Staunton spectator, and general advertiser. [volume], March 26, 1846, Image 1

About Staunton spectator, and general advertiser. [volume] (Staunton, Va.) 183?-1849

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STAUNTON SPECTATOR.
*T KENTON HARPER,
T ft It ,V1 S .
''SPECTATOR” is published once a tWofc,
n.. j „.,iar* ° 'J'"r>'fP«id in atf»a„c#,©r 'Aco 7>o/
w« and h^ty Cents if delayed beyond the expiration qf
*V y#ar. AT© subscription will be discontinued, but at
the option of the Editor, until all arrearages are paid.
0?- communications to the Editor by mail must be
pool-paid, or they wilt not be attended to.
(&*AI) V ERTISEMEyTSqf thirteen lines ( or less,)
inserted three times for one dollar, and twenty-five cents
for tack subsequent continuance. Larger advertisements
w in* some proportion. A liberal discount made to ad
bertisers by the year.
Mr. V. B. Palmer, American Newspaper and Ad
vertising Agent in tlie cities of Baltimore. Philadelphia,
New York, aud Boston, has been appointed Agent for
deceiving and forwarding subscriptions and advertise
Meats for this paper, at his offices in thosecities respec
tively, vi*:
Baltimore, Southeast corner of Baltimore and Cal
vert Streets.
Philadelphia, No. 59 Pine Street.
New York, No. 30 Ann Street.
Boston, No. 14 State Street.
MS—II I ... ,i .i —. . - —
UNION HOTEL,
WINCHESTER, VA
fWTHIS large and commodious houso recently
erected by Mr. Isaac I'aul, on Market street,
(Cameron,) convenient to the Railroad, is now
open for the reception of the public, and the sub
scriber begs leave to say that no effort on his part
•hall be wanting to render the stay of those who
call upon him agrcrable. He is also prepared to
•ccommodate boarders by the week, month or
year.
The daily line of Stages to the South (via
Staunton,) run to and from this houso.
A. S. RHODES,
Late proprietor Cloverdale Hotel.
Winchester, March 12, ISiG. ^
~ EA’S'j’THOTEL,
STAUNTON, VA.
P|HIE subscriber having purchased this old es
lablished House, lately kept by his father,
has taken charge of the same, and is prepared to
accommodate the public. He begs leave to in
form citizens of the county and travellers that
he is making preparations for an enlargement of
his dining room, and other improvements in the
interior arrangements of the Hotel, and an exten
sion of his stabling.
He promises constant attention to the comfort
of his guests, and respectfully solicits a continu
ance of that patronage which has been so long
extended to bis father.
JAMES A. M’CLUNG.
November G, 1815.
NEW GOODS.
M. e 1) S H I N 6
¥> ESPECTFULLY informs his friends and
the public, that ho has just received a large
■upply of
FRESH FRUITS,
and all other articles in his line—consisting in
part of the following articles:
Fresh llunch Raisins, in quarter, half and
whole boxes, Figs, Prunes, Citron, Cur
rants and Sultana Raisins.
Also, Almonds, Palmnuls, Filberts, English
Walnuts, Peacon and Peanuts, Preserv
ed and Ground Ginger, Ground
Pepper, Alspice and Mustard,
Sardines, Scotch Herring,
and Pickled Oysters.
Also, Loaf and Rroicn Sugar, Tea, Coffee,
and Cheese, Cigars, Chewing and Smok
ing Tobacco, Pipes and Stems.
Also, a general assortment of TO YS, OAKES,
CANDIES, ALBANY ALE and CIDER, &c.
Arc., all of which will be sold low for cash or
on short credit to punctual customers.
N. B. I have made arrangements by which I
expect to keep a regular supply of .F R E S H
OYSTERS.
Staunton, Dec. 18, 1815.
G. W7 FULLEKT
¥3 ESPECTFULLY informs the public that
in connection with his Watch and Clock
business he is prepared to execute all work in the
DENTISTRY LINE,
such as extracting, cleansing,
plugging, separating and set
ting TEETH, on plate or pi
vot, and warrants all to bo done in the best and
neatest manner.
of all descriptions carefully repaired, and all good
nes w arranted to perform well for twelve months.
H is shop is one door east of A. D. Wren’s Apo
thecary Store on Main street, and nearly opposite
B. Crawlord &. Co’s Dry Good Store.
Nov. G, 1815.—6m.
TOBACCO, SNUFF, AND SEGARS.
®8 s, g©®Ejffi^sr & o©8
"tlAVE just received a large assortment of su
perior
MANUFACTURED TOBACCO,
at prices to retail at from 8e. to $1,00 per pound,
embracing 5s, 16s, ^ and 1 lb. Lumps, put up in
different sized Boxes, which we will sell to Mer
chants as low as they can purchase the same
brands in Richmond or Lynchburg, thereby sav
ing carriage.
SEGARS,
Imported of all the various brands, and a large
*tock of their own Manufacture.
SNUFFS.
Jiappce, Macabau, Scotch and LatuMSlcy.
In connection with the above they have a fine
assortment of
GERMAN FANCY PIPES,
CLAY ANI> CHALK PI PUS. AI«o, a fir.
assortment of Smoking Tobacco, viz: Spanish
Trimmings, cut and dry, Turkish and Havana,
'&c. Wrapping Paper.
Country Merchants will find it to their interest
to give them a call, as they are now enabled to
8elf at Manufacturers’ prices.
•Staunton, Feb. 12, 1846.
A CARD.
f have been appointed a Commissioner for tak
. ***& depositions in ('linneery causes depend
ing in the Superior Court of Augusta, and may
may be found at my Law Office when my servi
ces are desired.
R. PORTERFIELD KINNEY.
Staunton, March 5, 1816.~3in
WANT I).
I WISH to trade FURNITURE for several
large size WORKHORSES, of good
q y\ A. D. CHANDLER.
Staunton, Feb. 19 1846.
IArnTnEKV"2.CAP PA,,|iR' -Tiiiii
BOOKS just received and for sale bv
Dec. 18, 1815. ROBERT COWAN.
A knight and a lady once met in a grove,
AV liilc each was in quest of a fugitive love,
A river ran mournfully murmuring by,
And they wept in it* water* for *ytnpathy.
“Oh never was knight such a sorrow that bore,”
, “Oh never was maid so deserted before.”
“Front life and it* woe* let us iustantly fly.
And jump in together for compauy.
i They searched for an eddy that »uited the deed,
i But here was a bramble, aud there was a weed,
“How tiresome it is,” said the maid with a »igb—
So they sat down to rest them in company.
They gazed on each other, the maid and the kuight;
How fair was her form and how goodly his height— !
“One mournful embrace,” said the youth, ‘cro we dio£
and crying^kcpt Company.
1 hut woo’d such an angel as you ;”
"Oh had but my swain been a quarter ns true”—
“To miss such perfection how blinded was I J”
Sure now they were excellent company.
At length spoke the lass ’twixt a smilo and a tear:
“The weather is cold for a watery bier,
“When the summer returns we may easily die;
“Till then let us sorrow in company.”
DEBATE ON THE CONVENTION
Substance of the remarks of Mr. BALDWIN,'
j °f Augusta, upon the Convention Bills, in j
the house of Delegates, Feb. 9th, 1810.
Mr.SpF.AKER—I feel it to be due to myself to
explain the reasons by which I have been gov- |
ernctJ in the course which 1 have pursued up
on the question now under consideration, and
which induce me to vote for the bill reported
by the select committee.
My having been chosen as a member of that
committee has given occasion for an attack
upon the presiding officer of this House, and
it is proper that I should say something in his
j defence. The ground of complaint against
| the Speaker is that he has violated the estab
i lished parliamentary usage in appointing upon
j the com m it lee a majority of those opposed to
| the object sought to be attained by the reso- *
' lution of reference.
The existence of the parliamentary rule is !
not denied ; but it does not seem to me that
the Speaker is liable to the charge of having
violated it. 1'he resolution directed an inqui
ry into the expediency of providing by law
for the call of a Convention, and all that was i
required by the parliamentary rule was that*
there should be a majority of the committee 1
favorable to the call of a Convention. The j
.action of the committee has shown that this
i was provided for by the Speaker.
Among those favorable to the call of a con- *
■ yenlion there is a diflerence of opinion as to
its organisation, and it is made cause of com- !
j plaint that the control of the committee was *
j not given to the advocates of the white basis, j
It is iti reference to this question that mv ap
pointment has given dissatisfaction. The j
complaint ilselt seems to me to be unreason
able aud unnecessary ; and so far as my opin
ions are concerned, they were entirely un
known to the Speaker, with whom I was not'
Mat that time personally acquainted.
Thus much I have deemed it proper to say
! in justification of one who has not the op
portunity to defend himself; and I will pass
, to the discussion of the subject under consid
. eration, with the single remark that in the se- j
. lection of the committee great care seems to
* have been taken to give to every interest in
the S ate a share in its deliberations.
Before proceeding to the discussion of the
j comparative merits of the two lulls, I wish to
. explain briefly my position in reference to the
. i general subject of a convention. I have, it is
j | true, joined in reporting a hill favorable to the
J call of a convention, and I intend voting for
j lhat hill, but I do not wish to be confounded
; with those who advocate a convention as a
. matter of choice. On the contrary, I look
i «P°n frequent alterations of the fundamental
i jaw as a great evil, and would submit to many
i inconveniences rather than to resort to so
■ j dangerous a remedy. It is a fearful thing for
j any community to resolve itself into ils%ii
ginal elements, and to undertake the delicate
i task of ugatn uniting its dissimilar interests,
1 and harmonizing its conflicting passions.
| 1 he object of every written constitution is
.!to protect minorities against the oppressions
j of majorities, by imposing restraints upon the
I popular will, and this constitutes their chief
; excellence. Majorities, however, are always
5 ■ impatient of these restraints, and at everv op
portunity afforded by n change in the funda
I mental law, they seek to lessen the number
; ot these restraints, or to weaken their force.
‘ | Thus, the experience of the States of this Un
'' | ion shows that every change in the organic
law is marked by some encroachment of ma
jorities upon the rights of minorities. These
» | steps in the line of modern progress arc rall
i 1 ed extensions of popular privilege, but having
, | no fancy for such extensions, I am, as a gen
eral rule, opposed to conventions.
* Our present constitution, however, though
the work of a body of as wise and virtuous
men as ever assembled,and in the main worthy
of its authors, seems to me to have three de
lects, which must at no distaot day lead to
its overthrow. The first of these is that the
basis of representation is entirely arbitrary
* and does not accommodate itself upon any
principle to the changing condition of the
'ml different portions of the State. This, in a
i State where the relative population and wealth
of the different sections is so rapidly chang
ing, must, I think, lead to a convention for
amendment.
The next defect is in the basts of individual
suffrage. When the framers of our cortslitu
1 ; lion abandoned the freehold qualification for
* , voters, it seems to me they left the best and
safest basis of suffrage, and in the effort to
i stop short of universal suffrage, they have in
- j volved the whole subject in confusion,
i Next to the freehold basis, the most uni
• form, the most certain, and the most perma
nent basis, is that of fixed residence and the
payment of all government dues; and fam
convinced that until we come to that, there'is
no prospect of stability in our fundamental
, law.
The other defect to which I hove alluded,
is, that our constitution makes no provision
for partial amendments. This leads to a
combination of all those who are dissatisfied
with any provision in the constitution, and
tnrfy bring about the rrverthrow of a constitu
tion, every feature of which is approved by a
majority of the Community,
I hesc three defects are working together
for the overthrow of our present constitution,
and I am satisfied that it cannot be long before
their combined influence will bring about its
destruction. Even now the West is nearly
unanimous for a convention, and it has many
advocates in the *' * J
The question,
to every conserve
ing to oppose a ci
1 about n.thorouglf
(JJicotrteiii, which will not only inevitably over
come all opposition,but will destroy all hope of
preserving the really valuable feaMirps in our
constitution; ami whether it is prudent to stand
| aloof and leave to unsafe hands the entire con
| trolofa movement so deeply affecting the whole
j community. 1* or myself I am convinced that
the true conservative course is to meet the is
sue now, while the public mind is calm, and
when from a want of union among the advocates
of change, there is a prospect of saving some
thing valuable out of the wreck of the pre
sent constitution. I have therefore conclud- ^
etl to vole for a convention ns the least of!
evils, though I must confess 1 look forward to ]
it with fear and trembling.
Here, Mr. Speaker, I will take occasion to 1
say that there have been reasons assigned,f
both here and elsewhere, for the call of a con- '
vention, which, so far from inducing nie to '
vote for a convention, would have directly a
contrary tendency. It hns been stated that it
is considered desirable by some that our conn- !
tv court system should i>o abolished, and that
all the minor officers of government should
be elected by the people; and some have!
gone so fur as to assail that most admirable
feature in our system, the independent tenure
of the judicial office. I cannot believe that
there is any reason seriously to apprehend !
such innovations from a convention, if called :
now ; if. however, I could be convinced now
or at any other time that such nrc to lie the
fruits of a convention, I would instantly re
trace my steps, and taking mv stand upon the
present constitution, with all its defects, I
would resist the call of a convention at every j
step.
I he two bills now under consideration
raise the question as to tbe proper nrganiza- !
lion of the Convention—dial of tbe majority .
providing for its organization upon die basts
I °l present House of Delegates,and that of
j the minority preparing the way for its organ
j izatinn upon tbe basis'of white population—
and the friends of the different plans are ar
rayed in support of die one or the other pro
position.
Some surprise has been expressed by my
Western friends in ibis House at the avowal
i of my preference for tbe bill of die majority,'
I ;,"<l 1 some of my Eastern brethren have ,
partaken somewhat of this surprise,
j When general surprise is expressed at the 1
course taken by any one, it becomes him to
j examine well as to the correctness of his po
j sition ; and il the interests of others are in
j volved in his action, il is proper that lie should
! make known the reasons for his course. Be
i .ieving as I do that I nm acting in accordance
i with the true interests of my constituents,
and have taken the course dictated by correct
i principle, I see no just ground of surprise in
I any quaiter ; ami i shall endeavor to remove
: any that may be felt by showing the proprie
j ty of the course I have taken.
! This surprise could not have originated in
any knowledge that I had at any time enter
tained different opinions—for such is not the
j fart, and 1 can only account for il upon the
j supposition that it was believed that different
j opinions prevailed in the region of country
from which I come. If such opinions do pre
I vail in my county, it is impossible that I
should know it—for, with all the efforts that
j have been made there by a few zealous friends
I of a convention, they have never been able
j to muster a convention meeting—not even a
: corporal’s guard ; and if I look to the course
of her delegates for tbe last three or lour
j years, 1 find that they have voted now for, ami
j now against a convention, without complaint
; or question.
The framers of our Constitution, in an evil
j hour, as 1 humbly conceive, divided the Stale
into four districts, which are entirely uncon
nected, so far ns their representation upon
this floor is concerned. I come from the dis
trict known ns the Valley of Virginia. Ac
I cording to the present constitution, in a house
of one hundred and thirty-four delegates, the
Valley is entitled to twenty-five. According
i to the basis of white population, contended
for by the West, the Valley would, upon the
| census of 1810, lose one delegate; and, ac
cording to the basis compounded of white
! population and taxation, which is that con
! tended for by the East, the Vally would lose
nearly two delegates. If, however, we look
t° the changes which have taken place since
the census of 1830, we find that upon the
white basis the Valley would in thni time
have Inst two delegates, while upon the com
j pound or mixed basis, she would have nearly
i gained one. So far, then, as mere represen
tatioti iri the Convention is concerned, tbe
i Valley has no interest in the question of or
ganization which could for a moment weiHi
against correct principle, and she has no in
terest in the establishment of either basis in a
new constitution, which could even tempt her
i to organize the Convention with a view to
that object. Indeed, if her sole object were
j to gnin sectional power, it is very doubtful
upon which basis she would be most likely
to succeed—for upon either, her representa
tion would now be about the same, and it is
impossible to tell upon which she would gain
j most rapidly for the future.
Again, if we look to the geographical posi
tion of the Valley, to the character of her pop
j '•!«' *<»**» ami to the constant mtcnkiirse, botl
social and commercial, which must of nece^
1 »«'>* exist between her citizens and those oi
j both the hast and the West, we shall at onct
. conclude that her people could'not be rljspos
I ed to engage as pactizans in ibis or any othei
'controversy between them. I will not un
dertake to speak for other portions of tlx
Valley, but I think I can safely say that this
is the state of feeling among my constituents,
uud that the only wish they have oq the'suh
ject is. that this unfortunate controversy may
be settled speedily—that it may be settled up
on correct principles, and in such n manner
as lo secure the peupanent harmony of the
State.
I (l1 so coneojptqt^wjth my own
. feelings, I have, us their ropffsentutive, come
Jto the consideration of the question now mi
lder discussion, and having satisfied mvself
fcjttjt* the bill reported by the majority of the
[■pnmjitec, proposes ilu» pr„por g£ttiz'wil>n
merCnttveiittan; » r ill,“as briefly as I fa;.*,
give the reasons which have led me lo tliut
1 conclusion.
I It seems be conceded that there is no
peaceable mode of altering our constitution
except by first obtaining the consent of the
| existing government to the call of a conven
! '-•«»*» for the purpose. If this were not conced
ed, tt could be readily demonstrated ; hut I will
not consume time in combating a heresy which,
; I sincerely hope, will never find a foothold in
1 Virginia.
I low, then, shall the consent of the existing
■ government lie given ? As our constitution
requires something more than mere residence
i or citizenship to constitute u voter, there must |
of course be a majority of constitutional vo- !
ters differing from the majority of inhabitants'
; or citizens ; and as the constitution distributes
representation in a proportion not correspond
mg with the number of qualified voters, there
is a constitutional representative majority dif
fering from the majority of constitutional vo-I
ters. It seems to me to be clear that the con
sent of the government cannot be given except
by this constitutional representative majority;
.uni that whether absolutely neoossarv not,
it is peculiarly proper before taking u step so
vitally affecting the rights of the citizen that
the consent of a majority of the constitution
al voters should also lie obtained. Accor d
inglv, we find that both the bills under dis
cussion seek to obtain first the consent of the
representative majority in the General Assem
bly, and afterwards, the consent of a majority I
of tho constitutional voters at the polls.
BotP propositions, then, agree as to the
mode of settling the question whether we shall
have a convention, find in both, it seems to
me. the constitutional rights of the citizen ure !
properly guarded.
lien this question is settled, however, another
immediately arises, not less vitally alt. cling the
rights ot the citizen, and ol fully as much interest
to the community. This is. /„ what respects shat/
the fundamental taw he altered? and it is in the
provisions fur settling ibis qu»tion that the great
differ.-tree between the two bills consists. The
bill of the majority provides fur its decision by a
body, in which the constitutional representation
is preserved, and ihe members of which are lobe
selected by tbe constitutional voters. No mode
of ratifi ation ol liie acts of the convention is pro
i 'id.il, but it seems reasonable to infer from a!l
the provisions of the bill that its advocates look
j lor ibis ratification to a majority of the conslitu
j tional voters. On the other hand, the hill of the
minority, though itd.es not provide for the de
cision ol ihe question, seeks to prepare tbe way
i ‘or i,s decision bv a body organized upon a prin
ciple of representation, which, whatever may be
i "8 merits, is no where recognized in our consti
tution. We are not informed as to the mode in
which the advocates of this organization propose
to have the members of the convention selected,
or as to the mode of ratification contemplated ;
i but the disregard of tho constitutional distribu
tion of power suggested and ihe new principle of
representation sought to he introduced, give rise
j to disagreeable conjectures as to ihe manner in
j v\ Inch they will dispose of the constitutional
1 right of individual suffrage.
We have but one precedent in the history of
Ihe commonwealth from which we can derive in
struction upon this subject, and that is found in
tiie organization of ihe convention which adorned
our present constitution. That convention w as
called to redress grievances precisely similar to
those now complained of. It was'ealled l>v a
majority nr the ilien constitutional voters, with
the consent of the legislature; tho members were
elected by the qualified voters—the convention
was organized upon the basis of the senatorial
representation, and its action was ratified by a
majority of tin; voters under the old constitution •
thus adhering to the. forms of the old constitution
, until the new one was adopted. This j3 precisc
! ’-v 'vhal ,s proposed by the bill of the majority,
and tins seems to me to be the course indicated
by every consideration of prudehceand propriety,
j ,ie ranUc which this discussion has taken,
furnishes a strong argument in favor of adhering
to the forms of the constitution. The question
is, not whether we will have a convention, but
how it shall be organized.—and upon tiiis ques
tion we have had a most elaborate .fisnussion, as
to the true principles of government, and the
comparative merits of the white and mixed bases
ol representation—One would suppose from the
arguments addressed lo this I louse, that this was a
convention assembled with full power to consi
der and decide upon this question, when in fact
! .v/t\no‘ ?n|y have rio power to do so, hut it would
! be highly improper for us to attempt in any man
j n, r lo prejudice the decision of the question, by
organizing a convention w ith reference to its .!»•
■ ciMon in any particular manner. If we depart
Jtom the existing constitutional forms, it must be
because, in our opinion, some other form is more
i m accordance with justice, and the moment we
seek to ascertain what that form is, we are in
volved in the consideration of questions proper
.nr the decision of the very convention which we
propose to call. ] was not sent here, Mr. Spea
l kef, to consider or decide such questions, and I
prefer to leave them entirely unprejudiced by
any action of mine, to be acted upon by those
w hom rr.y constituents may chooso an delegates
lo the proposed convention.
I would vote for the bill of the majority, if for
• no other reason, because it can be passed now,
and no other bill ran. li over the controversy
between the Bast and the West can be settled to
the satisfaction of both parties, it must be done at
once. Inn public mind is now calm, and what
ever the politicians rnay say, the great body of
tbe people, both Hast and West, are now prepared
to settle all the qnestioris in dispute upon fair
terms, and in a liberal and conciliatory spirit,
j It is impossible, however, to tell how long this
may continue—the politicians on hoth sides have
i declared that they will concede nothing—compro
mise nothing; and it is to be feared that this
spirit will he infused into the mass of the people,
j4iotlf hast and West, and will bring on a section
n3*l^oti trove ray, which may lead to consequence!
'! greatly to bo deprecated.
1 would voto for the majority bill because il
proposes the only organization of the convention
which Is likely ever to receive the sanction ol
the Legislature. Suppose tho bill of the mirtori
*V. ere *° P“SS at the present session: doits
. friends suppose they woulti.be any neareruiteir
wishes as fc> the organization than they are flW t
It utigjn be found that a majority ofahe people of
the Stale are iq, favor of sucli.au. organization,
but how would that majority bp composed ?
flow wot!It! it hear upon the hegi^laturo? #i'lio
people of the West an* said lo be almost uhani
nirus in favor ol the white basis—a tovjority of
Iltose ill the Valley are supposed to entertain tho
same opinion, and il is hoped that them would
he found even in 'lie.Last« considerable minori
ty of wjiite basis men^Jfcippose, theft, we take
it for granted that tWP^t and Hie Valley ;iro
unaiiimniitnn support of«t!»is basis,and that there
is n-sriUieritiir minority in the Last of the same
, opinlonMiow would the Legislature stand upon
the question ? As each -i* u,_* r
; ’~Tr "““id represent the majority of h?s
enls, the small minorities in the Last would not
bo heard upon this floor, and the white basis
would be found next winter to have gained noth
ing in legislative strength by the passage of the 1
minority bill.
Soim of our Western friends, however, secin
disposed lo refuse the organization proposed by
■ lie majority bill, and lo wail for the census of
1850, in the hope that their cause will be strength
ened by the developments then to ho made. In
this hope, I think they will bo disappointed_for
tho hast will then have tlie same power that it
now has, and it is liarnly reasonable to suppose
that they will more readily yield loa principle of
representation when it places them in a minority,
than when il places them upon an equality in the I
Convention or Legislature.
I am perfectly satisfied that the Last will nev
er agree to the establishment of ihe white basis
of representation, and that the (picsLion will ulti
mately he settled by some compromise between
the basis of numbers and that ol taxation ; and I
am equally well convinced that the Last will
never consent to go into convention upon any
basis which will inevitably lead to tho establish
ment of the white basis. How, then, docs the
question stand between Last and West? The i
Last has the power to grant or refuse a conven
tion, while she has no need of one, and must lose
power whenever one is called. The West, on
the other hand, lias not the power to call a con
vention ; and if her population and wealth con
tinue to increase as they have done, she must be
fore long gain upon any basis that may be adopt
ed She will then he compelled to accept such
a convention as the Last is now willing to give,
if for no other purpose than lo gain power for
another effort in favor of the while basis. i
It seems to me, then, that the hill of the major
ity proposes the proper organization of the con
vention; that it is the only one that can be car
ried now or within any reasonable time, if indeed
any other can ever he ex pec ter I ; and that this is
the most favorable lime for settling this unfortu
nate controversy. I hope, therefore, it will be 1
the pleasure of the House to pass tiial bill.
1 have said, Mr. Speaker, that I considered the
discussion in regard to the basis of representa
tion ns entirely unnecessary to the proper deci
sion of the question under consideration; and 1
was disposed to avoid it altogether. I have,
however, formed an opinion as°to the basis'of
representation, which may to some extent have
influenced mv judgment upon the question of or
ganizing the conv. ntion; and in order that my.
position may lie fully and fairly understood in
regard to the whole subject, 1 will, without pre
tending to enter at large iip.m the discussion,
stale that opinion. If population and wealth
were equally distributed over the State, il would
be of little consequence what basis of representa
tion should be adopted ; lor then an equal distri
bution ot representation, according to population,
would also give an equal representation to pro-|
perly ; and vice versa, a ’distribution according to 1
taxation would be equal as to population. Under
such circumstances there would be no controver
sy as to the basis. In Virginia, however, this
state of things docs not exist; for While the West
lias the majority of the while population of the
State, the Last has the greater portion of the
wealth, and pays seven-tenths of all the taxes. :
11 then we were to distribute representation ac
cording to white population, we should give to ;
•hose who pay but three-tenths of the taxes the |
power to say not only what amount should be 1
| raised, but in what manner it should be raised,
and how it should be appropriated—thus com
pletely depriving those who own the property !
ami pay the taxes of the State, of all control over ’
their property. j
This would seem to be an unsafe and unjust
mode of distributing power under any circum
stances, but the danger and injustice is rendered
innre striking, il we consider the condition of the
; different sections of the Stale. The Last, pay
ing seventy cents out of every dollar collected,
needs but few expenditures for purposes of in
ternal improvement; while the West, paying
only thirty cents in the dollar, will require tho
expenditure of vast sums of money for the proper
development of Iter resources. Now. if we were
to give to the West the control of the levying
and disbursement of the faxes of the .State, w7
should have tlmse paying thirty cents and need
ing seventy, holding at their morcy those who
pay seventy cents and need but thirty. It re
quires hut little knowledge of human nature lo
foresee the result of such a state of things. For
myself, I have no hesitation in saying, that I
would not trust such a power to any people on
earth, accompanied by such a temptation to abuse
it; and it seems to me, that any principle which
could lead to such a result, must be founded in
. error.
The mixed basis contended for by the Last,
seems to me lo be both just and safe. As 1 mi-1
derstand it, il gives to white population equal
power wherever found, and to taxation equal
w eight wherever paid. In distributing power .re
cording to this basis, a white person in the Last
is counted against a white person in the West, j
and a dollar of tax paid in the Last against a do!-!
. lar paid in the West. According to this basis,
it is alike impossible that there should he any
temptation to persons to assail the rights of pro
perty, or to property to oppress persons.
I Various modes of combining these two ele
merits of power have been suggested, and it has
. been proposed by some that, instead of cotnbin
; mg them, they should be used as checks upon
j each other, by giving to white population the
I control of one branch of tho Legislature, and to
I luxation the control of the other? This p! ,n ha"
been tried successfully in Several States of Ihe
Union, and I am inclined to prefer il toanv other
that has been suggested, and upon this plan, I
third: tho Last and the West might be brought
to a lair compromise.
In conclusion, Mr. Speaker, 1 must protest
against the spirit in which this discussion has so
Utr been conducted. On the one band, the gen
tleman from Wythe has declared, that upon this
j subject the West can admit of no compromise ;
and, while he claimed for the people of tbp West
great credit for having submitted to the constitu
tion and laws of the Slate, he distinctly intima
j II'3* such loyally could not bo expected from
them in future, unless their demands sbal! bo
fomplicd willi to their fullest extent. On the
other hand, the gentleman from Halifax express
ed his determination to concede nothing of tho
pretensions of tho Kn3t, and declared that ho
J ; would prefer a division of tho Stale into frag
incuts as small ns Hli >de Island.
'vl ^ w*^ not u,uler,»ke to discuss, with either of
I the gentlemen, the propriety or good taste of such
expressions; nor will 1 consent, for a moment,
to treat the division of this Commonwealth ps a
matter open for discussion; hut I must be per*
milled to say, that I am greatly deceived in my
estimate of the character and feelings oft lie peo*
r j pie of Virginia, if they do not feel for the integri*
ty of the Commonwealth a devotion second only '
. to their attachment to the Federal Union, and if
'they will not teach the politicians of the State
j [ the difference between idie declamation upon this
j floor, and that spirit of concession and coinpro
L mise ivTiic.h must characterize every government
j founder^ upon the aff ections of the Poople
1 GENTLEMEN’S FASHIONS FOR THE SPRING
AND SUMMER OF JS4G.
Scott's quarterly report has just come out, most
splendidly illustrated, with figures attired in
every variety of costume, riding, walking, dining,
dancing, sporting, and party-going, and all; ac
companied by very lucid and entertaining des
criptions. VN o condense the information wo
have derived from such a careful study of this
new It u I let in. as the importance of tho subject has
suggested to us the propriety of devoting to it.
i J oats.—As a general rule, long waists aro
still to be in fashion; and short nqp-k-gtfl-gos. long
breasts, and heavy collars and lapem. The
xlucve is larjx** ai the and tapers
> to the wiisi;the cuff* two in«i—* deep, closed
j with tw- *.-..j.
'' aistcoats.—The prevailing styles are sin*
gle-hreasted with standing collars. They are
worn quite low. White mar6rillcs is still in i
vogue,—often embroidered. Cashmerettes and L
striped silks plain or embroidered. *
1 antaloons.—Out shapely to the person, ta
pering regularly to the ankle'and covering less
°> ‘be loot than formerly ; neither are tho ‘straps
so wide. Some are trimmed with elegantly fi
gured lace ori the outside seams. Pockets, ir any,
are put in a fall formed at the top, instead or tho
side seam. The material is fine, single milled
black, bluish-gray, and brown cassimcrs, plain;
ns also, white linen and pique. The taste is set
ting in lavor of plain seams for black pants.—
Those for morning dress, are made like ilioso for
evening wear in having open fronts, and fall
pockets at the sides, with a watch pocket. They
arc Warn without straps, and generally without tux*
pchdcrs. I his is a good improvement, and so is
that of having the watch in the fob, as of old,_
with a black watered ribhon and a senl. Small
clothes at halls and weddings, and parties, if the
wearer is welMimbed.
Hats, we observe, arc of the present low
crowned convex-shaped style. We think they
seern a thought smaller than now. Gloves.-_
W bile kiijs, of course lor evening wear; and cin
namon (or as the wearer pleases) tor the street,—
provided that the color lie bright. As to tho
G r a vat, etc., we note no special changes: tha
fold of the cravat is to he narrow ; a small lie, (if
while) collar low and standing : hut a hlack cra
vat, the artiste says, “is preferable, with a collar
peering nearly an inch above.” So think we.*—
Narrow ruffled bosoms are much worn.
\\ o believe we have noted the principal points
discernible in the new Spring Report; so that
our fashionable readers may costume themselves ^—
<n regie—.V. Y. Express.
PRINTING OFFICE JOKES. ^
It is customary in some printing offices when
a particularly green youth commences learning
his trade, to make him the object of various jokes.
He is often sent to a neighboring office for an ar
ticlei« hicli is ot course imaginary, and wholly
original in the minds of those who perpetrate the
joke. Once upon a time a boy was sent to
R-’s office for a quart if editorial. He was
sent back with the picture of a jackass. This
was rather severe upon the jokers; but they im
mediately told the boy logo to K-anil tell
him “it was the editorial which they w anted, not
the editor.”
ANECDOTE.
A Frenchman who knew very little of our lan!
gua»e. unfortunately got into a diOiculty with a
< ah man in New ork, anil fimlihg that he must
light, lie became anxious to know u hat he should
cry il lie found himself whipped. Alter beirnr in*
formed that when satisfied, all that ho would
have to do would ho to hollow enough, at ii they
went ? but poor Monsieur, in his difficulties, for
got the Word, and finding his eyes likely to he re
moved from their sockets, he began to cry out, but
instead of raying what he was told, he com
menced bawling lustily, hurrah! hurrah! hurrah!
To his astonishment the cab-man kept pounding
him the harder, when .Monsieur, finding there
was no use halloing, turned and went to work in
good earnest, ami it was not long before the cab*
man sang out in a stentorian voice, “Knodgh !’*
“Say that again,” says the Frenchman. °
“Enough! Enough !” cried he again.
V\ hen the frenchman, in his turn exclaimed,
“Begar, dat is de vere word 1 was try to sav lontr
time ago.” “
Profanity ribnkrd.—The lodge of Odd Fellows
m Bridgewater, Mass., have passed the follow*
ing resolution :
I liai profane sweating is a wanton and un
provoked vice, mn induced by any temptation of
honor or gain, a breach ot common decency and
courtesy in the cominop intercourse of man with
man, and recommended that a brother who is ha*
bituated to tin* disgraceful practice, he brought id
trial therefor.”
We hope this example will be followed.
An Antvverp journuIisl states that he sent a rp*
porter to Brussels for tho “king’s speech,” and
with a couple of carrier pigeons to hear back the
document. At Brussels he gave the pigeons in
charge to a waiter, and called for breakfast, lie
was kept waiting lor some time, hut a delicious
fricassee atoned for the delay. After breakfast
lie paid bis bill ami called for his pigeons. “Pi
geons I” ejaculated the waiter, “you have catert
them!”
“Why is the Ohio Biver like an unfortunate
drunkard 1” “Because it takes so much “Motion
gnhpa that it passes along “JfV/eo/rruj,” receives
“/ur/r/og” at Cincinnati,and "Falls" at Louis*
vtlle. •—iV. Y. Mirror.
It is a popular delusion to believe that powdef
on a lady s face has the same effect as in the part
of a musket—assists her to ^o ojf.
KILLING HATS.
A. Leeds, of St. Joseph, Michigan, says:_“t
ran give your correspondent, G. K.J. one remedy
lor killing rats, that I know from experience to
he effective. Mix some unslacked lime with corn
meal,arM place it where the rats may accidentally
hmi it. ] hey v, ill soon become very thirsty, and
upon drinking water, the lime slacks and swells
tlie rat like “all nature.” In die Bahama Isles,
Rpm go is dried and placed in their w ay ; they eat,
drink, swell, hurst, and die. Lime and meal
should he, of the first, one part, and moal two
parts, well mixed together.”
CHIMNEYS.
Instead of plastering the inside of chimneys in
the usual way, take mortar made with one peck
of salt to each bushel of lime, adding as much
sani. and loam as will render it fit to work, then
- on 71 coat. If the chimney ha* no ofl
sets tor the soot to lodge on, it w ill continue ner
ectly clean, and free from all danger of taking
fire. I he writer of this has tried the experiment,
and after three years constant use of a chimney
plastered as aoove directed he could never obtain
a quart of soot, though he several times employed
a sweeper to scrape it from top to bottom. To
persons living in the country, this will he found
valuable.