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Staunton spectator, and general advertiser. [volume] (Staunton, Va.) 183?-1849, November 03, 1836, Image 1

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Voi.. xiii. STAUNTON, (VIRGINIA,) THURSDAY, NOVEMBER 3, 1S30. No. 49.
_ ^
’terms of the spectator.
The Spectator is published, weekly, by
ilARPKit & Sdsey, at Two Dollars a
9fedr, if paid in advance, or Two Dollars
find Fifty Cents, after the. expiration of
the fust six mouths.
NO^apcr will be discontinued until all
1Arrearages arc paid.
$3* Advertisements not exceeding
1>se square of printed matter. are in
verted three weeks for one dollar : each
continuance after, twenty-five cents. Forg
er advertisements in the same proportion.
All letters must be “post paid."
1IALDWIN, REM' & Co.,
Importers 4* J Wholesale Dealersj
in Staple 4* Fancy Dry G ods,
RICHMOND, Va.
ITavb received by recent arrivals from
Hie Northern Markets, a full supply of
DOMESTIC DRY GOODS,
of every description ; and by the ships
Marmora and Hark-A way, from I.irer- j
peol, ami the Lucilla, from Birman, nn
extensive assortment of
Ilritisk 4* German Dry Goods,
Suited to the trade of Virginia, which
they offer at wholesale, upon as favora
ble turms as like Goods can be bought in i
the Uuited States. They will, during '
the next month, receive from England j
■additional supplies, to which, with their
present stock, they invite the attention .
-of Country Merchants, with the assur- j
•anee that they will be always prepared
to redeem their pledge “not to be under
sold by any Northern Dealers.”
Richmond, Sept. 1, J836.—tlstD
HOLCOMBE, BURTON & ED
MUNDS,
Commission •Merchants,
RICHMOND, Va.
’Our Office and Lumber House are on ;
Carey street, precisely opposite the Co
Uumbian Hotel, where we are prepared
•to transact any busiuess in our line that .
the public may commit to our manage*
•merit. Liberal advances will at all times
be made on all produre committed to
•our care, particularly on Flour, Wheat &.
Tobacco. We promise to use every ex
ertion to give satisfaction, aud solicit the
patronage of the community.
We arte authorized to refer to N. C.
*4' WM. IvISXKY.
THOMAS A. HOLCOMBE,
DAVID \V. BURTON,
P. EDMUNDS."
August 25, 1836.— 1m
NEW GOODS.
ROBHirr COWAN
Has just received from New York,
'Philadelphia and Baltimore, a splendid
assort men i v,r....... „n(| jashionable Goods,
*11 ol which were selected by himself
in the above mentioned cities, but prin
cipally in the city of New York.—A*
mot)" them are the following, viz :
Rich figured Gro. de Naples Silk, rich
figured Poult de Soie, very handsome
■figured Satins, figured summer ('bally,
superfine glossy black Italian Silk, black
iiro. de Rhine Silk, printed Jaconet, a
large assortment of French worked Capes
&. Collars, English, French & American
Calicoes, among which are some entire
ly new styles, very handsome, Ckalli
cites, a new and beautiful article for La
dies’dresses, rich printed Florine for La
dies’ dresses, Splendid, french Artificial
Flowers, Bonnet, Belt and Cap Ribbons,
a very large assortment of Ladies and
Gentlemen's Gloves, Feather and Palm
Leaf Fans, Bead Bags. Bead and Silk
Purses, a large assortment of Dress
Shawls and Handkerchiefs, a variety of
Bobinet and Blonde Quillings, 40 dozen
Stockings, Ladies' and Misses Bonnets,
Bools and Shoes, Fur and Sil/c flats, rc
ry cheap, a lafge assortment of Silver
Pencil Coses, a few very handsome Ear
Stings and Breast Pins, together with a
great variety of fancy articles too tedi
ous to mention.
Also, a variety of handsome goods
suitable for gentlemen’s summer clothes.
A large assortment ol Stocks, linen
Collars and Bosoms, and Guin Elastic
Suspenders.
BOOKS.
Japbet in search of his Father, Nor
man Leslie, Herbert Wendall, Traits of
„ the Tea Party, the Club Book , new edi
tion of Humphrey Clinker, the Outlaw,
Slavery in the U. States, by Paulding,
Stories of the Sea, by ('apt. Marry at,
the American in England, Mahmoud.
Conti the Discarded, Paul Ubric, Han
nah Moore’s Works, complete in 7 vol.,
Sherwood’s Works, &c. Sec.
Chewing Tobacco &, Segars,
of very superior quality, Tea, of the best
quality, Sugar and Coffee, Figs and Rai
sins, wax and tallow Candles.
Staunton, May If, 1836.
MR. PRICK’S ADDRKSS
TO
THE PEOPLE OF MARYLAND.
Fellow Citizens—The vacancy
in the Presidential Klectoral Ticket of
Maryland, has very recently, as I per
ceive hy the papers, been filled with
my name. In accepting, as I do with
pleasure, the post assigned me, it is
proper in the outset to say, that my
professional and other engagements,
lorbid my taking any active personal
part in the contest. Having however
nanny reasons to assign to the people,
why I expect them to vote lor me,
which I am unable to present to them
either from the hustings or in person
al interviews, they will pardon the ne
cessity which thus impels me, to com
municate them iti the form of a written
address.
Without further preface or apology,
therefore, I declare that 1 have no con-1
fulence whatever in the political prin- J
ciplcs ol Martin Van Buren: while I
cherish the liveliest gratitude for the
great public services of General Har
rison, whose intelligence I believe, to
be at least equal, and whose integrity,
fiatriotism and purity, are iuimeasura- j
>lv superior, to those of bis compelitor. |
I proceed to make these allegations j
good, as to both these gentlemen ; j
and first, let me bring Martin Van Bu
ren into court.
During the canvass, preceding the
election of 1S21, there were four can
didates in the field, namely, General
Jackson, Mr. Adams, Mr. Crawford
and Mr. Clay. All these gentlemen
stood before the people upon their own
personal merits, except Mr. Crawford,
who was brought out under the impos
ing sanction of a congressional caucus,
at Washington, the prime mover of
which was Martin Van Buren. The
people failed to elect their President,!
and Gen. Jackson entered the House
of Representatives, backed by 99 elec
toral votes, Mr. Adams by 88, and
Mr. Crawford by 53, Mr. Clay being
excluded. The House, voting In
states,conferred the Presidency on Mr.
Adams, in derogation, as it was
strongly insisted, ol the superior right
ol General Jackson, Mr. Van Buren
vehemently urging the election of Mr.
Crawford, whose right, according to
the rule proposed, was far inferior to
either. 1 beg the fact to he remem - 1
bered, that at tbe election by the
House in ’2-1, Mr. Van Buren strenu
ously advocated the choice of Mr.
Crawford with his 53 voles, in opposi
tion to Gen. Jackson, who came re
commended hy 99. »
After the election of’24, the contest
for the succeeding Presidency was
maintained between General Jackson
and Mr. Adams—a contest which you j
'V°U remember, for who can forget it ?
Mr. \ an Huron was then the leader
of a powerful party in New Yoik.—
The animosity and rancour of party
i strife soon reached a fearful height,
and pervaded the whole Union from
one extremity to the other. The man
could scarcely be found in seven ci
ties, wbo had not taken sides, and
who was not eagerly engaged in main
taining the side he had taken. To
this remark, however, Mr. Van Buren
and his whole party, were exceptions.
From 1824 to 1S27 they stood aloof
from the contest. The election was
now rapidly approaching, and Ihe im
mense vote of New York was contem
plated with the deepest solicitude in
every quarter. It was felt, moreover,
that Mr. Van Buren and his non-com-1
mittals, take which side they might, j
would carry with them the vote ol N.
York, and that the vote of New York
must decide the question of the Presi
dency. The decision of the contest,
; therefore, was in the hands of Mr. Van
I Buren, who with his whole party, still
forbore to declare themselves. Stand
ing apart from the contest, they view
ed the fearful strife of the multitude a
round them with the seeming indiffer
ence of men having no concern in the
struggle, and no possible interest in the
result. They printed not a syllable—=
they uttered not a word, indicating the
slightest preference for either party.
A stranger would have supposed that
regarding the strife as an unhappy
family quarrel, they intended upon
some fit opportunity, to come in as
peace-makers, and heal by their friend
ly counsels, the dissentions of the peo
ple.
At length Mr. A an Buren set out
from New York on a tour of observa
tion to the south, lie remained a day
or two in Washington, and then pass
ed on to the Carolinns and Georgia.
Now what new lights lie received on
his journey, I will not take Upon me to
aifirm ; hut this much is notorious to
all America, that hastening hack to
New York, he gave the signal to his
train hands, and immediately, from the
Atlantic to the Lakes, they broke
forth in one simultaneous hurst of
deafening abuse of Mr. Adams and
his friends, which continued without
abatement to the day of the election,
and has not ceased to the present
hour. But mark the sequel. Gene
ral Jackson triumphed, and Mr. Van
Burcn was made Secretary of State.
Here let me pause. The perfect
organization of this faction—wheel
I ing to the right or the left, or resting i
i upon their arms, or charging in solid
| column, at the word of command, is
! of itself a subject of no little novelty
j in a nation of peaceful republicans,
! and might affoid matter for grave re
flection, were not the mind irresistibly
impelled beyond it, to the still greater
problem, by what means, and through
what persuasives, was this wonderful
organization effected ? That it was
a vast conspiracy, formed and con^
ceded, for the sole purpose of taking
into its own keeping the offices -and
salaries of the government, great and
small, and excluding by the mere pow
er of combination, all other citizens
from the hope or prospect of partici
pation in them ; that the conspirators
recognized no peculiar principles of
policy, no maxims of government, no
rules of right or wrong : hut held
themselves free to profess, as occasion
might require, just such principles,
maxims and rules, as might, from
time to time, best suit the objects of
i the party—that these articles of com
pact were distinctly understood and a
greed upon before hand—and that eve
ry man had given to them his full con
sent and approbation—are facts of
j which no rational mind can doubt.
J But the mystery of the phenomenon
j is still unexplained. The point which
puzzles me is, how so many freemen,
spread over so wide a space, proud of
that equality which they had been
taught to regard as their inestimable
birth- right, could he approached
with the immoral and debasing propo
sal, to seize upon the offices, the pow
er, and the money ol the State, and by
confining the distribution of the plun
der to their own body, virtually ex
j elude every other freeman from those
j covenanted privileges, for the enjoy
j ment of which his lathers fought and
; hied, as well as their own? And when
, thus approached, how could they he
I persuaded, corrupted and case-har
I dened against all the natural sugges
tions of conscience, patriotism and
. honor?
i
j But the worst aspect of the case,
| was the open, the avowed, the shame-'
! les.-. eff rontery with which they pro
• claimed iheir turpitude. The contest
1 was one winch, in the firm belief of
j the great mass of the American people,
! involved principles that were vital, and
j upon the triumph of which was to de
I pend the purity, if not the very exis
tence of our most cherished institu
j tions. Party leeling had already
reached a degree of deep, intense, un
I sparing bitterness, altogether unexam
pled in our annals. The elements of
1 social discord were in learful coirnno
' tion, and the storm raged with equal
; violence throughout the land. No
' honest man could maintain his equili
brium. Men reproached each other
j cn the highway, and wrangled in the
j streets. Not so the confederation of
' Mr. Van Burcn ; they remained the
1 while as unmoved as the seven sleep
ers. When challenged to give their
opinion, they shook their heads and
were silent, as if the words they heard
were uttered in some unknown tongue.
And thus they remained, until the
word from their leader, came upon
their ears like the whistle of Rhode
riek Dhu, when they sprang into the
! midst of the contest, and from that
; moment, all other voices were drown
I ed in the deafening vehemence of their
j clamorous zeal. What astonishes tne
is, that they were not scorned, despis
ed and scouted, by the whole Union
in one proud burst ol national indig
nation. It was the boldest anil foul
est exhibition of avowed venality and
corruption of which modern history af
! fords any memorial.
The political morality erf Mr. Van
Buren was further shown by the fact,
that the chief topic ol vituperation em
ployed by his party against Mr. A
I darns, was the usurpation by the
| House, a§ they termed it, in electing
this gentleman, with a minority of e
lcctoral votes, in opposition to Gen.
Jackson, whose rigfit to the office
rested upon the undeniable claims of
a large plurality of the people. And
the complaint with all the changes
rung upon it, was heard from the man,
whose counsels, had they prevailed,
would have conferred that high office
upon the caucus candidate, who in the
popular contest was henlen nearly out
of sight.
__ The worst feature, however, of Mr.
\ an Buren’s profligacy is, that lie
seems to think it all right and proper.
A public meeting of the people ro
quire from him as a public man and a
candidate for their suffrages, to de
clare his opinion on certain points of
national policy, which they propound
to him through their chairman, and
how does he respond to them ? By
an unmeaning rabble of words, thro’
which no human penetration can trace
the slightest shadow of a sensation or
an impression of an idea of any opin
ion at all, and then hoping that this
explicit and frank avowal of his senti
ments may be satisfactory, subscribes
himself their very humble servant. As
if it were both unfair and unreasona
ble to expect from any candidate for
office, an open and honest disclosure
of his sentiments in reference to any
subject. And as if it were his firm
conviction, as no doubt it is, that eve
ry candidate should be left free to
dodge, and shuffle, and twist, accord
ing to the changing exigencies of com
ing times and seasons.
Some there be who affect to admire
this species of adroitness, as some
thing meritorious, and evincing an un
common degree of sagacity.- Mr. Van
Buren must be nmused at this, know
ing as he does, that this magnificent
endowment of nature, is in reality!
nothing more than low art and cun-'
ning, which is no otherwise wonder
lul, than that any respectable man
should gain his own consent to prac
tice it.—There are many men in this
nation, now withering in the shade of
popular disfavor, with whom in point
of intellect and genius he is not to be
named, who would scorn to accept his
political success, upon the terms lie(
employs to attain it.
Translated from the miserable di
plomacy of the New York Regency,
to the charge of the Department of
State at Washington, it was not to be
expected that Mr. Van Buren should
leave his favorite system of party tac
tics behind him. Nor did he. Vor it
was scarcely known that he had reach
ed the seat of the General Govern
ment, when the whole power of the
national executive was at once con
verted into a vast engine of party ven
geance. Men were turned out of of
fice by hundreds and thousands, and
the immense patronage of the govern
ment employed without scruple, as
the means of enlisting partisans, and
of corrupting the press, for in the gen
eral scramble for office, the editor of
a scurrilous newspaper was an aspi
rant, upon whose approach all others
retired with respectful deference.
To complete the work of organiza
tion, a secret, irresponsible, yet all
powerful cabal was formed at Wash
ington, in the existence of which the
nation immediately recognized all the
odious and detestable features of the
New York system. A junto more
daring, and more base and profligate,
never assumed to dictate the measures,
the principles and opinions of any
party in power. And yet to their de
crees every functionary of the govern
ment, from the highest to the lowest,
was soon compelled to yield a ready
acquiescence or to give up his place.
1 hrough the machinations of this ca
bal, the public, during the first term
of the present executive, were enter
tained at frequent intervals with a
“blow up” at Washington, in which,
on some occasions, a whole batch ol
ministers, at oilier times a trio or a
pair ol secretaries, were unceremoni
ously dismissed from office, and new
sets called to fill their places. We
have seen a secretary of treasury in his
annual report of the concerns of his
department, presenting views of pub
lic policy so eminently sagacious and
just, as to win the favor of all parties,
both in and out of Congress. And
we have seen that same secretary com
pelled, at the very next session of
Congress, to come again before his
country, with a counter report from
his own pen, disavowing, contradict
ing, and explaining away all that he
had previously written.
In the various branches of the pub
lie service—particularly in the Post
office and in the Land-office, we have
seen frauds, peculation and corruption
stalking abroad in open day with none
to rebuke, much less to punish them.
The good old rule of selecting the best
men for office, is fairly exploded, and
the highest stations of trust and profit
reserved for those only who arc ready
to put on the collar and be harnessed
to the car of faction.
These are the legitimate fruits of
that cold, selfish and sordid system, of
which Mr. Van 13urcn is the rightful
inventor and sole patentee! I have
seen enough of this gentleman to be
well assured that no force of circum
stances would ever confine him to a
minority. The main purpose of bis
existence is to take care of himself—
to find Ihe strong side, and then hold
on to it. The minority that could
shake him ofF, must not remain on the
face of the earth—they would have to
take wings and fiy into the clouds.
The life of Gen. Win. H. Harrison
is the history of a gallant soldier, a dil
igent, enlightened and useful citizen,
a pure, upright and good man. There
is a beautiful simplicity pervading his
whole life, c haracter and public servi
ces. Among all the distinguished
men of our country now living, there
J are none who present stronger claims
upon the afTcction, gratitude and ad
miration of the American people.
Passing through Ihe usual course of
academical studies, he received from
Gen. Washington, at the age of eigh
teen, the commission of a Lieutenant
in the army ; was soon thereafter ap
pointed an aid to Gen. Anthony Wayne,
and fought by the side of that distin
guished hero in the bloody battle of
the Miami. He was appointed Se
cretary of the Northwestern territory
at the age of twenty-five; took his
seat in Congress as the first delegate
from that immense and fertile region
at the age of twonly-six ; was com
missioned, at the unanimous solicita
tion of the Northwestern people, their
first governor at the age of twenty-sev
en, by which appointment he became
commander-in-chief of the militia, and
held the selection of all magistrates,
judges, and other civil officers of the
territory. To the same distinguished
and highly responsible station, he was
re-appointed by Mr. Jefferson in 1S03
; and 1806, and again by Mr. Madison
j in 1809, being recommended in each
j instance by tlie general voice of the in
\ habitants of the territory. He fought
; the battle and achieved the victory of
: Tippecanoe in 1811, and in 1812 was
i invited by the Governor and Legisla
ture of Kentucky, to take the com
mand of her brave troops and to lead
them to the frontier. In 1813, he
sustained a siege of thirteen days
Fort Meigs, during which period 1800
shells and halls were fired into that
fortress. On the fifth of October, 1813,
lie came in view of Proctor’s army, oc
cupying a strong position on the river
Timmo.-, in Upper Canada, when
! changing his order or haute o„ i]ie
! instant, lie charged the enemy with
his mounted infantry at full speed, cut
through their ranks until reaching
their rear, he wheeled, gave them a
well directed volley of musketry—and
the battle was ended. Six hundred
prisoners, and property to the value of
a million of dollars, fell into the hands
of the victors. In 1816 he was elect
! ed to Congress from Ohio, and in 1824
received the appointment of Senator
in Congress from the same state. lie
went to Colombia as the minister of
the American government in 1828, and
and is now Clerk of a Court in Cin
cinnati. During the course of his lciig,
varied and eventful career, millions
j upon millions have passed through his
hands, mid he is still a poor man, not
a dollar of the people’s money having
ever been applied to his own use.
And where was Mr. Van Buren
while the patriot hero was braving the
rigours of a northern clime, and lead
ing the chivalry of the west to victory
and renown ? lie was at home pacing
his Brussels carpet, m his own com
fortable parlor, contriving means of
embarrassing President Madison in
his prosecution of the war, and plot
ting mischief against his own coun
trymen in arms.
As to the stale and disgusting slan
ders with which the country is now
inundated by the malignant harpies of
a purchased and prostituted press, I
pass them over in silence. But there
is one allegation which is sometimes
: heard irt more respectable quarters,
and which,- if tfue, would and ought
to be conclusive against the preten
sions of Gen. Harrison. It is this,
that he is notoriously incompetent to
discharge llie duties of chief inagis*
tratc.
Of wliinn is it thus spoken ? Of a
man who at the age of twenty-seven
years, was selected by a bold, free,
sturdy and jealous peop'le, to be in his
own person their government; to be'
the sole depository of all political and
military power, and to deal it out a
mongst them according to his own
will and pleasure. Of a man who con
tinued to exercise this Vnsi authority
during thirteen consecutive years, with
a wisdom and foresight so unerring,'
as to secure to himself the lasting res
pect, affection and gratitude of the en
tire west. And to those powers, vast
as they were, are to be added that of
superintendent of Indian affairs, in
which capacity he negotiated alone,
Ihirlecn treaties with the different
tribes, for extinguishing their titles ttf
those lands which now constitute the?
fairest portions of the west.
Here I might pause and ask the
question, where is the man of the age
who can adduce stronger proof of his
capacity and general fitness for the
exercise of civil responsibility and
power ? It would not be just, howe
ver, to Gen. Harrison, to break off at
this point in the recital of his services.
We accompany him onward, there
fore, from the exalted chair of it Civil
ruler, to the rougher scenes of blood
shed and war. Here we behold him,
surrounded at the dead hour of mid
night, by the relentless fury of a Sav
age foe ; the tomahawk and riflti deal
ing death through his ranks, while
clear above the din and noise of bat
tle, we hear his voice cheering bis
troops and giving his commands, un
til the enemy are routed and driven
from the field. Again we find him,
face to face, in the open field, with the
ablest of the British generalsj nnd by
a bold and brilliant manoeuvre, put
ting him almost to instant flight, and
capturing the greater number of his
troops. Thus we find the man who
has proved himself to he peculiarly fit
ted for civil rule, just as peculiarly
tilted to be the leader of armies, against
either a civilized or a. savage foe.
Moving further onward, we behold
him in the halls of legislation, by the
side ol the greatest statesmen ami ora
tors of the republic, and taking an e
qual part in all the great questions
which come up for discussion during
the period of Iris service in Congress.
Am I to he told then, that such a inan*
thus tried and trained from youth to
age, is incompetent to fill the chair of
Chief Magistrate ?
Men there may he in this great na
tion, ot higher endov^ments and supe
rior capacity to Gen. Harrison, but is
Mr. Van Buren among the number?
To those who answer yea, if any there
he, I put the question, where is the
proof of ins statesmanship—the evi
dence of his ability ? I aver, that to
this day, I have never seen either. If
he has ever made a speech ift Co/i
gress, giving him* airv raJj|c as a
er, let it be produced, and when that
is done, I engage to produce a better
speech of Gen. Harrison’s. If there
be any production^ cither of the tongue
or the pen ot Mr. Van Buren, author
izing his pretensions to any eminence
as a statesman, let it be named attd pro
duced •, and then I will name aftd pro
duce an ablci production of Geft. Har
rison’s.
1‘ellow Citizens, oft the first Monday of
November you are lo declare, through the
hallol boxes, which of these two candidates
is to be the man of your choice. On (lie one
hand is presented lo ynU, (lie fcrofty politi
cian, the Cold, idfcofaling biti iguor, the man
ol mystery, whoSe whole life hat heeh a se
ries ol plots, liddh-s nnd stratagems. On the
other, is the open hearted soldier, the patriot
without guile, one who has served his coun
try with more fidelity than he has served his
ow n family or himself; one who has had no
secrets with his countrymen, and who never
suppressed a sentiment in his life. That the
voice ol Maryland is for the Fatter, is now an
indisputable iacf, and ha irih only lose her
vole by the culpable supineness ol his friends.
Is (heir a man among us, w ho is unwilling
lo give one day out of the tFiree hundred and
sixty-five lo his country ? I hope nnd (r-usf
there is not —f>'ct thal one day therefore, be
the first Monday of November. Let every
man resolve within himself, thal on that day,
nothing rffiort pf sickness of other inevitable
calamity, shall prevent his going to the polls"
nud all will be well.
Very rasped fully,
YoUr humble servant,
WM. PRICE.
Ocl. 13, 183G.
A wag in the Ohio Convention s'afid
he had been a Jackson man, but was
no Van Buren man. He liked llob
inson Crusoe, but hang his man Fri
day.

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