oned future there is one bright star, whose lus tre never fades ; it is the hope of horne —of a heavenly home. The interview between the President aud a i committee on the part of the Baltimore Confer- I ence, renders it pretty certain that the churches I belonging to that body, which have been lately | taken from them, Avill be restored. The ' "Presi | dent's order," so-called, under which these j seizures have been made, turns out to be a myth. . ** The National Intelligencer says: "The esti i mate of the Freedmen's Bureau ofthe wants for ' the coming year is $11,745,000 —a sum for the '; gOA'ernance of 4,000,000 contrabands, equal to I the entire cost of our gOA*emment under the ad ! ministration of the younger Adams.'' The Alexandria Gazette says, it is said by ! gentlemen from Virginia, who nave lately held j private conversations with the President, that lat least three members of the present Cabinet j will be dismissed during the present month. »♦,*. ; Mr. Baldwin's Address.—The New York j Times, Mr. Raymond's paper, says that "the | address of the Virginia delegates was exceeding | ly dignified, eloquent and able." • ■ ■ Time is continually on the move, and human affairs change their aspect every fifty years. An I institution which is perfect now may be a great nuisance fifty years hence. .+- An Irishman remarked that a true gentleman vrill never look at the faults of a pretty woman, without shutting his eyes. _•_ When an extravagant friend wishes to borrow, money, consider which of the two you would rather lose —your friend or your money. ■ , ■ . , The territorial legislature of Colorado, has passed resolutions asking immediate admission I as a State. _»- The Nebraska legislature has almost unani : inously endorsed President Johnson. •-•-• . The custom of advertising h> a custom that > bring. customers. MESSAGE FROM THE PRESIDENT. VETO OF THE FREEDMEN'S BUREAU BILL. To the Senate of the United States : I have examined with care the bill which ori ginated in the Senate, and has been passed by the two Houses of Congress, to amend an act entitled "An act to establish a Bureau for the relief of Freedmen and Refugees," and for oth er purposes. Having, with much regret, come to the conclusion that it would not be consistent with the public welfare to give my approval to .the measure, I return the bill to the Senate with my objections to its becoming a law. I might call to mind, in advance of these ob jections, that there is no immediate necessity for the proposed measure. The act to establish a Bureau for the relief of freedmen and refu gees, which was approved in the month of March last, has not yet expired. It was thought stringent and extensive enough for the purpose in view in time of war. Before it ceases to have effect, further experience may assist to guide us to a wise conclusion as to the policy to be adopt ed in time of peace. I share with Congress the strongest desire to secure to the freedmen the full enjoyment of their freedom and their property, and their en tire independence and equality in making con tracts for their labor; but the bill before me contains provisions which, in my opinion, are not warranted by the Constitution, and are not well suited to accomplish the end in view. The bill proposes to establish, by authority of Congress, military jurisdiction over all parts of the United States containing refugees and freed men. It would, by its very nature, apply with most force to those parts of the United States in which the freedmen most abound ; and it ex pressly extends the existing temporal - }' jurisdic tion of the Freedmen's Bureau, with greatly enlarged powers, oA*er those States, "in which the ordinary course of judicial proceedings has been interrupted by the rebellion.'' The source from which this military jurisdiction is to em anate is none other than the President of the United States, acting through the War Depart ment and the Commissioner ofthe Freedmen's Bureau. The agents to carry out this military jurisdiction are to be selected either from the army or from civil life; the country is to be di vided into districts and sub-districts, and the number of salaried agents to be employed may be equal to the number of counties or parishes in all the United States where freedmen and refugees are to be found. The subjects over "vshich this military jurisdic tion is to extend in every part of the United States, include protection to "all employees, agents and officers of this Bureau in the exer cise ofthe duties imposed" upon them by the bill. In eleven States it is further to extend over all ceases affecting freedmen and refugees discriminated against "by local law, custom or prejudice.'' In those eleven States the bill sub jects any white person Avho may be charged with depriving a frecdman of "any civil rights or immunities belonging to white persons,' to imprisonment or fine, or both —without, how ever, denning the "civil rights and immunities" which are thus to be secured to the freedman by military law. This military jurisdiction also extends to all questions that may arise respect ing contracts. The agent who is thus to exer cise the office of a military judge may be a stran ger, entirely ignorant of the laws of the place, and exposed to the errors of judgment to which all men are liable. The exercise of poAver, over which there is no legal supervision, by so vast a number of agents as is contemplated by the bill, must, by the ver*,* nature of man, be attended by acts of caprice, injustice and passion. The trials having their origin under this bill are to take place without the intervention of a jury, and without any fixed rules of laAV or evi dence. The rules on which offences are to be "heard and determined" by the numerous a gents are such rules and regulations as the President, through the War Department, shall prescribe. No previous presentment is requir ed, nor any indictment charging the commission ofa crime against the laws; but the trial must proceed on charges ancl specifications. The •punishment will be —not what the law declares, but such as a Court Martial may think proper; and from these arbitrary tribunals there lies no appeal, no writ of error to any of the courts in which the Constitution of the United States vests exclusively the judicial poAver of the coun- tr y- , vv hile the territory and the classes of actions and offences that are made subject to this mea sure are so extensive, the bill iterif, should it become a law, will have no limitation in point of time, but will form a part of the permanent le gislation of the country. I cannot reconcile a system of military jurisdiction of this kind with the words of the Constitution, which declare that "no person shall be held to answer for a capital or otherwise infamous crime unless on a presentment or indictment of a grand jury, ex cept in cases arising in the land and naval for ces or in the militia when in • actual service in time of war or public danger;" and that "in all criminal prosecutions the accused shall en joy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State or district wherein the crime shall have been committed." The safeguards which the experience and wisdom of ages taught our fathers to establish as securities for the protection ofthe innocent, the punish ment of the guilty, and the equal administra tion of justice, are to be set aside, and, for the sake of a more Aigorous interposition in behalf of justice, we are to take the risk of the many acts of injustice that would necessarily follow from an almost countless number of agents, es tablished in every parish or county in nearly a third of the States of the Union, over whose de cisions there-is to be no supervision or control by the Federal courts. The poAver that would be thus placed in the hands of the President is such as in time of peace certainly ought never to be entrusted to any one man. If it be asked whether the creation of such a tribunal within a State is warranted as a mea sure of war, the question immediately presents itself whether we are still engaged in war. Let jus not unnecessarily disturb the commerce and I credit and industry of the country by declaring ;to the American people and to the world that the United States are still in a condition of civil war. At present there is no part of our coun try in which the authority of the United States is disputed. Offences that may be committed by individuals should not work a forfeiture of the rights of Avhole communities. The country has returned, or is returning, to a state of peace and industry, and the rebellion is, in fact, at an end. The measure, therefore, seems to be as inconsistent with the actual condition of the country as it is at variance Avith the Constitution of the United States. If, passing from general considerations, we examine the bill in detail, it is open to weighty objections. In time of war it is eminently proper that we should provide for those who are passing sud denly from a condition of bondage to a state of freedom. But this bill proposes to make the Freedmen's Bureau, established by the act of 1866 as one of many great and extraordinary military measures to suppress a formidable re bellion, a permanent branch of the public ad ministration, with its jxiwers greatly enlarged. I have no reason to suppose, and I do not un derstand it to be alleged, that the act of March, 1865, has proved deficient for the purpose for which rt passed, although at that time, and for ■ considerable period thereafter, the Govern ment oi the United States remained unacknowl- NUMBER XXXVI edged in most of the States whose inhabitants had been involved in the rebellion. The insti tution of slavery, for the military destruction of which the Freedmen's Bureau was called into existence as an auxiliary, has been already ef fectually and finally abrogated throughout the whole country by an amendment of the Coasti tution of the United States, and practically its eradication has received the assent and concur rence of most of thOse States in which it at any time had an existence. lam not, therefore, a ble to discern, ia the condition of the country, anything to justify an apprehension that the powers and agencies ofthe Freedmen's Bureau, which were effectiA*e for the protection of freed men and refugees during the actual continuanco of hostilities and of African servitude, will now, ip a time of peace and after the abolition of i?la veiy, prove inadequate to the same proper ends. If I am correct in these views, there can be no necessity for the enlargement of the powers of the Bureau, for which provision is made in tho bill. . The third section of the bill authorizes a gen eral and unlimited grant of support to the dea j titute and suffering refugees and freedmen, their ' wives and children. Succeeding sections make provision for the rent or purchase of landed es tates for freedmen, and for the erection, for their benefit, of suitable buildings for asylums and schools —the expense to be defrayed from the treasury ofthe whole people. The Congress of the United States nas never heretoforo thought itself empowered to establish asylums beyond the limits of the District of Columbia, except for the benefit of our disabled soldiers and sailors. It has never founded schools for any class for our own people —not even for tho orphans of those who have fallen in the defense of the Union, but has left the care of education to the much more competent and efficient con trol of the States, of communities, of privato associations, and of individuals. It has never deemed itself authorized to expend the public money for the rent or purchase of homes for | the thousands, not to say millions, of the white | race, who are honestly toiling, from day to day, | for their subsistence. A system for the support lof indigent persons in the United States A**as I neA*er contemplated by the authors of the Con- I stitution ; nor can any good reason be advanced vrhy, as a permanent establishment, it should be founded for one class or color of our people , more than another. Pending the war, many I refugees and freedmen received support of the 1 Government, but it was ncA'er intended that j they should henceforth be fed, clothed, educa ! ted and sheltered by the United States. Tho idea on which the slaA*es Avere assisted to free i dom was, that, on becoming free, they would Ibe a Eelf-sustaining population. Any legisla- I tion that shall imply that they are not expected !to attains self-sustaining condition, must havo I a tendency injurious alike to their character and : their prospects. The appointment of an aeent for every coun ty and parish will create an immense patronage : | and the expense of the numerous officers ancl ! their clerks, to be appointed by the President, will be great in the beginning, with a tendency steadily to increase. The appropriations asked by the Freedmen's Bureau, as now | for the year 1866, amount to $11,745,000. It I may be safely estimated that the cost to le in curred- under the pending bill will require double that amount —more than the entire sum cx i pended in any one year under the administration |of the second Adams. If the presence of agents lin eA*ery parish, and county is to be considered | as a Avar measure, opposition, or even resistance, ! might be provoked ; so that, to give effect to I their jurisdiction, troops would have to be sta j tioned within reach of every one of them, and thus a large standing force be rendered neces sary. Large appropriations would, therefore, jbe required to sustain and enforce military ju ; risdiction in every county or parish from tho Potomac to the Kio Grande, l'he condition of \ our fiscal affairs is encouraging; but, in order |to sustain the present measure of public conti f dence, it is necessary that we practice not niere !ly customary economy, but, as far as possible, tec ere retrenchment. In addition to the objections already stated, the fifth section of the bill proposes to take away land from its former owners Avithout any ! legal proceedings being first had, contrary to that provision of the Constitution which de : clares that no person shall "be deprived of life. . liberty or property without due process of law.' It docs not appear that a part of the land to Avhich this section refers may not be oAvned by minors or persons of unsound mind, or by those i Avho have been faithful to all their obligations las citizens of the United States. If any por i tion of the land is held by such persons, it is ! not competent for any authority to deprive them !of it. If, on the other hand, it be found that the property is liable to confiscation, even then it cannot be appropriated to public purposes until, by due process of hay, it shall have been declared forfeited to the Government. There is still further objection to the bill, on ; grounds seriously affecting the class of persons !to whom it is designed to bring relief. It will t tend to keep the mind ofthe freedmen in a state 'of uncertain expectation and restlessness, while i to those among whom he lives itAvill be a sourcu 1 of constant and vague apprehension. Undoubtedly the freedinan should be protec | ted, but he should be protected by the civil au ! thorities, especially by the exercise of all tho | constitutional powers of the courts of the Uni i ted States and of the States. His condition is I not so exposed as may at first bo imagined. Ho |is in a portion of the country where his labor cannot avcll be spared. Competition for his ser | vices from planters, from those who are con j strueting or repairing railroads, and from capi talists in his vicinage or from other States, will I enable him to command almost his own terms. |He also possesses a perfect, right to change bin | place of abode, and if, therefore, he does not i find in one community or State a mode of litb ] suited to his desires, or proper remuneration for ; his labor, he can move to another, where that j labor is more esteemed and better rewarded.— |In truth, hoAA - e\*er, each State induced by its i own wants and interests, will do Avhat is neces j sary and proper, to retain within its borders all the labor that is needed for the development of ; its resources. The laws that regulate supply I and demand will maintain their force, and the ! wages of the laborer will be regulated thereby. ' There is no danger that the exceedingly great demand for labor will not operate in favor ofthe laborer. Neither i-r sufficient consideration given to the ability of the freednieu to protect and take care ■of themselves. It is no more than justice to ; them to believe that, as they have received i their freedom with moderation and forbearance, • so they Avill distinguish themselves by their in dustry and thrift, and soon show the world that in a condition of freedom they are self-sustain , ing, capable of selecting their OArn > employment I and their own place of abode, of "imsisting for ! themselves on a proper remuneration, and of ! establishing and maintaining their own asylums and schools. It is earnestly hoped that instead of wasting away, they will by their own efforts i establish tor themselves a condition of respecta | bility and prosperity. It is certain that they ! can attain to that condition only through their ; own merits and exertions. In this connection, the query presents itself , whether the system proposed by this bill will not, when put into complete operation, practi cally transfer the entire care, support and con trol of four millions of emancipated slaves t/> agents. overseers or taskmaster, who. appointed 188 TAGE.