Richmond enquirer. [volume], May 15, 1829, Image 3

About Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867

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^.-deteriuinedsupport. Other reason*, how
‘ induced us to pursue this course : we look
ed upou 1dm *s *1'* most certain means of shutting
L out Mr. Clopton, wlio«e radical opinions are
thought rather inconsistent with the interest ot
LOW*r Viiginia. The vote stood thus :
John Tyler 61, John Marshall 58, P. N. Nicho
las 49, E. W. Ta*eweN 4!), Robert Saunders 10,
John B. Clopton 11, Burwcll U.issett 5, James
Semple 1. -1 Subscriber.
May IS. 1829.
Caroline County—1 have i«st heard and
hastan to communicate the result of the election
io Caroline for members to tire Convention.
William P. Taylor 215. R Mori is 214, J. Roane
205, James M. Garnett 190, Wm. H. Koine 54,
I Win. Dickenson 20, J. H. Upshaw 20, Pitts 0,
Stevenson 8, Bataeile 7, Bankhead 0, Bernard 5.
Caroline had five highly respectable, and popu
lar citizens in nomination, but having eaily in the
contest selected her favorite, she thus hbc-i-ally
yielded all the support to the favorites of her sis
ter Counties, which thoy could reasonably expect
or desire.—May she not justly demand the same
measure of libei'ality from u*? I think .-;o, and
there loro most auxiously desire to see the undi
vided support of her Candidate in King William,
Essex, and Hanover.
A Freeholder of Hanover.
May 10th, IS20.
Gloucester county—Monday being our May
Court, the election for members to Convention
took place, and 1 atn satisfied that the oldest in
habitant has never seen any thing like the tumult
and commotion excited by the rage ot party epiiit.
1 deplore tiiis state of tilings, and hope we shall
never again witness such a riotous ilBcordauce of
feeling among our heretofore happy and content
ed people. If those, who aio 9« anxious for fre
quent elections ot ati officers by (he people, could
have been present and have remained cool specta
tors, this scene would liate >.o utterly disgusted
them, that they must hare confessed ihe fallacy
of the idea. The public will be informed, ore
this, that the Anti-Convention ticket (as it is call
eu,j nas succeeded in uus county ny more man
three to one. Each party having concentrated
and disciplined its forces by caucusing, the two
tickets in nomination, by the opposing patties,
were supported without much splitting. Some,
however, objecting to tho Matthews nomination,
voted for the ticket tint proposed by this county,
substituting Upshur for Joyucs. Col. Wm. Jones,
who was looked to by the people ami recommend
ed by the county meeting as qualified to represcut
us, was (hopped through policy, or some other
motive, by the Matthews Caucus. However,
with e magnanimity and disinterestedness which
reflects the highest honor on his character, he
came torwaid and requested the sheriff not to
open a pell for him, and declaied to the Aiiti-con
venlionists, unless they acted in concert, there
would be thrust upon them persons who would
not represent their views in the npproactiiug Con
vention, and entreated his friends, as they regard
ed him and loved the cause, not to throw their
votes upon him, lor schism would defeat their ob
ject. it was lor this cause that so few voted for
liim, and it is due to him that it should he known.
This course is what might have been expected
from a man who, through life, has never sought
office from ambition; but, whatever honors tic
may hare enjoyed, have been bestowed without
his asking, it ia highly probable that the radicals
in this District will succeed, owing to the mista
ken policy ot the Matthews Caucus. The people
uhvays reluctantly vote for those with whom they
Ore unacquainted, for this plain reason, that, to be
properly represented, the constituent must know
and bo known by me representative. It is much
to be feared, that the cause will be lost by waut of
foresight in its friends. NO RADICAL.
CO. IT. U UJYT CA TE I).
vTb the Scnatojinl District oj Albemarle, Am
herst, fye.
The Richmond Enquirer of the 8th of May, con
tains a short address io[ the sbovo Senatorial Dis
trict, urging objections to Mr. J. Pleasants, being
voted tor as a member of the approaching Conven
tion, in consequence of the opinions which he lias
recently avowed, upon some of the most impor
tant subjects, likely to engage (be attention, or
occupy the consideration of the Convention; name
ly, “freehold suffrage” and the “ basis of repre
sentation.” With the writer of that address, we
most cordially concur as to the private virtues and
public services of Mr. Pleasants; and on this head
we could go still farther, and say, that those vir
tues, those services, his long tried patriotism, and
his sterling republican principles, not only strong
ly recommend, but eutille, him to the support of
the district—and with the opinions which lie has
recently avowed upon the two cardinal questions,
alluded to by the writer of the address, if he be
uot the true representative ol the interest of ohl
aristocratic Virginia,— is lie not the true repre
sentative of a republican people? If to this en
quiry you arc ready to answer in the affirmative;
if you wi»h the practical operatiousof our govern
ment to be in accordance with those republican
and fundamental principles, upon which it is theo
retically based—if you wish to hand down, to your
posterity, a government of equal laws and equal
privileges; and lastly if you wish to exalt your
children above the base condition of your menial
6lavc does it [not behoove you to support Mr.
IMeasant*, and those who think with him upon
those vitally important subjects, on which, must
and wHl depend the future destinies ot your native
State? It is true, the many nominations of him
already made impose no obligation, ol themselves,
To vote for him; but we must be permitted to say
(with becoming deference lo tho opinion of the
writer of the address;) that they do lurni'h a most
conclusive test of tho popular sentiment; first, be
cause he has been nominated by every meeting,
which has been held in tho di-mirt without any
sTiadow of opposition, so tar a9 we know or believe,
except in tho little. Oligarchy oj Goochland; se
condly, because he has been almost unanimously
supported in the large and populous county ol
Albemarle, since his communication to the public,
avowing his sentiments, frorfi which circumstance
ft would seem, an irresitihle inference must lie
deduced, that there could be no mistake as to his
(freed.
Unfortunately for the prosperity of Virginia ami
for her progress and advancement in the true
fteieoee of republican government, it 19 to be lear
ned there will be in the approaching Convention
'Swo distinct parties. The one, struggling for that
Sscendanry iu our State government, and the re
ension of that power, which they have long been
'accustomed to hold and to wield—the other, striv
ing to destroy that ascendancy, to paralyse that
( power, and to equalize governmental privileges.
/ If this were ndt the issue between the parties; it it
> were not a contest lor power; if the apprehen
• sions for the slaveholdiug interest were the real,
kts they are the ostensible, causes why Mr.
fe’leasants and those of his creed should be opposed;
iVve submit to your candour and your good sense,
Iff the guarantee gratuitously offered 1>y him, and
vyhich every liberal man is ready and willing to
grant, ought not to he considered as satisfactory
uud safe security to that valuable species of pro
perty, and aafTkieot to quod the apprehensions of
the alarmists upon that point. Ought they not fo
bo willing v/heu thoir dear slaves are protected
from unjust and partial taxation by constitutional
provision, that Irce white population should form
* the basis of representation? Ought they to con
tend that because (in the language ol llic address)
“their slaves are required to work upon toads a
hmgnide ol white men,” whose lot was cast in the
humbler moulds of life, whose character has not
been purified, and whose mind has not been en
larged and improved by that magical operation,
which the possession of I’t acres of poor land, is
supposed by many to effort; ought they to contend,
I ray, on this account, that they should be plac
ed along&ide of white men in a political point of
view? And should they thus contend, ought
they
to sttpceed? Surely not, Forbid it justice;
'9'bid it republicanism? Freeholders of the Dis
trict, we invoke you to forbid it—we beseech you
to save the constitution to be made in Convention,
•rotnsofoul a pollution, and to redeem the com
monwealth of the Ancient Dominion from impend
*ng ruin; by the vigorous manly and liberal pxor
* iso of that right, which ought to belong to overy
rteomsn, of going to the polls and fearlessly vo
^mg for tj,0<e persons who will maintain the
, republicanism, and ’he diffusion of
qusl pTtvii#gc„ j0 t||09e> who contribute to the
• 'Tp*. of government and conform to 1*5 laws—
ss
Believing as we sincerely do, that Mr.' Pleasant*
will mahitain, on the floor of (he Convention,
those principle* for which we contend, as ably.
a« efficiently an.) as faithfully, as auy man in th*
District, we therefore venture to recommend him
again to the support of the -district.—The editors
of the Enquirer and Virginia Advocate, by giving
aspeedy publication to the above, will gratify at
least some proportion of tiie
Volets q/ Goochland.
To the Freeholders of Powhatan.
The result of the election of members to the
'Convention in the county of Chesterfield is now
before you. The pretensions of your <nvn caudi
' dale, the ouly one you have offered to the District,
have been overlooked, and tho votes of Chester
field have been given mainly to four of its own
| citizen*. But will you not rush to tho Foils,
■ Freeholders, and support your candidate? Do you
i intend to surrender the claims of Wm. Old? Re
member ho is one of yoursulves—a Farmer—feels
with you, thinks with you, and is, in all respects,
identified with you. Depend upon i'., Cumber
land and Amelia are prepared to aid you—You me
entitled toron* representative at least.—Your intelli
geuco always acknowledged, the worth of the
candidate >ou otfer to the Distiict, both entitle you
to have one member at least from the District —
'i o the Foil* then. Freeholders, exercise your ,
privilege aud claim your rights.
•A Freeholder in the District.
May 12th, 1329.
Tho Enquirer of May 1st, contains a Commu
nication,signed “A Freeholder of Nelson,” recom
inciulatoiy of Mr. John M. Martin, tor a seat in
'.ho Convention, which status, with respect to the i
other gentlemen, residents of thi* county, who
have been nominated :—“ They are recent friends
and never did vote for a Convention”; and inti
mates, (bat “ these recent changes,” as he calls
them, have been made •* to secure tho election of
the Convention Candidate.”—We, unhesitatingly,
pronounce this statement, as far as it relates to
Thomas Mas.de,to be absolutely false. We know he
voled for taking (he sense of tho people, on the call
ol a Convention, repeatedly during his service in
Hie Legislature; ami, within our own knowledge,
Hie late Deputy Sheriff of this county states, ho
distinctly rec ollects. Dr. Masai* directed him to
record hia vote “ For a Convention'’ at the May
Court of Nelson, in 1823; and (bathe (the She
riff,) neglected to do so; which accounts for his
name not being on tho poll book.—We are the
flatterers of no man, the traducersof uone; aiuT
we would advise the friends of certain candidates,
to tnm some more honorable method, to promote
tliHir favorite’s pretensions, than by slandering oth
ers. Several Freeholders of JVelson.
FOR THE E.YQUIRER.
To the People of Eastern Virginia.
Fr.llow•Citizknb The eventlul period U
at hand tor the election ot' members to the Con
vention. Will you, in any instance, elect a member
who is in favour of basing representation' in the
Legislature upon white population only, to the
exclusion of properly, or taxation? Have you
fully counted the cost? Have you fully estimat
ed the consequences? From the number of can
didates for seats in that body, who advocate this
principle, and yot appear to retain the confidence
of their respective districts, and to have every
prospect of being elected, I fear that you have not.
I fear that the best and most lasting interests of
our country are in imminent danger. Permit me
to address a few serious remarks to you, on
this subject. They may set better heads to think
ing, and can do no harm. But. if perchance, they
shall throw a single ray of light into the awful
gloom that is before ui»> that single reflection will
throw a halo of consolation around my death-bed.
Without further preface, 1 maintain that a com.
! bined ratio of white population and'taxation is the
j only just and fair basis of representation in our
j case : that if we yield U»» principle* that white
■ population alone is the true basis in liie State Go
, vernment, it will be the first step to its concession
; in the Federal Government: that every argument
; which can lie adduced to prove it right in the for
I iner, appplie* a fortiori,$ in the latter—that; we
j would, therefore, be obliged in the end, to con
j cede the principle ihorc also : ami tlmt.aB the first
( fiuits ol the concession here, we, the East, would
| be compellrd to surrender a largo portion of our
| representation in Congress to the West, by the
i distribution over the whole state of the addition
al representation allowed us on account of our
slaves.
1 will discuss the latter propositions first, and
then enquire whether, admitting these consequen
ces to follow, or supposing them proved, there is
any thing in the justice of the demand, that while
population alone shall constitute the basis of rep
resentation, so imperative, that it must be yielded
at all events, upon the principle, “ fiat justitia, ru
at cadum.” \\ e are entitled to a representation
in Congress proportioned to (lie whole free popu
lation, and 3-5thsef all other persons, except 'In
dians, not taxed.—On what principle? Cle.arly up
on ihe ptinciple that they are subject to taxation,
—that we consent to be taxed in the same propor
I fi*n- The Constitution of the United States was
the result ot compromise between the conflicting
interests of the North and the South, the non
slaveholding, and the slavoholding States. This
was doubtless liie most delicate and difficult sub
ject of adjustment in that great work. The South
ern Representatives understood the rights and in
terests of their constituent# too well,to conseut that
white population alone .should constitute the ba=is
of representation; but the most consummate ad
dress must hive been necessary to reconcile the
prejudices of the North to the admission of any
other; and some concession of opposite opinions
was indispensable loan adjustment'of the difficul
ty satisfactory to all parties. The South, no doubt,
contended that they were entitled to representa
tion for (heir whole population; but, were oblig
ed to be content with a representation for 3-5fli* nf
the slaves only, m addition to the whit**. The
concession was not without an equivalent, howe
ver, as will be presently seen. I say, that the
principle on which we were allowed a representa
tion for thq 3-6ths was, that they are subject to
taxation—that taxation and leprcsentation should
go hand in hand, and that the latter, to be availa
ble, must bear some proportion to the former. This
is manifest from the provision of the Constitution.
It is in these words, (Aiticle 1st, 3d clause of 2d
section :) “ Representatives and direct taxes shall
he apportioned among the several states which may
he included within this Union, according to their
respective numbers, which shall be determined by
adding to the whole number of free persons, in
cluding those bound to service for a term of years,
and excluding Indians, not (axed, three-fifths of
all other persons.”
Thus, indicating by the close and inseparable
connection of Representatives, and direct taxes in
the same clause, and the apportionment of them
on the same ' axis, that the principle, the reason,
for giving us a representation for 3-5ths of all oth
ers than free persons, was, that we consented to
bo taxed in the same proportion. This conclusion
is rendered irresistible, If it wanted confirmation,
by the exception, •• and excluding Indians, not
taxed.” Why exclude Indians, not taxed, in
making the enumer..ti*n and apportionment? Be
c uise, not being taxed, they did not come within
theieason of the. rule. But, I said that it was a
concession on our part, (gwing up a representa
tion for the other 2-5ib*,) yet, nut without its
equivalent. That is to he louml in the fact, that
neither are they taxed : they are not taken into
the account in the apportionment of direct taxes.
'I here is another : The General Government
has other and ample sources of revenue, without
a resort to direct taxes; sufficient, and more than
sufficient, under judicious management, for all the
purposes of government, except when the country
is engaged in war with some great foreign power.
If, economically administered and restrained with
in its constitutional limits, duties or imports alone,
imposed with a single eye to revenue, would al
ways command for it the most abundant resources
for ordinary on asion«, and for nearly all exigen
cies, without being at all felt by the people. “And
even when (hose extraordinary exigencies occur,
its powerful resources and high credit would go.
nerally enable it to effect loans, to be redeemed in
more prosperous times, which would supersede
| the necessity of a resort todirect tMjes. That re
sort, therefore, need be very rare ’.Vnw, we are
' enjoying continually and justly a representation
t for 3-5ths of our slaves, while the direct taxes,
i (die price paid for that representation,) which are
occffidiog to the iao»o rulo, occur buf
seldom; and if the goveiowem were always faith'
fully administered, would occur still seldomer. This
is surely no unimportant equivalent for the aban
donment iu the General Government, of the
claim to a full representation of (tie other two
fifths.
To apply these observations to the great ques
tion of the basis of representation in the State Go
vernment : If, in the latter, we concede that free
white populatiou is the true basis,with what fiice,
with what countenance, shnii wo deny the justice i
of the same rule in its application to the General !
Government? If, tru<-, that our black population
should %e taken into tho account iu the apportion
ment of representation iu the latter, because also
to bo taken into the account in tho same propor
tion in the assessment of direct (axes, ho-.v are
we to avoid tho conclusion, that they ought to he
taken into the account in apportionin'* representa
tives in the Slate Legislature? Especially when it
is considered that the blate Government has no
other means of raising revenue hut by direct
taxes; ami, therefore, the slaveholder is constant
ly paying the price lor the additional representa
tion claimed on his see. tint, while the General
Government has other and inexhaustible and easy
means of raising money, which make the re-oit to
direct taxes, scarcely ever necessary, nud, there
fore, the slaveholder is only occasionally, and at
long intervals, called upon "to pay (he price, which
lie gives for the additional representation iu Con
gress, allowed on account ol Ins slaves l say,
therefore, that every argument which can be ad
duced to prove white population to be the Iruo
basis of representation iu the State Logici„ture,
applies a fortiori to the Federal Legislature.—
The Nou-SUvchoIding States derive relative
ly much less benefit trom the enumeration
of tin ee-fi fihs of our slaves in the a-aessineut
ol diicct taxes, than the uuu-slaveliotiliiig from
the slaveliolding portion of V irginia, from taxing
their slaves. And taxijliou being the price paid
in both cases, can we give up the representation
claimed as a fair equivalent, the liability to taxes
•till continuing, in tho one case.aud that tho moat
important, and consistently deny it in the other,
where the concession would be of* less importance?
Can Eastern Virginia consistently make the treat
er concession to her Western brethren, aud refuse
the less, demanded on the same principles, to her
Northern brethren? It must he ntatnlu
tlieu, that the principle once yielded in the one
case, would be denied with a very bad grace in
the other. It would be conceded in the end to
the General Government; and the first fruits ot
the establishment of the principle In the State Go
vernment, as 1 have said, would be the transfer
ot four or five representatives in Congress, from
the East to the West. For, though the benfit of
trie rule is* readily enough claimed for Virginia
| of the United States—that Is, that in apportioning
representatives, three—fifths of all other persons,
except Indians not taxed, shall be counted,—yet
the distribution of them ovor the State, by the
same rule, is complained of by the West as a great
grievance. They say, the representation should
be ap;>ortioned among the different parts of tho
State, according to white |K>pulation. Now. tho
justice of this demand does uot appear to me. It
to be allowed additional representation iu Con
gress, on account of tho slave, none so good a re
presentative lor him, none so good a protector as
his own master: There is just the same icason
for preserving the rule, in making the apportion
ment within tho State, as between the different
States. But, can any man doubt, for a moment,
that, if you give the people of the West the pow
er, they will do the deeJ to-uiorrow? Ask of
those who have conversed with them, and know
their opinions on this subject. Give them a re
presentation in the legislature, according to white
population; and with the aid of two or three coun
ties immediately h*low the Ridge, and wjwch
go with them in ail their views and feelings, they
have the power.
If these consequences, then, are to follow,
*n.l t think they do as clearly as that -the shadow
follows the substance, is there any thing so iin-1
perativa in the justice ol the demand, that we are
constrained to yield it at all events? Is it so
clearly and unquestionably the only correct prin
ciple of representation, that iu obedience to its
mandate, we must become hewers of wood and
drawers of wafer in all time to come, to our
Western and Northern brethren? that we must
surrender ourselves as voluntary victims, to be
immolated on the altar of _their cupidity, when
we have it in our power tp say to them nay? I
think not. On. the contrary, I am as fully per
suaded, as I can he of any political truth, that, in
our case, a combined ratio of taxation and free
white population, is tho only correct basis of re
presentation. For what purposes are government*
instituted? For the protection of tho rights of
persons and of properly.—These are the two
great interests, that lie at the foundation of all So
ciety. Destroy the balance, or render either in
secure, and Society is dissolved; or the govern
ment becomes a hateful despotism iu fact, what
ever it may he iu name. If persons alone are re
presented, without regard to property, in a Slate
where its distribution among the different parts of
the Commonwealth is very unequal,how is proper
ty to he secured from undue burdens, or oven
from arbitrary seizure and distribution? If pro
perty alone, the Government would be an odious
aristocracy, treading on the necks of the poor,
increasing their personal services at will, and
grinding them to powder—a Government, in short,
which no one has the folly or the hardihood to de
fend, though the East have been gratuitously de
nounced as its a ivoca'es, because they have con
tended that property should not be excluded from
all eonsileration in constituting the Government.
That it should be thus excluded, is a proposition
totally untenable. And why? It is, as 1 have
said, one of the two great interests that lie at
the foundation of Society, apd into which all the
rest may ho resolved. It is property that, through
the medium of taxes, must support the Govern
ment in peace and war. It enters so constantly,
largely anil necessarily into all the affairs of men;
is tho object of such eager pursuit, and, conse
quently, of such frequent contention, that it con
smuics ot necessity, in one shape or other, the
subject of 9-10ths of the laws of every civilize'’
nation on the globe. Yet it is to be excluded from
all consideration iu the constitution of the legisla
ture ! Look to the expensive machinery of go
vernment in all its branches, executive and judi
cial, as well as legislative. How are they era
ployed? Principally in redressing wrongs rela
ting to property, and securing and maintaining its
rights. How paid? Hy taxes on property. And
shall property be thrown entirely out ot view,
in apportioning representation? Shall taxation be
thrown out of view, in apportioning representation
in tlio legislature? Such was not the opinion of
our ancestors who atchicved the revolution. In
their creed, the ideas of taxation and representa
tion were inseparable. In defence of that princi
ple they fought, and bled, an.' conquered; and
transmitted to us the fair inberi.ance we now en
joy. Such too, were the opinions of the Iramers
of the Federal Constitution, as is evident from
the clause ol that instrument already quoted, for
apportioning representatives and direct taxes—
and further that they should bear some just pro
portion, indeed a tcry exact proportion, to each
other. And it is matter of special wonder to ob
serve the practical coincidence in the operation of
the principle which they adopted, with the opera
tion of the principle of the compound ratio of tax
ation and population. Upon comparing the results
of the two bases (the combined ratio and federal
numbers) last winter in the discussions on the
Convention Hill.it appeared that in a Convention
ot 88 members, they exhibited a difference of
only one iu the number, which (hey would res
pectively give to the Last and Wool of the Dlno
Itirfge.
It must ho conceded then, unless we are pre
pared to repudiate the principles of the revolution,
and the sage founders of our institutions, that tax
ation and representation should go hand in hand;
and that they should bear a just proportion to earh
other. Iu determining that proportion, I ask, and
I ask in sober seriousness, what difference is there
as to all practical results, between no represents- j
tion at all, and a reptesen’ation inadequate to tho ;
protection of the persons and interests represent- ’
cd?" The great bone of contention, the great
struggla between the East and (he West in the
“Suppose, for example, a small representation
allowed the Colonies in the B. Parliament. This I
f suppose, would have satisfied politicians of the
present dsy, who think there is nothing iu these
proporfi rps—hut notour sturdy ancestors.
Couvoutiou, ths rufiject worth «U lira reat-iLey
will have to ddcide,is this—the basis of represen
tation, If we are only as united as they, the re
public is safe; for all its gre t interests will then
be represented. If not, they will carry the prin
ciple of representation according to white popu
lation! which will operate moat unjustly upon the
interests of property, and the tax-paying portion
of the-Community, because it will uot give them
a representation adequate to their protection By I
the census of 1820, the white population West of
the Ridge, was 254,208; that of the East, 348,000
The greater comparative increase of the whites
there, since that period, will give them by the
next census, or very shortly thereafter, a majority
of .the white population, and, consequently, (ou
their principles,) of Representatives in the Legis
lature : While the amount of revenue they pay, is
only $101,636, ol nearly half a million.—Where
the distribution of property is so unequal between
different parts of a Slate, divided by a strong geo
graphical Hue, and a marked diversity, and fre
quently opiHisttion of fueling and interest, 1 can
not conceive of a mere •omplete state of vassal
age, than to subject the wealthier half to the un
coutrolcd and uncou'rulaldc sway of the other; to
place the power of the government in the hands
of lltose who do uot have its burdens to boar—es
pecially if they have, from their peculiar geogra
phical position, or other cause, a strong temptation
to the abtt"9 of that power Now, have not the
West the strongest temptation? that can be offer
ed to trail mortals to iho abuse of this power, if it
be conceded to them, arising from the geography
of the country, and the different naluie of Their
propetty and ours? Wo know that they have
mountains to love), canals to dig, rail-roads and
turnpikes and.bridges to romtruct, almost without
end. We think they are wild upon the subject
of Internal improvements; that tl.eir minds, or
rather thejr imaginations, are at least a century
ahead of tiie means, and condition, and wants of
the country—that they are wiliiug to go great
lengths, (to say the least,) to mortgage the re
sources of the Stale in advance, to almost any
amount, to carry on their schemes of Internal im
provement. To au attentive observer of our his
tory, for the last tea years, it must be apparent,
that if they had possessed the power, it they had
only possessed4he representation in both brauches
of tiie Legislature, which the basis of white pop
ulation, upon the census of 1810, would have giv
en them, and which we (inadvertently, 1 believe,)
had yielded to them in the Senate, the S;ale
would, at this moment, have been saddled will, a
debt ot 10 or 12 millions of dollars. Is this au ex
travagant supposition? Since the subject lias been
at all understood, no rnan has believed, that the
J ames and Kanawha River improvement alone, as
first projected,would cost less than seven millions;
two more might be safely added, for difference be
tween estimate and cost. The difference is com
monly prodigious. The amount which they would
have been willing lo subscribe to the splendid
scheme for the junction of the waters of the Ches
apeake and the Ohio, no man can tell. These are
but two of an hundred; and the last of them was
to depend largely Jor a supply of water, at the
summit level, upon the principles of “ condensa
tion and attraction”! This idea is gravely urged
by a board of commissioners of Maryland and Vir
ginia, who are combating the opinion of Mr.
Gallaliu, that the project was impracticable, for
the want of a supply ol' water at the summit level
—sec journals of the H. of D., ’21—2, or *22—3.
I mention this, to show the visionary theories of
intelligent men of that day, with which wc were
amused, were in part taken in, and had like to have
been ruined—aye, and will he ruined yet, if we
give up the purse-strings. In two instances, tho*
taught a tittle caution by tiie ignoramuses, as all
who opposed, iu any degreo, these brain-sick pro
jects were considered, two loans were actually
proposed, to the amount of 3 millions each. i
I am sure, therefore, my estimate is not too high,of
what would have been, at tlus time, tbe amount
of Stale debt, upon the supposition made. The
annual interest on that amount ot loans, to say no
thing of the application of a dollar lo the redemp
tion of the principal, is (SOU to $720,000, which
would have been added to the curreut annual ex
penses of the government, by their act and for
their benefit, (so far as they would have advanced
the benefit of any,) and which our slaves and oth
er property would have been taxed to pay. And,
f hazard nothing in asserting, it we yield the
principle now, that, in ten years, wc sliail be pay
ing interest oil a debt ol ten millions, iucurred by
loans, for the purposes of Internal Improvement.
The object is openly avowed. Forewarned, let
us be forearmed.—I am tar from being the enemy
to the great cause of Internal Improvement. I
wish, most sincerely, to see it prosper. 1 think
the West entitled to reasonable appropriations, for
tiie furtherance of rational and profitable schemes
of improvement, in common with every other part
of the State. Hut, I wish to have something to
say to the levying of the tax, and the appropria
tion cf tiie money, especially when it is to come
mostly out of iny pocket; and I have such just
cause to fear, that if I part with this power, it will
be abused both in levying and appropriating, 1
have always had a mortal aversion to government
debts, government stocks, and government secu
rities. But it has increased tenfold, since I heard
an old Fox say, what a tine resource they were
for pot (ioning daughters; and have seen, or think
f have seen, that these schemes of improvement,
pushed too far, and extravagant loans to effect
them, are blit the beginnings of that ever-grow
ing system of taxation, which sends tiie European
labourer, and threatens to seud the American la
bourer supperless to bed, that stock-jobbers may
live in luxurious splendor, and give rich portions
to their daughters.
I purpose, in another number, to show that there
is nothing in the principle of representation con
tended for. inconsistent with the Bill ol Rights, or
the just rights of man—that, were it otherwise,
the basis of representation in tiie Ordinary Legis
lature, must be matter of compact and compro
mise, founded upon (he actual condition of things
in the Community, when It is organized—that no
paper ties can prevent tho vicious action of a vi
cious principle, in the Constitution of the Legis
lature—that, therefore, a provision that slaves
shall be taxed, only in the same proportion that
lands are, or any other property, will not do,where
the power to levy the tax, is not in the hands of
those who, even by ttiat rule, would impose $10
upon you, for every dollar they impose upon
themselves, and that there is nothing in apportion
ing representatives between different states, or
different sections of a state, according to popula
tion and property, or taxation, at all resembling
the apportionment of power between individual
men, by the same rule. As I wish this Inst dis
tinction to go out at once, tiiat better beads may
lie thinking.upon it, 1 will just state here, in con
VMI9IUII, uicii iuo i.iiiiiiiVMUii nj»j;rnia i ivrtl IU Illf IOJ
this—that in the application of the rule to a dis
trict of country, its population gives one half of
the representation, its property (or its taxes.w hich
are only the measure of its properly,) gives the
other half. Here, then, is a compound principle.
Hut in an attempt to apply it to individuals, it will
be 9eei. at once, that the principle of property
alone could apply. Kach being hut a unit, if you
give him a weight in the government according to
population ami properly or taxes, it is, in fact,
giving to each influence or weight in the govern
ment,according to his property only. This would he
rank aristocracy; the other principle not at all so.
To do more than lo require a very moderate pro
perfy qualification in voters, possessing which,
all should have equal weight, would be a gross
misapplication of the principle to individuals.—
This distinolion divests the principle of represen
tation contended for, ol all resemblance to joint
stock companies, to which it has been compared.
The principle, I think, is founded in reason, and
will stand the test of time and scrutiny. I am a
Virginian, in heart and in sentiment; but, on this
subject, I anymore particularly,—
Jin Eastern Virgin tart.
trrA few remarks hereafter on the v iews of
Our worthy Correspondent. Wo think (Item de
cidedly Incorrect—Editor*.)
VUWJXJA ELECTION
cnnaaisi.
Lagan—Win. Smith 156—Joseph Lovell S3, L.
Maxwell 2.
Cabtll—Ixtvel! 826—W Smith 03 — Maxwell 18.
itotrer or nri.ErtATen.
Logan—Col. Griffin Smiting** 102, James Bias*
77—Joseph Stratton 70, Thos. J.indille 70, Jt.
th 58,J#s. Chris'ain'S-T.K tberfronJ28,Barker 24. i
rvbtl/—Wm • 261, F. G. L. J|enh-*
I ring* 21S*—\nomas Me A Uu ter 1,35, Lovi aharl
rulge 100, J. Barrett *01.
CONVENTION ELECTIONS.
[la our last No., we were led by other papers
into two mistakes. 1. The vote there ascribed to
.Middlesex, is supposed to have been given in the
couuty ot Gloucester—for, Middlesex has not yet
voted—nor 2. have we heard from Stafford, whose
poll we professed !o state.—We now lay before
our readers all the returns which we have since
received—still observing with much regret, that
the polls are very thin.J
Bowlikc Green, Caroline, May II.
Caroline County—The foliowiug is the result
of the election of members to the Convention, in
October next. At the close of the polls iu this
county, the vote stood as follow*, viz:
For Wm. P. Taylor 215, Richard Morris 214.
Joho Koane, Sen. 205, James M Garnatt RH>,
W,n. H. Koane 54, John H. Upshaw 20, Wm. W.
Dickinson 20, Thos. Pills 9, Andrew Stevenson 8,
Lawrence Battaile 7, John Bankhead b.
Bj'Early iu the day Mr. Bernard addressed the
voters, and declined any poll.
King br Qwetn—The following is the state of
the polls for members of (he Convention, at King
£t Queen Court House, at three o’clock—polls not
closed, and about 20 voters who had not voted:
Juo. Roane 119, Richard Morris 82, Wui. P.
Tjiylor 78, Wm H. Roane 69, James M. Garnett
65, Juo. Game* 60, Jno. H. Upshaw 56, Wm. Gar
nett 16, Chas. Hill 12, Robert Pollard 2, John
Bankhead 1.
King George County—J. Talliaferro 60, Judge
Dade 51, E. Currie 46, F. Bates 38, U. W, Carter
32, St. L L. Carter 12, R. Murphy 7, W. H.
Fitzhugh 2. J. Gibson l.S. Oldham 1, Win Brent,
Jr. 1, N. H. Mason 1, S. Blackwell 1. E. Oldham
1. W. Y. Sturmau 1, J. G. Stuai: 1, A. F. Koso 1,
Y. Johnston 1.
Sussex—Johu Y. Mason 1S2, Richard Eppes
155, Austin Claiborne 99. Cargill 77, Hives 67,
Trezvant 46, Harrison 37, Jos. Mason 32, Smith
28, Kuifiu 17, Urquhart 10, Carr Bovvers 5, Col.
Allen 1, Hollemnu 1.—
[•'-Vote.— William Shaiuls, Jun. inconsequence
of being a candidate for the Assembly in the coun
ty of Prince George, was nominated by his friends
only a short time before the convention election
commenced: They, therefore, declined opening? a
poll for him in Sussex, although they believe he
would have obtained a good vole iu that county,
as well as in his ovvu,and iu Surry.”—Petersburg
Old JJoinmion.]
Lunenburg—Gen. Broadnax 176—Adams 166—
Alexander 127—Nelson 112—Dromgoolc 108—
Smith 91—Goode 87—Hicks S3—Gholson 78—
Pegram 2—Good wry u 1.
JVansemoud—Joseph Prentis 98, L. W. Taze
well 69, G. Lovall 53, K. H. Baker 47, R. B.
Taylor 40, J. T. Kilby 30, L. Cornick 29, A. Em
erson 20, J. Cornick 5.
Russell—1st day—Cowan of Russell 230, John
R. George of Tazewell 194, McMillan of Lee
154, Byars ot \\ ashington 135, Edward Campbell
of W asbington 89, Francis Smith 42, Francis Pies
ton 22, Sharp of Lee 16. [The poll was to be kept
open the second day only.]
Ctic*., erfield—Jones 351, Leigh 329, Johnson
2-16, Taylor 245, Giles 146, W.S.Archei 93, Old 87,
Branrh T. Archer 17.
JYottoway—B. W. Leigh 129, J. W. Jones 123,
Win. Giles 103, Win. S. Archer 94, Sam. Taylor
61, Wm. K Johnson 15, J.uncs Junes 8, B. T. Ar
cher 1.
Pocahontas—Bowyer Miller 121, A. Beirne
110, Baxter 119,W. Smith 114, Francisco 11,Gen.
Brerkendi ige 6, Cyrus Cary 5, Geu. Blackburn 3,
Withrow 2, E. Kion 2.
Jurat* Oily.—The election was very thinly at
tended. The poll stood thus: for John Tyler 61,
John Marshall 5S, Philip N. Nicholas 49, Little
b>u ’1 azewell 49, Robert Saunders 16, John B.
Clapton 11, liuriveii Bassett 5, suit Ja’s Seipple 1.
P lanklia.—Geo. Townes of Pittsylvania 293,
1 Win. Calloway of Franklin 233, Ben. W. 9. Ca
bell of Pittsylvania 234, Joseph Martin ol Henry
227, Henry Calloway of Franklin 171, Archibald
Stewart of Patrick 131, Raleigh While of Pittsyl
vania IU, W. R. Chaplin of do. 3S, James Garland
at do. 7.
CONGRESSIONAL ELECTION—Sumniary.
We^ lay before our readers a Summary ot the
late Election in A irginia, for members of the H.
at Representatives in the Congress of the U. S ;
(which is complete, with the exception perhaps ol
the District ot Kanawha. Some doubt still rests
upon the result in that District—The l.ewi-hurg
Palladium of the 9th inst. states, that from all (it)
“ had heard, c.f the Cougressional Electi ms, (it
was) induced to believe Lewis Maxwell has again
been elected by a small majority.” We have a let
ter from Cabell Court Hcuse of the 2Sth ull. which
gives the polls in that county, for Joseph Lovell
326, Win. Smith 93, Lewis Maxwell 13. Ran
dolph and Wood yet to be heard from. Lovell en
ters these (wo counties about 243 voles a-head ol
Maxwell :)
In the District of Monongalia, Philip Dod
dridge elected in place of Isaac LetHer, declined.
In the D. of Berkeley, AV m. Armstrong re-elect
ed without opposition.
In the D. of PredericR, Robert Alien re e
lected.
Iu the D. of Rockingham, AVm. McCoy re-e
lected without opposition.
In tiie D. of Botetourt, Robert Craig elected
in place of General John Floyu declined.
In the D. of JVas/ungton, Gen. Alexander
Smyth re-elected without opposition.
In the D. of Kanawha, Lewis Maxwell said to
1 be re-elected.
In the D. of Loudoun, Charles Fenton Mer
cer re-elected.
In the D. oj Westoiorekiad, John Taliaferro
re-elected.
In the D. of Fauquier,John S. Barbour re-t-Ject
ed without opposition.
Iu the D. oj Orange, Philip P. Barbour re-e
lected without oppnistion.
In the D. of Ring Queen, John Roane re-e
lected without opi>osiiion.
in the D. of York, Richard Coke, jr. elected In
piece of Bnrwel! Bassett.
In the D. oj FranhHn, Nathaniel Claiborne
re-elected without opposition.
In tho D.oJ Halifax, Thomas Davennotl re-e
lected.
In the D. of Prince Edward, Thomas T.
Bouldin elected in place ol John Randolph declin
ed.
In the D. of Powhatan, William S. Archer re
elected without opposition.
In the D. of Brunswick, Mark Alexander re
elected without opposition.
In the J). tf Southampton, James Trezvanl re
elected without opposition.
In the 1). of jVorfolk, Thomas Newton re-e
lcctcd. (Scat said to be contested by George Lov
ell.) si
in the l). of Albemarle, Wm. C. Hive* re-e
lected without oppo-iiion. (Since appointed Min
ister to France—and, of course', a new Election)
In the I). 0/ Henrico, Andrew Stevenson re-e
lected without opposition.
These Districts are enumerated in the order of
the law.
The copious Extracts we have this day made
from (he “ Christian Examiner and Literary lie
view,” are from on article, attributed on iinuue*
tionable grounds, to the learned Dr. Channlng of
Boston—so advantageously known to the Kepnb
lie of Letters, by his Review of (he Writings of
Milton, and his two articles on the Thai artri of
Napoleon. —He is one of thn most splendid and
popular Preachers in New England_Tho ex
tracts before us are fraught with many just views
—anti none more striking than those which he of.
fnrs upon the Tariff. That •• American System”
begins o lie better understood- frotn the mischie
vous consequences which it is said fo bs producing
in the Manufacturing Class itself. If «c may
credit the letter from Boston to the N. V. Evening !
Post, tffs* woollen manufactures ate miflkrlng, and 1
the cotton establishment* are injured by the ex- i
cessire competition whirl, the Tariff Acts have '
stimulated into action. Tho la-1 Baltimore Chron
icle tries again to arouse the vigilance of the Man
nfa,-lUting luierast, and to summon them to the
field; to meet the meditated a'laik* of their op
ponenfson the existing law. And with what ar-|
gumenta doe* (he Chronicle Invest them' What
are the encouraging prospects winch it bold*out
to them '—•• ft It a fact, that with the aid of the
present rates of duties, there is scarcelj any of
tha mariiiMclnrer* in the. coifVifry realizing a profit;
at - ♦ i* ♦rjiia’lv tr»i«\ tb«t the n>»:‘or tf them
,**• »^Ua«»u»« TUuMtmatVd, w«
look upon it as (lie duty ol tii« American |ka(>U4<i
«ee that no dangerous innovations be made upou
their rights, and that they are not sacrificed lo ap
pease (he jealous (eelmg* of those who have con
spired against them. Many manufactories n«t<.
commenced, and other* have went {gone) into, op
oration, under a belief that the protective poUw
of the country would be continued. To such wc
think our national councils would act in bad faith.
'V«re they to lay violcut hands on the existing
law.’—1 he poisoned cllalicc is. then, relnr^jn..
to tlieir own lips ! it is the effect of tho err*.- .
neott*policy which has been adopted; ef that *‘A
mtrican System, ’ which professes to regulate tho
labor and capital of the country—violating the
principles of Tree Trade—and constituting Ihejfb
vernuient as the guardians ot the .interest* of in
dividuals—Us, it tho agents ot the People \vt M
better acquainted with the interests of-own citizen*
than those individuals themselves.—Tho higher
the 1 ariff Laws, the greater their competition at
home— the gi eater the smuggling from abtoaiL
Are we to understand, that under such citcum
stances, (he manufacturers are o ying out for ad
ditional restrictions’ Will nothii> satisfy them
hut an absolute nominal prohibition' Wc calt
nominal—because no government na piohil u
smuggling,whtsu tho prcmiuin i* sufficiently high
lo amount to a t» mpi.itwn.—obftrv^ that ^
public notice has been given to tho ** Citizen*of
Boston, {without distinction of party) who aio
iu lavor ol Jh'i ee Trade and. Sailors' JilghlS; who
aie opposed to the present shackles upon Com
merce, and the absurd and monstrous doctrinis,
advanced by the last Administration in favor*,;
high duties, & restrictive measures, fc arc invited-.
one and all, to assemble at the Exchange Gplt'e*
House, for the purpose of nominating a hot uUlo
presuutalivos,” &c.
“ APPOINTING ROWER.”
Tliis must be •• the error of the moon”_or
surely, the Baltimote Chronicle couhl not hav«
punned the article, uuder die above title. If
charges the President with violating the Conatii ;
tion in the appointment of Mr. Mcf.ano to Louden
—and as it wanders on, touches up the Hichiuond
Enquirer, for” forgetting its constitutional s,;'/
ides, so sensitively evinced in the case ol the R.:
uaniaquestion.’* Is 'liis Editor moon-struck, that
he should lorgel the most obvious distinctions’, and
charge us with an*inconsistency, for which them
is uot the slightest foundation! What was tin.
doctrine which we maintained on the Panama
Question ? Why, that the President might sunph
all vacancies (•• occurring fiom death, resignation,
promotion, or removal-,") but not that he could at> -
point ministers to Panama; there being »• no to
fancy in (ho mission to Psnainu; lor there iwvi
had been one—it is an original appointment, in th«*
(institution ol w*hich the Senate certainly, ij m :
he II. of H.,have a direct participation.”This Iran
our doctrine in 1S25; aud is still our doctrine_And
if the Cbrohiclo has uuy doubt about the truCh
ol it, we advise him to consult tin* Chronicles of tiin
Senate, (April 20th and 25th, 1822.) There he will
tind the grounds of Gen. Jackson’s light to suwr
sede Mr. Barbour, in London, and appoint.Ms.
Rives to France.—But where shall we find thia
Chronicle Editor hiirreelf in 1825? If Tie -cannot
even stomach Gen. Jackson’s removing one mims -
ter and appointing another, he must have In .
outrageous at Mr. Adams’ originating anew mis
sion, and proposing to supply a vacancy that jiever
could occur?—Were you not, Mr. Editor of tire
Chronicle? Where were then your ‘■'-cousliluliou -
al scruples?”
Radicals.—We are somewhat surprised, at the
use ol this expression by two ot our Correspond
ents in this day s paper.—Hut no form of words
can now arrest the cause of Reform. It mustg..
on—until the gross delects of the present Cona|itu
tion have been amended by the fat ot the People.
—But we will not quart el even about the tern., jf
we can agree upon its definition By Radical,
then, we would mean one who, in the words of
our Bill ol Rights, lias a “frequent it cutxence to
fundamental principles”—and by this touchstone,
seeks to correct those abuses, which creep info
every government, in the course of time.
We shall lay before our readers, in our next pa
per, an interesting Communication chalking out a
Bi.an os, Action, fortlie Nou-Freehotders oi
tlio State—we have no room for it to-day.
What will the northern Factionists say now ?•_
Some ol “ Wright’s Sweetmeats,” it appears, am
coir.it,g to A irginia.—A Treasurer of the U.
States—a minister to France (Wm. C. RivesA
and it is said, the Mission to Spain has beet^gdlei*.
ed to Gen. Floyd.—But, Office or not-, whether
| we get the loaves &. fishes, or are forgotten, it can
i have no influence on the principles of A'irgiqia._
j What will determine her to support or oppose the
; present Administration, will be tho course w hich
| it may pursue. Are its measures conducive to
, the public interest? It it pursues economy., free
■ trade, the true principles ol the 'constitution, jt
will hare her sincere and v%:dial support.
Singular—Members ol the Jackson party am
not so ambitious ol distinction as their opponents
have represented—lor, how comes it to pass, that
three ol the highest foreign missions have been
tendered to three of the party, and declined in the
most disinterested manner?—We question yci v
much whether three such examples (oocurring m
tw o months only) can be found iu the four years
record of the last administration.
Quick time !—A'estorday morning oui enierpt ,fi
ling Contractor (Mr. Porter) delivered the Nor
. ihern Mail at the Rost Office iu this City at 9 c'
t Clock, when it was not due before 2—It foil Wash
ington on the day before at 12— being at the rat*
; of about 10 miles an hour. We can scarcely pn .
’mise ourselves a succession of such rapid nipve
incuts— £>» which,* he would deserve a go’A
[medal at the hand* o.' the Editors ot the f/outh.
: The necessity of arresting further cruel misrep
resentations may draw forth a mom particular a< •
count of the fate unpleasant events touching Gov
ernor Houston—but iu the mean time it may bo
briefiy stated, that in an unhappy hour, his judg
ment became shaken on her throne {to tefru’-fe
circumstance he probably alludes, when ho refru
to “ the questionable authority” by which ho
might be supposed’to bold his office)—then this gal
lant &. generous man became the victim of a vugue
most unfounded and unjust suspicion; the uumctm;
and amiable object returned to the parental rwu
—no sort of violence used, as lias been falsely re
ported—the governor resigned his office—and has
retired among tfie Cherokee*, West of the jilts-i«
*ippi, on# of whoso Chiefs is his old and gjdent.
fieudr.
W* are authorised lo irate, that Hugh Nelson, Kr<L a Ca
HirtaU for Uonyi**j in th* plate id Win. O. llitire, br.o, ,
pointed Minuter to Fiance. * 4
We are authorised to announce Wm. V. Uni don Km. ti
Albemarle aa a Candidate for Conyrff ill the lbrlrn l vi A',
beiuiile, AuLirat, Nelson, F'luvaLui aud Uooc bland. *
T7e understand, thil Judge Houldin baa resigned l.i* office
aa Judge lof the (irnrral Couil, from I he Ibih inilaiit, (bia
day—that ll.e resignation from lliat time lit, her,, i^retdtd
hv the Oovernor; and dial (be Executive Cairn'tiTliai tl*
cni.ii a of iua successor under consideration.
As the Nntei of the Hank of Iba United Bfa'ea, payable xt
(he I.fbrea south of (bis place, are nol received at tbeirrjft,*
•>> Hicbmniiif, ibey arr lint nirreiil here hut at a dUloiiiile
Tina nolire if given for the benefit of Boulheiu dealer*, »tbu
tnuaily tuny aticb paper inlo Virginia. ifommmtieutcd.
_ MARRIKD,|-On Tuesday e»c r ing !a*t. he the flay, >y.
(■ion.ttiUo*fkby .Vtno.r, Karp <1 H ei'.ro or eland rounfy In
Mm» Mary S. dtalghltr of Judge Win. PiOchenbcough of if,;*
rirn.l-nl Ail reli/earr, in th-to> i/u of \nUo- ot ,
fAeSWAu//., Mr TAomnt If / <,,„//. Mr. V.
I’tmnn AifMu rrtpt'ttd by ait to whom At rat trot,a n. ((9
*°* hft unidaer and Infant rhild-tn. rim/ nvttirr V* fritnAo
and aryuninlanrrt to he'Hit tie fes< ;i)Al< A hat btfut!' n tA' it
N«iHK. —'—
T08IIUA RTOIIR8 having reniraad from (Ina petl of 1b*
r minify, all power* beielofote granted (ohm t» m*, n*
hereby revoked OKHVA8 8TON It 8
v,y jo-M
umtrraignrd. a UtMumtl'* *pj ••• * .1 for the purpose,
.1 ere aiilhoti-ed fo eemt art fne the hoildrng of an ed,/;, ..
f..f the Uni'io 1 he .li girrl Hin.irniy, nnuty righl fee* |,,„_
and fmty feet wide,three 'tone* high, bxidra the basement
►•my eight feel pifrh— a plan of (he budding will be -tgf j
In any perron disposed fo undertake. applirglion fo Jxm^
l) Wo d. to *»h.-m propiKifn n» may be made in wtitior an, ,1
'he fit at Jay of .Time n»»i
.TAMES MON TON, } _
ITENKV f WATK NS. ,
JAM IS V. VTOOit, \ ^oniumuc.
r,.p;e »•> red. May 15.