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duty to cotton at home. It i« beyond atl dispute, Sir, that, I
it any duty be necetsary to protection, it can only be, bo* | cause it enables the manufacturer lo sell his goods for1 uiore than he could other w iso obtain for them. Notv, in this view of the subject, let us see how the question will stand. How must such a system operate, rinsr, on the ' different interests, and secondly, on the diticrcut sec- ' tion* of tho country ? We will assume, that a particular manufacture cannot he produced in the country, within 1 fifty per cent, as cheaply at home, ns the same article could he ohtaiued from abroad, ami that a duly which, with char ges, should bo equal to about fifty p< i cent, w a* absolute ly necessary to introduce and to sustain it. Such a duty must operate a* a tax on every other cla-s in the commu nity, for the benefit of the manufacturer; and supposing it to he imposed, not for revenue, but protection, would be a double tax-. Suppose the value of the imported article to be a million ol dollars, the duty would be hull a million; and if the prutcc'ion a mounted to an equal sum,here would be a tax ol • million ot dollars imposed upon the whole people, to re- 1 cure a bounty of halt a million to ono portion ol thorn. Hut it is said the bounty i< not confined to the mauufuc turors—that other classes participate. 1 admit that there i« a circle embraced within the range of the mam'.factui ing influence, that partake ol the benefits of tho system. I Farmers m the neighborhood, who supply the operatives | with food—mechanics, who construct the buildings and I machinery—clergymen, physician*, lawyers, and other*, who make up a manufacturing village, all come in lor a •hare of the gains, and constitute, in fact, the protected, clast, which enjhy the bounTn* ol tho system; but all other 1 classes in the community must obviously be laid under 1 contribution, to make that a profitable, which would other- 1 wi*e he an unprofitable pursuit; and, in the case assumed, I would be taxed to the amount of million* of dollar.*, to se cure to the lavored class a bounty of half a million. Now 1 suppose, Sir, *uch a system as lids to he extended to all the ! cotton", woollen", iron and sugar, made in any country, j aud wo will lake that country to be the United State*. H o w ill suppose, further, that cottons could not he profi tably manufactured without a protecting duty of from twenty-five to an hundred per cent.—woollens from forty five to two hundred per cent.—iron from one hundred aud to two hundred per cent.—sugar from ono hundred to one hundred and fifty per cent.; and that these duties were accordingly imposed on these several articles, (amounting in the whole to the sum of nine millions of dol lar* annually:) that, in consequence of those duties, the proteclionon all tho cottons manufactured in the country was equal to three cents a yard, and amounted to «ix mill ion* of dollars per annum—woollens to eight millions— iron to ono million—and sugar a million and & half— pro ducing, as tlic result ol the whole system, a tax of nine millions on tuc foreign article to sccuie a bounty of six million* and a halt to the homo manufacturers. 1 have sup posed protection to he the exclusive object n! this system, and it then clearly follows, that alt other classes would lie taxed twenty-five millions of dollars per annum, in order to secure to thu favored cl ass a protection of sixteen millions_ l he (fjvcrmnent would, indeed, receive Its nine millions; nui it would Do an nggr.fvatioii i»r (In: evils of llic system that this amount should he levied when it was not wanted in order to secure the protected classes in thtir monopoly! * he rates ol duties which 1 have here assumed, arc thosc n>>w actually imposed ou the protected article*; (and which it is proposed to retain as essential to protection,) and the amount ot the protection enjoyed by the manufacturers i* Mated at the very lowe t that has ever been estimated by any person who has undertaken to examine the subject It you suppose halt of the duty here slated to be necessary tor revenue—this would not diminish the weight of the lundm, though it would lessen to that extent tlic injustice ol tlio tax,—and let gentlemen make what deductions they please, either from the duty imposed or the bounty re ceived; ami it will make no difference whatever in tht principle. Whether it he one million or twenty, just so | tar as the system is protective in its character, and im- j poses any tax upon the foreign article, ami affords any pro tection whatever to the domestic, is tho system a tiix ini- | posed upon the other classes to render groti table the imius- i try ol the manufacturers. And when this tax amounts, a* I it unquestionably does in the case before us, at the very I lowest estimate, to twenty or thirty millions a year, it becomes a scheme at monstrous injustice and oppression.— Now let us trace this system one step farther. Suppose *uch a system applied ton country of a homogeneous char Holer, with the same capacity fsr manufacturing every is here, and that inanulacturing establishments should consequently lie equally diffused through every section. The benohts and the burthens of the system would, in K'leh a case, lall equally upon every portion of the country, though not upon tho diffureut interests of the Stale. It ha* liccusaiil, that it the protits ot the manufactures were rais ed by such a system, above (he average of the profits ol j the whole community, that the labor and capital absorbed in other pursuits would llow into the. new employment; and 1 that the whole would ultimately he equalized \dmit ' that n process of tune, this might bo the result: yet it! could not take place at one* , became men cannot transfer nt pleasure their labor and capital from their accustomed pursuits to other Hut it the profits should be thus ulti mately equalized in a particular community : yet if the fa vored pursuit was only rendered profitable by the protec tion extended to it—it is clear that the scheme would re full. t»i nil aggregate loss to the whole communitu— equal to the lull amount of the bounty. I have assumed the case of an unprofitable pursuit being rendered profita table by the protecting system—Ibr to any other case the j system i» u holly inapplicable. II the domestic manufac- j turer can m .ke his goods as cheaply and supply the domes tic market on as iavoralilc terms as they could*be obtained tram abroad, then it is clear Hint no protection whatever would be necessary, [i maybe that in the very infancy °l a manufacture, on its first introduction into a country, a small protection torn short time might hasten its ndvatice ment, hut at most, tins wi-l,holding of such protection could have no other efleet than to delay its introduction for a few years—for the existence in any country, of unemployed capital, and individual sagacity and enterprize, siillioiVut to direct it prudently, would soon lead to the introduction ot every branch of manufactures, for which such country was really prepared. Hut (Ids stage of infancy once passed, it i i preposterous fo talkofthe necessity of protcctinganv arfiele that can really be made as cheaply at home as it can be obtain ed Irom a >road—and to assert, that to reduce such protection , lo twenty or Unity percent., would lie ruinous to any mai.it laelure, IS to admit at once, that such article cannot he I profitably made at home, and consequently that it can only be sustained at the expense of tho other interests in the community. Now, Sir, let m suppose another ease, and it n umiappiiy me very case which now exists in the IT. States. Wc will suppose an extensive country, of which : one portion is exclusively agricultural, ami incapable ol ! changing its pursuits, and th.it the other portion embraces within it* limits, all the manufactures and manufacturing capacities of the whole country. The bounty would then he exclusively enjoyed by one section, and the other would share only in the burthens of the system. To make the inequality still greater, it is only necessary to suppose that the agricultural section is not only incapable of manufacturing it home, but is prevented by insuperable obstacles, from emigrating or removing their property to the manufacturing region—that their industry can only he i profitably employed in exchanging tlu ir agricultural pro- I duclions, for the very foreign articles which enter into competition with the domestic manufactures, and which aro heavily taxed lor the protection of the latter,_th it the . llecl of such tax is not only to interrupt the intercourse and imp air the profits of their industry, but (bat the ngri cultui'.i) iicction is thereby exposed to the imminent hazard »t having the market for their productions entirely cut olF nml finally .toe.ap the climax of this injustice an l oppression that the taxes levied m, the foreign articles, aro expended almost exclusively in the favoured region, and you then : have, Mr. Phisidint, the whole case of the south spread open before you. Their pursuits are altogether ■ agricultural -they cannot change them—they cannot transfer their labor and capital t„ the favored region—they cannot find ft market lor (heir productions, except by c.x chinging them lor tlie very foreign manufactures which m e taxed almost to prohibition, and the taxes thus raised are expanded in other sections. Is there a man in this assembly who can lay his hand upon his heart, and say that It M a Mist and equal system? it maybe said, however, IIId all .Ills IS merely the result of our peculiar condition, an I the nature of onr pursuits. It in not so, Sir. All wc ask, is to bo r.c r ti.osrr. Leave us to tho free enjoy ment of the bounties ol heaven, and the advantages ol our situation, nml wo ask no more. Ii.it where is the justice nml emmlitv of n system of legislation which >s to make profiliilile the industry ol others by the destruction of our own? And l.y what right is ii that we are to be made vic tims to die prosperity ol other* ? I will hero borrow nn il Initiation, to make this matter plain. The southern States supply themselves with woollen*, cotton, and Iron, by i ds lug cotton, rice, and tobacco. Now, sup|Kne we should «Xchange a Imle of cotton for a bale ol coarse woollens, lor ! the use o( our slave*, containing, we will say, lot) piece*. I ins bale of cloth i* ours. It |s the fruit of our own labor I ol American capital, and borne industry. Wo may lie said Io bavo mat iu fa. t u rC <1 jf, not with the spindle ami the loom, j but With the plough and the hoe. Now, Sir, we will sup- ! pose that a northern manufacturer has, by the application ! of an equal amount Of and capital, produced a simi- 1 Jar bale of woo Hen*, or of precisely ^me qualify and , value In what respect is the manufacturer entlflc/fobe .yarded with more favor than the planter? Doc. tho flight which wo may have paid to the ship-owilee, and me employment given to navigation,entitle us to leas fa vor in the eyes Of the government? Are the plough and Vie hot less favored instrument* of production than the spindle and the loom? Perfect equality, Sir. would seem to require that wc should stand, at least, on the same foot og, an. that, whether these woollens were wanted foi i consuti.p ion, or for .ale. they should he subjected to exact i- same ax. Rut liow are we treated by a ju*t and , ^ .re told, equally for all her clnldicn On. bale of woollens is slopped at the fAistom-house, and forty piece* a.e taken out. as a tax to he government, whereby onr .lock »* reduced to MS(y P.CCD*. While the hxlo ot the manufacturer is free from all taxation. It there articles arc wanted tor our own consumption, w, can consume hut sixty p*»c«.; while (he manufacturer retail*. bis hundred' pK««s.«J If the goo !* arc wanted for sale, we have but sixty piece* i lo b* converted into money, or to be exchanged for other! commodities, while tho manufacturer has his hundred pieces tor same purposes; and if we should happen lo meet' at tho wiiic market, as the two articles must sell at the same , ptice, being ol (lie same quality, the manufacturer, will, I of course, realize forty per cent, more than the planter. ; Now, Sir, what are wc lo do in this dilemma? llow are ; we h> escape this unequal burden? The Senator from Kentucky (Mr. ( lay), on a Ibrnicroccasion taxed his inge nuity to provide us tho means of escape; and I must pro- 1 sunie, that if his ingenuity failed, the ease is altogether without hope. 1 here are four ways, said the Senator, l»y w hich the South may avoid the tax. First, "bt/ abstain from the purchase of the foreign articles." But, Sir. we cannot do w ithout them; art! this trade, moreover, furnishes tho only market for our productions. To adopt this alternative, would he to seal uur ruin. Secondly, said the gentleman, “employ the rival American fabric.'’ But, Sir, it the manufacturer would lake our cotton in ex change for his productions, (which lie cannot do, except to a very limited extent,) we should pay as heavy a tax »n the in ice.of the domestic as in the duty on the foreign labile; Ibi no one w ill pretend, that if the quality be the same, there would be any dlH'crence of price In tho Amer ican inurket. Thirdly, '•manufacture Jot ourselves." Sir, wc cannot manufacture. Except as to a few course articles, slave labor is utterly incapable of being applied tosuC’i an object, Slaves arc too improvident, too incapable ol that minute, constant, delicate attention and that per severing industry, which is essential to the success of inanul.icturiog establishments. It was but the other day | that some of our New England brethren got it into their I heads that they understood our institutions better than wc dtu ourselves, and undertook to create asplcndid manufac um»g establishment in the district tvi)i*o*cuieil by my distinguished and valued friend (Mr. McDuffie.) It was accordingly put into operation, but had gone on but a short 'line, when one of the slaves was tempted to make Irco with the goods, and, to prevent detection, burnt up the whole establishment. It might bo supposed, Sir, that the people or South Carolina would not huve been inclin es to punish such an offence with great sevoritv; and il the culprit had escaped, I presume wc should not soon have heard the end ol it. Not so. Sir, however. We havea law which punishes arson, whether committed bv a black or a white iiiiin, with death_The ollemler w as brought to trial, and being convicted on the clearest proof, stMlered the penalty ol the law. And, Sir, to show how little justice is sometimes muted out to tho South, I will slate the fact, that since 1 arrived here. 1 have seen an account ol this transaction in print, headed, with large capitals, “CJiUELTY TO SLAVES,” and representing tliat a poor Ir.iiocein negro had recently been hanged in 0J*! \ Laroluia, lor hunting down a building by accident. 1 think, Sir, the gentleman will now himself admit, that, to embrace this proposition, would only bo, to use an old adage, “jumping out of the frying-pan into the lire.” The last remedy suggested by the gentleman, is, that wc should “supply ourselves with household manufactures.” What, sir, give up our foreign trade! Abandon our agricultural nur mis, and involve the whole southern country in deso lation and rain? Are we to be driven from the pursuitsof our choice, in order to promote the industry of the manu facturers? * no case winch i have slated, of the hale of woollens, il lustrated the unequal operation ol this system upon tlio ag ricultural industry ol the south, and the manufacturing industry ot the north. What is true of a single bale, is true o! the whole amount of loreigu Importations which ai-e taxed lor the protection of the domestic manufacture — trucot the eight millions of imports received in exchange tor lho production of S. Carolina—and of the forty millions • ecuveil m exchange for the productions of the plantation states, oral least of somucli thereof as embrace the protect ed articles. Our northern friends say, however, that part ot our cotton and rice belongs lo them, be it so. What ever remains to us, and is rightfully ours, i subjected to (tie unequal .system which 1 have ubovc described. Sir tt !i put beyond «ll dispute, that (lie agricultural industry ! ot the 'outh is taxed, unequally, unjustly, enormously ! tnxe.l in its lo:o!gn exchanges, in order to render profitable • the manufacturing industry ol the north. Taxed, l w ill not I say to what extent—hut precisely to the amount of the duty ! imposed lor protection, and ilie price added to the domestic ! article, whatever these may be. it is said. Sir, that the con- I mimcr pay» the tax, and tb.il the tai if] States pay tln-ir full por- i lion ot the tax on their consumption. Sir, I think Ibis may I tie \\ ell noulitcd—our habits arc dillcrenf. A South Carolina j I.inner, whose crop is worth a thousand dollars, studs, per- 1 Imp*, ilie whole ol it to market, and exchanges it lor fo- I reign productions, paying, it may be, a duty of fifty per i cent. His mx would be live hundred dollars; the northern or western farmer raising produce to the value of a tliou sand dollars, w ill consume nine hundred of it on bis farm and exchange hut a hundred for foreign articles, and lie’ subjected to a duty of only fifty dollars. This difference ol habits between the different parts of the country, is greater than would bo supposed possible. 1 have known a wealthy planter in the neighborhood of Charleston, that ! did not r.nso a single article that was not sent to foreign maikets, and who purchased every thing that was consum- 1 cd by In nisei I or his slaves, llis cloth from England, his 1 wmes from France, hU horses, mule*, and bog*, from the west—bis corn from Maryland— wooden ware, potatoes, and other notions, from New England; and I assure our I Neu England friends, that although »ve do not relish all of .her "otmns, there are some that we prize very highly. Ibii, Sir.it the consumer did, in every case, pay the whole i amount ot the tax, and the consumption was in exact pro- ! portion to population,could gentlemen evun then fail to sec 1 itui wide difference in the operation ol the protecting ays lt m i.il I’ne two sections, whon they con-ider that ihc ta- i nil States are remunerated, and more than remunerated, j tor any tax which they may pay, in the homilies they re c< ive, while w.j receive no leinuncraiion whatever. If! tins be doubted, I will apply atest, which, I think, cannot possibly deceive ns. I)o our New England brethren not ! understand their own interest? Do you think, Sir, that •hey would bo very apt to fall in love with taxation and court the impositions ot burthens? How comes it, then, th.il I hey have been taught to believe that “taxation is no ty ranny, hut on the contrary, the greatest of earthly blessings? \\ by is it, that they* would regard as (he hea viest Ol calamities, the reduction of the public burthens* Is it not clear, then, that they regard the duties as .» boun ty to their industry, and that they know that they have the power to indemnity themselves for ail that they pay in du t,c,> ('l'o be continued.) HOUSE or K El* It ESENTATI VES. Friday, January 20. t.VITKD 8TATf 1 HANK. The Speaker laid before the House the memorial of the j °* * enn-ylvania, in favor of there-chartering ol the ^ Bank ot the United Stales. The memorial was read. Mr. \\ ickli'To moved thut the memorial be referred to t.m Committee of Ways and Means, with the followin'' instructions: n “ I o enquire into the expediency of reporting a bill to incorporate a new Banking Company, totake cflbct and go into operation lifter the expiration of the charter of the Bank of the l uited Slates, reservin ' one-third ol the ca l’" ill said Bulk for tliu United States, together with a sufficient bonus ou Ihe charter; one-third to ho subscribed tor by such ot the stockholder* in Ihe present Bank, as may ho citizens of the United States, the other third to he taken by such citizens ol the United States, as may de sire so to invest their surplus capital: “That they also enquire into the expediency of prohih the ii'iii.c from dealing in, or holding real estate, cx cept for the mere purposes of Banking Houses and Houses necessary for the transaction of the business of the Conioa ny: V "Oi prohibiting the loration of any Branch in any State without Ihe consent of the Legislature of such State : “And also, ot so forming the charter, that the Lcgi-la tnres of the several States shall and may exercise the pow er, when they deem it expedient to do so, of imposing a lair and reasonable tax upon the capital employed, in any Bank orBranehof said Bank, within thejiirisdiclion of such • late; and also to subject the said corporation to tie sued in the District or Circuit Court in any Slate, where they may have a Branch located, and the cause ol action accrued.” W' !;:1C.T,,.ict fora division of the question. Mr. 11 ickliflb said he could only regard the course of the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. L. Cm,did) as an indication of unwillingness to meet fairly the whole ground < of re-chartering the present Bank, or of chartering a* new ! one, and to prevent Ihe Committee, having charge of the ! subject, from taking the whole into consideration. Ho on- ; ly rose to explain his object in moving these instructions. It was to present the whole matter to the Committee, on .!? prlnejplo that a Bank of some kind is necessary. ; W hot her the finances of the Government can be adminis tcred williotil a Bank, ho would not now discuss. The question ot re-chartering the present Bank has been pre sented to the House. They have referred it to the Com- i mittec ot \\ ays and Means. There were important con sideration* into which enquiry should he made. 11 is said, hat a great part ofthe stock of the present Bank is in the hands or aliens—rumor says, more than a third part. He u< w no iing .is to (he fact: that a large amount was so I owne.l, he had no doubt. He knew of no peculiar ohliga- I tion this country was under to grant a monopoly of ttiis j sort U> * corporation composed in a great degree of yc^. or 4 other period. I Hick i a-, at this lime, and as the payment of the nation a! debt progressed there would be more surplus capital of our owne i./erjs, that would seek Investment in .itch min- I •tilulion, if it should he chartorcd. II„ knew of no rca- ! son why they should pay a higher premium to the foreign er* who own the stock of the present Bank, to enable iu to mako this Investment. He thought it might be I proper to bring before the attention of the commiUee the plan or* charter which would secure to the United State* t ; , to o«rown citizen*, as well those who were stockhol-' i zz:::':* r:rn'!,.a,,k a* »»*>*• *»><> not, n.« . * "c ' result from a now institution, in- I r|§*° *,clu,,lvc|y ,h* interest of tli« fo n ,tV.U,h*Pre,tu‘ had been FIT2L. iBa?U CVar,*r * privilege, hs tbould and -5 . °f'Mrnr,n« ,h»« prtviUg* lo *nu ci(llrr„, *nd e-w swn OtWefTWneirt. fl, premised ehert rould be no objection to the adoption of those instructions. They ooly directed enquiry, without committing in any degree the opinion of tho House, li gentlemen were determin ed to make battle upon such a question, ho should feci it his duty to call for the Yeas aud Nays. Mr. McDutlic hoped a course would be taken, which would supersede the taking the yeas and nay*. These in- | structions give no indication ol opinion—they only direct ' enquiry. Some of the suggestions in the instructions he ! highly approved—others lie di-approved. Ho I oped the instruction* would be ttdopltvl, l he question upon reference of the memorial was first put, and carried; and theu, upon the adoptlou ol the instruc tion--. and was curried. Tin* memorial aud instructions were both ordered to be printed. »* j Saturday, Jan. 21. The Senate did not sit to-day. HOUSE OK REPRESENTATIVES. run TAittrr. The House proceeded to the consideration of the resolu tion moved by Mr. liotildin, on the 27th ult. 'I lie debate wus resumed and continued with much spirit ! until the hour nt which the House usually adjourns, the House having, in the course of the Debate, negatived a motion ol Mr. Whittlesey, of Ohio, to proceed to the Orders of the Day. J ho question recurred on the amendment moved by Mr. Davis, ol Massachusetts, as modified yesterday; and, after I debate, tho question was put that tho House do agree to 1 the said amendment, and passed in the ullirinative—-Yeas 99, Nays82. A motion was (lien made hy Mr. Stewart, of Penn, fur ther to amend such resolution by adding thereto tho fol lowing, viz: “And that the said committee further enquire and report j ns to the prices paid in the United States for cotton, wool , len, iron, and other manufactures before the passage of the Tariff acts of 1510, 1821. and 1828, and what the prices ! thereof have hero since.” Tliis amendment being read, A motion was made by Mr. Nuckolls, of South Carolina, to amend the same by adding thereto the following: “ And also what would be the cost of the several articles if tlu.* Tarifftvoro now repealed.” And alter debate on tliesc motions, 1 lie previous question was moved by Mr. Edward Ever ett, and w as demanded by a majority of tho luouibapi pre sent. When, an adjournment being moved, The House adjourned until Monday. i Conohf'monai. Analysis.—In the Senate vester day, after the morning business, the special ordcr’of the day, Mr. ( lay’s resolution, with the ainrmlmcnt offered l>y Mr. llayne, was taken up. Mr. Dickerson having tho tloor by courtesy,spoke about three hours in reply to Mr. llayne, and in support of the original resolution. Tho further consideration of the subject was then postponed, on motion ot Mr. Smith ot Maryland, to Wednesday next, when, of course, Mr. Smith will have the floor. Dt the House of Representatives, among the memorials presented, was one by Mr. Drayton, from tlie members of the I.t gi latiire of the State ol boutli Carolina, opposed to ^unification, praying a modification of tho Tariff, which was, after some discus-ion, referred to tho Committee of Ways and Means. Air. Drayton also presented tho peti tion of the Journeyman Tailors of the City of Philadelphia, complaining ol the high duties on Woollen Cloths, and praying that they may be reduced to twenty-live per vein, ad valorem. The resolution of Mr. Bouldin on the subject ol tho Tariff, as amended on motion of Mr. Davis I of Massachusetts, was adopted, by a vote of 127 to 55) Fourteen bills of a private character* were passed.— Hrash [ mgton Globe, Jan. 28. APPOINTMENTS BY THE PHES1 DENT, Rtf and with the advice and consent of the Senate. Alexander Thompson of New York, to lie Consul of the I nited Stales for the port ot Glasgow in Great Britain, vice David Walker, deceased. Gamaliel Taylor of Indiana, to bo Marshal of the United States for the District of Indiana, vice William Marshall, resigned. Benjamins. Bonsall of Pennsylvania, to be Marshal ol the l nited Stales lor the Eastern District of Pennsylvania, I vice Abiuh Sharpe, resigned. Huger C. Weightuiau and James Ord of the District of < (ilnm.'ia, to be Justices of the Peace for the county of Washington, in said District, w hose Commissions had ex pired.—lb. From Jamaica.— rhe Jamaica Conran I of tlm 3n(h nil. stales that ait insurrection among the slaves of the is land had taken place. Two companies of the 8-tih regi ment had embarked at Port Ilcudcrson lor Montego bay to asMsi m restoring order in the parishes of St. James’ and 1 relawny. Fires in tlic direction of St. James’were burn ing and a po,(script to the Cornwall Courier, dated at It 0 clock at night, says; “ J he work of destruction is going 011. I he whole sky in the southwest is il!uimn»te<n From our office we at this moment perceive five distinct fires—one apparently in this parish, the othersinSt. James’ and at no great distance from us.” Another postscript, dated midnight, says, “one lire is raging with unalnttcd hi* ry. iVo .-yiprchcnd it to he the whole of the works and buildings on York estate, in this parish.”—A’. Y. Eve Post. Treaty with Turkey.'—Passenger in brig Angolino, ar rived here yesterday from Smyrna, Wm. B. Hodgson, Ksn. hearer ol the ratification, on the part of the Sultan Mah moud, of tiic treaty lately concluded between the IT. States and Turkey, having left Constantinople on the 9ih Oct._ Boston Courier, Jan, 20. - rvj.umnrwTf lUn-.rgyry maJtgyTM. jftM v* Si(‘;;hla(ivc IK'imle—Coiatiniicri. HOUSE OF DELEGATES. 1 [Titian Day.]—Thursday, January M). Derate on Mr. Goode’s Resolution, and .Mr. Ran dolph’s Substitute. Mr. Bn tree said:—Mr. Speaker—I know not whether it is prudent in me, at so late an hour ol the day to throw myself on the indulgence of tho 11011110; hiit, repre senting as I do, in part, the largest slave-holding interest in the Slate, I should not, perhaps, he in the line of my duty, were I to permit this debate to close without an ex pression ot my sentiments on tho very interesting subject now before the House. I was one of (hose who originally voted against the reference of this subject .& the "Select Committee; and every step which has since been taken, strengthens my convictions of the propriety of (hat vote. I, in common with most of the friends of the Resolu tion now he lore tlic House, deeply regretted (he course which has been pursued by the gentleman from Dinwiddle. With the best intentions on his part, I was sa tisfied that, in forcing the petitions 011 the Committee, he was assisting in raising a storm which lie would he tlic lu st to deprecate. I beg gentlemen to recollect, that I do not stand here as an advocate for slavery. I see, and feel loo, the evils of (lie system. I justify it on the groundsof ne ccssity. It is here that all the wise and tho good ol ourland who have gone before us, have rested it; and here too it "ill continue lo rest. The substitute which lias been of fered, is said to lie the offspring of the inind ol the immor- ! t.il Ji tierson one ol the wisest patriots and most profound thinkers which our country has overproduced. Its glaring and palpable defects serve to show us (ho difficulty, or ra" (her the itn|H>ssibility, of devising any scheme of emanci pation which shall lie practicable, and not at the same time in direct violation or the rights or properly i I’lio scheme which is now before us, and which gentle- I men insist on our adopting, strikes at (lie very root of our constitution. I( is in that instrument expressly pro vided, that private property shall not be taken for public uses, without just compensation. Tho substitute affirms, that the increase of all female slaves horn after the year 1810, shall become Ihe property ol the State; the females on arriving at the age of IH and males at the age of 21.— Hut the gentleman from Campbell, to obviate this difficul ty, and to make the substitute square with the Constitu tion, denies that we have any property in the increase of •laves. This, Sir, L« perhaps the mo-t extraordinary doc trine that was ever broached in this Hall. IT w.- have no property in the future increase of our slaves, 11 e certainly havo none lo those now in being, for the property in both must necessarily he derived in the same ivav; and I ima gine (he gentleman will scarcely go so far as to justify the Legislature in taking away tlic slaves now in being from the possession of their owners. But, sir. this properly is rccognr/.cd by the civil law, and runs through all our sta tutes, from the earliest period of our colonial existence, down *0 the present time. The right is there clearly as certained and defined; “children born of slaves, shall he slaves,” and the maxim of partus serjuitur ventrem, is repeated and reiterated. In ascertaining the rights and privileges guarantied by the Constitution, it is not necessary lo resort to metaphysical subtlety.— The common law which we have adopted, and our sta tutes, define clearly what is property, and our Constitution I f-iim-n- us iu me enjoyment 01 u; ami liappily for U!<, part of the Constitution which we have just (juotr-d, seems to have been intended for the single purpose of placing this speries of property beyond the reach of legislative encroachment. When this harrier is passed, it may indeed he said, that n Constitution is as useless and inefficient as the pardimvnt on which it is written. Suppose, how ever, Mr. Speaker, we watvo for a moment this dif ficulty, and grant that the increase of slaves is not property? The substitute of the gentleman feme Albe marle, among other things, provides that the increase of female slaves, horn after 181<>, shall heroine the property of the State. It must at once he acknowlegcd, that they are Cither persons or property, for there i« no third class to which they can be assigned—not being property, theh, they must he persons. By what constitutional power, then,’ can the State convert these persons into property as is proposed hy the substitute? In whatever aspect, tl/rn, we may choose to view it, we are Irresistibly drawn to the conclusion, that it ieunconstitutional, and can only b« adop ted by the people in a full and free Convention. It would not b<s difficult to show to Ibis House, that the provision* of the substitute of rfi* gentleman frost Alb*, marie, are ** unjust and oppresaic* in their eflVctd, ae they are unconstitutional in their mean*. What, Sir, is proponed’ Why, that an individual should be charged with the ex pense of feeding and clothing a slave, until he Is of on age to be useful, and at that moment lie Is to be taken from bis possession, and become the property of the State, unless he is taken beyond its limits. Hat he will be debarred from lids alternative. Other States will, in sell-defence, prohibit the iiu|K>rtatioii ol slaves into their territories—ma ny. have already done It, and the moment you pass this reso lution, not a tingle avenue will he open for them. The mas ter then, will be obliged to hold to hisslavee on these hard terms, or leave them; and leave them ho will. The pas sage ol this obnoxious substitute, would be a decree of banishment to every slave-holder in Virginia. The pro phesy or the gentleman from Roc';bridge, w ould be fully rexllxed; ami we might indeed expect, Mr. Speaker, to see the chair which you occupy, filled by a black, presiding over an Assembly of sable Legislators, f have no hesita tion in expressing it as my deliberate opinion, that the Hfcct ol every system of emancipation, that can now or may I hercnllcr be devised, will be to drive our free white popu lation to the distant and unexplored regions of the West' liut let us suppose that the advocates ot Iho doctrine of i emancipation bad Iho power of removing this population: i suppose that by the speaking of a word, this dark and ' dense oloud could he floated to another hemisphere, ' what then would bo the situation of Virginia? Is ; it true, «« gentlemen imagine, that we should bo every ' where greeted by white laces and smiling villages; or | should we not, on the other hand, find our country* desert- I cd and our lands a wilderness? There are but two cir cuinstanccs that can finite the redundant population of other countries among us. Tho first is a large uccumtila- j ted capital, whereby labor is attracted and rewarded; the second is cheap and fertile lands, by the cultivation of. which a plentiful subsidence is gained with littlo labor. There is perhaps less active capital in Virginia, than in any State ol the 1. uiou. the lid Is; commerce within its limits—and (iod knows that is Ifillu enough—is almost all ' carried on by foreign capital. Labor, therefore, can expect ! but little encouragement from this source, and no induce ment here offers iUelf to the emigrant. Our soil, I fear, oilers still Icaa. It is almost every where exhausted. Its character is written in indelible letters on every hill-side | in the commonwealth: he who runs may read, and the tru- i vcller needs no interpreter to tell him, that all is barren ness and exhnustiou. '1 liink you, Sir, that the oppressed of other nations, on reaching our shores, would mistake 1 tlr.s forthc laud of promise, and attempt to wring a hard- ; earned .subsistence from a barren soil? No, Sir; he would ' look around him but an instant, and tarry a moment, to fortify his resolution for still further enterprise. lie would ■ east his eyes to tho west—to that vast and fertile region,! where hi* labor would he high and his subsistence cheap. I I here, too, our own population would go: the abstract love 1 ot natal soil would he the only harrier to prevent it; and I I need not say to this House how weak it is when interest invitus beyond it. 11 uoc* nrPcs|r ,l|C Mr. Speaker, that interest, policy, nnd every consideration that ought to have weight with Hus House, should induce us promptly to adopt the resolu tion of the gentleman from Mecklenburg. What audio Mty have, we Sir, to legislate on this subject? I, for one, have no instructions from the people 1 represent, and I have not yet bet n so fortunate as to hear any gentleman declare that he had. These instructions oug'ht not to be implied* thev ought to he plain, intelligible and direct. The w ill ol the people ought not to be guessed at; or derived hy implication, hut explicit and known. The truth cannot tor a moment he disguised, that we have come here as an ordinary legi datura lor the purpose of ordinary legislation; instead of which we are boldly assuming power not within tiie most distant contemplation of our constituents. Instead of levying taxes, wc are destroying the most fruitful source ol taxation, instead of passing laws for the well being of the . tato, wc are deliberately destroying ninety million* ol property. Wc are here triumphantly asking if wc would stitle enquiry and suppress all investigation. I know, Sir, that there is magic in these names; they arc more formida ble than all the argument that has been brought to hear on this subject.. It will readily occur, however, to every mail of reflection, that thi« is no speculative subject, that ■nay be mooted with impunity. It addresses itself to the feelings and the passions of men; it is a species of proper ty that owes its security to the public opinion; it is based here, and the moment you shake tins foundation, the whole fabric will tottef and fall. But, Mr. Speaker, investigation is unnecessary, and I cannot conceive what possible good can result from it.— The ingenuity of man, the mind of man—nay Sir, die ima gination of man, has never yet been able to devise a scheme which l>ore upon its face even the semblance ofplausibili i ty; and yet we are gravely asked to refer it to the com mittee. I am an humble member ol that Committee rais ed lor the purpose of devising some plan for freeing the State from its free colored population. What, Sir, has been done? It has labored faithfully, diligently, and labo riously for two weeks, and even now it is doubtful whe ther it can agree on the firstprinciplc of action, on whichils future proceedings arc to be based. The subject which wc now propose to discharge tliciq from, is a hundred nay, a thousand times more difficult. I speak not the language of hybcrbole, hut ot soberness; and yet gcntlc ] men still say, goon and report. JSijf, Mr. Speaker, this enquiry is not only unnecessary, I hue it is dangerous—not to property alone, which tonoH'ifur in the opinion* of some gentlemen—but to fho livosofmen. Hie gentleman from lluckinghum, a few days ago,sketch cil with a graphic pencil, and in glow ing colors, all the horrors of insurrection —he pointed to us the corse* of men, women and children, butchered by the ruthless assassin. NN ith tliis horrid spectacle before u*, torturing our imagina tions and harrowing our feeling*, we charge gentlemen to dismiss (hi* subject. This is no speculative danger with us; it is palpable and appalling: and ii gentlemen are found on this floor, openly advocating a general system of eman cipation, need wo he surprized at the result? To those w ho reside in parts ol the country where slave* are not numer ous, w ith the best feelings on their part and with the mo*t philanthropic motives, it is impossible to estimate the cx ; tent of the danger: here it is real—it is felt. You are cx | citing in the minds of our black population hopes that can never he realized. You are holding up to their deluded eyes, the torch of liberty, which glimmers for a moment, ami is then obscured forever. Their happiness is convert ed to misery their content is changed to discontent, and soon this ripen* into rebellion. For their sakes, then, il not for ours, I beg, gentlemen, to push this matter no tar dier. There are some among us, Mr. Speaker, who, while they disclaim all expectation of any benefit to he derived from the views of the committee, insist upon the refe rence as an experiment, from an unwillingness to suppress investigation. To all such, I beg leave here to remark, that the enquiry is a dangerous enquiry, and the experi ment full of hazard. Our wisest legislators and most libe ral and enlightened philanthropists, while they have de precated slavery, have, at the same time, uniformly cih- j eurred in its necessity. They have always resisted any investigation, believing it useless, and in no way subserving I the interests of policy or humanity. II this reasoning was just, then, how much more so is it now, while we are tread- j iug as it were on the heel of a recent insurrection. The ! public mind is excited, and it ought to he pacified; fears ex- ! i*t, and they ought to he allayed. Instead of pouring oil on the waves, we arc exciting a storm in this House, which w ill soon go abroad, and be beyond the control or those who have excited it. To those, Mr. Speaker, who believe ' that emancipation is safe, is practicable—who honestly ; think they sec their way dearly through this dark laba- 1 rynlli, I have nought to say, hut ‘(Jod speed von;” if you ! succeed, you will have earned lasting honor* from agrafe- i ful country. For my own part, my expectations fall far | short or this; I fear we have already pushed this di*cu*- | sion beyond the limits of prudence; 1 fear the rumour of this debate may have already gone abroad among our slaves, ! and I shall not heat all surprised, if the next breeze that ! sweeps by our Capitol, should he charged with the tidings 1 of insurrection. One thing I do feel assured of, that no I good can possibly arise from this discussion, hut much mis- I chief; and in giving this public, expression of my senti- 1 men Is b> the House, I am confident that I have pursued ! the line of my duty—a duty which I owe to my constituents j and my country. BIGGER’S EXCHAJYQE tf LOTTERY OFFICE. Drawing Virginia Dismal Swamp Lottery, „Vo 1 for 1832. .*57 14 30 33 13 N 10 31 40 II BfiToYo. 13 10 40, Capital of $1,000—sold anil paid at tight, as usual, by BIGGER. SPLEjYDID LOTTERY! Thirty Thoasaatl Dollars. New York Lottery, Class *Vo. I, To lie drawn in the ri'y of New York, Wednesday, the 8th Ecb., 1832. I SC l-IKM E 1 Prize of $30,000 ,« $30,000 } ',0 10,000 J0.000 i 1 do 6,000 6,000 | 1 „ d° 2,500 2,600 j 2 Prizes of 1,313 2,626 5 <lt» 1,000 6*000 | I'ickct* only $8, Halves $4, Quarters $2. try Packages of Tickets, an.l Shares of Packages, as usual, lor sale in every variety, at the Exchange St Lot tery Ollice of THO. H. BIGGER, , „ Corner opposite Eagle Hotel. '' HU- td jffd "■ REWARD.—Lo*t or stolon from the Char 77* ■ " " lottewvillr Conch, on the 18th in*t. a hair trunk considerably worn, and other trunk* (which we nre unable to describe.) The above reward will be given for information, where the baggage can be found. . PORTER &. Co., Richmond Stage Office. Jan. 24. 80-tf ALLE^JO MILLS.—Family Flour and Family Mid * ^ dllngs, now in dore ami lor Mir. Jan 19 [7§— 6<J P. j. CHEV A LI,IF. | BSirlmumtl, Tiutrmlay, Jan. "JO. V'/it National llank—The National Intelligencer. The Naliotml Intelligencer is still harping upon the Hunk—still true to its favorite object of cxjniihI ing the power* of the Federal Government.—Be cause we wish to limit its jurisdiction to the jKwrrs which arc embraced by its Charter, we are to bo charged with a perverse disposition to crijijile it in every respect. Hear him! “Nothing (Mays the Intelligencer) can exceed the per versity ot the oppo'ittoii of the Richmond Enquirer to ev ery tiling which, in its scope or interest, assumes a national character. The time was, when the Enquirer wan (lie herald of national feelings; when its editor’s hosoui swell ed w itli delightful sensations at beholding the national flag floating over national structures, and when State scruples, in opposition to National duties, were contemned, reviled and ridiculed. Now, how chaugvd! Opposed to all legis lation hy tin* General Government of a national beneficial character,” Sic. &<•. \\ e have uniformity supporU-d that Government in nil its legitimate powers. We are as much the friends of the Union, ns these Kditors themselves— Our bosom still “swells with delightful sensations in beholding the notional Hag floating” to the breeze— We will go as far to support the legitimate authori ties of the Government, as any other Citizen. But because we cannot support it in tbo assumption of powers not given, or in the abuse of those which ure given, the Kditors of tbo N. Intelligencer have ta ken it into their heads, that we have censed to cher ish the pride of Americans; that we are determined to oppose “all legislation of a beneficial character.” Wo diflerin tleed with the National Intelligencer— They first enquire whether a thirty is beneficial—But our first enquiry is, is it constitutional—our next, is it beneficial. When a road is to bo made, wo do not first usk, is it beneficial—but is it agreeable to the Constitution—f?o it is with a National University— and so it is with a National Bank.—We hold, that if a power he beneficial in its exercise, but not speci fied in the coiiijmct, it may he given hy an amend ment of the Constitution. But it should not bo as sumed, lest I wdl !»« reeor«!« <1 for a precedent: Ami mifly nn **ir«*r. hjr <ht* mine vitmp'r, ill ruth inlo llio State. As old George Clinton justly remarked: “In the course of n long I have found that Govern ment is not to bo $trengtMftusd liy the assumption of doubtful power*, but a wise and energetic execution ol those which are incontestibte—the former never fails to produce suspicion and distrust, whilst the latter inspires respect ami confidence. It, however, on fair experience, the powers vested in the Government shall be found in competent to the attainment of the objects for which it was instituted, the Constitution happily/ furnishes the means for remedying the evil, by amendment." These memorable words were uttered by George Clinton in February, 1821, when he gave Ins easting vote against the renewal of the Charter of the first Itank of tin* l!. 8.—What was our language upon that occasion? Were we the heralds of this nation al power ut that time?—or have we ceased to ho stick lers for a power which we then asserted?—Hear us! “Wc are happy to leant that the Hank ofthc United States seems at last descending “to the tomb of the Capu —may the verdant laurel forever bloom around the venerable brow of Clinton. 17 to 17, and his vote was the death-warrant. How much hung upon that voice! How nobly has he twi ne himself up under the responsibility which hung upon him!—If a Homan could deserve a civic crown for saving the life ofa fellow-citizen, how much docs that man merit who preserves the constitution ol his country?” Hut the N. Intelligencer charges us with “even advocating the exercise of a despotic power to defeat the will of the sovereign people in an anticipated case of vast importance to all the people of the Uni ted States.”—Despotic power! \\ by was the veto power given to the President at all? Is it never to he exercized without its being stigmatized as a des potic power? When Gen. Washington vetoed the ap portionment hill, did lie exercise ti merely despotic power? \\ ns James Madison a despot, when he. ve toed a hill providing for a certain Religious Esta blish men t? a hill chartering a particular Hank? a hill establishing u mammoth fund for Internal Im provement? Aye! but says the N. Intelligencer, “the will of the people* has been expressed in favor of re-clinr tering this Hauk—and it would he a despotic exer cise of his veto for him to thwart their wishes. We shall leave it to tin; Intelligencer to set at nought the conscience ot the Chief .Magistrate—to make it mandatory upon •him to drive the ploughshare through the Constitution of the country—according t<> every asserted shilling of the political breeze. 1 hough he is an agent of the People as well as their representatives in Congress, yet it seems lie is not to net as his conscience actuates him, but as the voice of the majority of Congress shall direct him— And where is the proof that this voice has been prompted by their constituents? Where are their instructions? Aye! hut says the Intelligencer, wc are to preswn>M that such instructions have been given.—How so? Because, > “ ‘s‘nfe (tlio two Messages of tin: President) the whole | body ol the House of Representatives, and one third of i the Senate of the United States, have been renewed by | popular election. Upon a question which has thus been t presented to the People, thu two Houses of Congress must certainly be considered as reflectors of the public will._ The President himself so eohSiders them; for in his annual Message of Iasi month to Congress, he rays, that, having “ discharged” Am “ constitutional duty,” he leaves the subject to (he investigation of the People and their Re presentatives—he might have said, as, indeed, the whole bearing ol that portion ol the Message implies to have been Ids meaning, their instructed Representatives. Let it be also borne in mind, that though the Members of the present Congress have come to tlieir duly in reference to this matter under instruction from the People, the Presi dent of the United States has not: for iiis opinions on this, and more than one other great public question, were not certainly known before bis cloction, and were generally believed to be opposite to what they have turned out to be. i He, therefore, has no index to the will of th<* People on ***** question, but wliat may ho affonlnri by tho vote* in the j two Houses of Congress, and especially in the House ol Representatives.” 1 ho Intelligencer doeij not show in how ninny rtises the question was mnrlo nt the hustings—or how ninny member* of Congress were elected upon this ground. Until these facte ore made out, its whole argument rests upon no idle hypothesis—like the Indian s theory .of the Earth h being supported upon the hack ol a tortoise.—Have they been since instructed by their constituents to vote for the Ciiar ter? No. W ere they even elected upon that ground'' It does not nppenr to be so with n majority of the members. nut let us pee how tins argument applies to the President himself. It is true, that he Ims not been elected, since his two Messages were announced— l*"t ‘Iw* nny man believe that he will not he re elected? Does the National Intelligencer even dream of Mr. Clay’s success? If the President then is to he re-cloctcd, what will it show, (uerording to the intelligencer’s copy) hut that the People are wil ing for him to exercise his Veto?—And if lie he not re-elected, why then the Hank may try their experiment upon a more ductile successor, and ob tain n new lease at Ins hands. Ihit, says the Intelligencer— <i “'.f1 remembered, that the eonsrirnee of '21, f"1 bderposM no obstacle to die signature of a Mink bill, because be hits twice recommended to Congress a plmi of a Government Rank, whirl, cannot be moulded, by any process of ingenuity, into a more constitutional rorm than the present Bsfjk of the United Wales.” Now, wo hog lenvo most resjHcffullv to ask the ! l-ditors of the National Intelligencer, how long has it been since thsy became “the Chancellors of the realm”; whether they are the Kee|K:rs of the Presi dent s Conscience, or whether he is to he the own judge of his own opinions.—/>/ us hear him. lie bus a right to speak for himself: ’’ riW Importance of the principles involved In the In- 1 qulry, whether it will b« pnmer to re-charter the Bank of the United States, requires dial I should again rail the at- I teunou of/.ongressto the subject. Notl.ing has occurred | lo leskMt. many degree, the dangers whirl? m«nv of our citizen* apprehc.Kl Mm. that insfioitinn, as atpresent or ganisod. In (he spirit of improvement and compromise, which distinguishes our country and its institutions, it be comes us to inquire nrhcthor it bo not possible to secure tho advantages atlordcd by the present Bank, through the agency of a Hank of the United States, so modified in its principles and structure, as to obviate constitutional and oilier objections. “ It I* thought practicable to organize such a hank,with the necessary officers, as a brunch of the Treasury De partment, based on the public and individual deposit**. without power to make loans or purchase property, which shall remit the funds oi the Government, and the expences of which tuny he paid, ii thought advlsiblo, by allowing its officer* to sell bill* of exchange to private In dividuals, at a moderate premium. Avt being a eorpoi ats body, having no stockholders, debtors or property, and but Jew officers,it would not be obnoxious to the consti tutional objections which are urged against the prettnt bank—and having no means to operate on the hopes, fears, or interests of large masses of the community it would he shorn ol tho influence which makes that bank formidable. The States would be strengthened by hav ing in their hands the means of furnishing tho local paper currency through their own banks—while the bank ol tho United States, though issuing no paper, would check the issue* ol the State banks, by Inking their notes in deposit*, and lor exchange, only so long as they continue to be re deem. ,1 with specie. In times of public emergency, tho capacities ol such an institution might be enlarged by lo gislnlivc provisions. ® 3 i ucse suggestions ore made, not so much ns a recom mendation, as with a view ol calling the attention of Con gress to tlie possible modificationsol a system, which can not continue to exist in iU present form, w itbout occasion al collisions with the local authorities, and perpetual ap prehensions and discontent on the part of the States and the people.”—President's .Message of JJee. 1830. Here, the President himself tells us, tlmt the Bunk he proposes is not obnoxious to the constitutional ob JfCt.,0,'.n 'r,"Vh ".*? ur*ed “g**™ the present Bunk. And still the Intelligencer undertakes to say, that the President does consider both the present und tho proposed Institutions, as alike exempt from constitu tional objections! We nre reminded of the lute Report of the Se cretary of the Treasury—in wltich he declares tho Bunk to ho “indispensably necessary”—And xve uro asked, hoxv after this, the President can put his veto upon the hill? But may not the President mid tho Secretary view this institution in different lights?_ Nuy—does not tho former substantially tell us in tho above extract tliut lie does not consider it ns “iudis jH'iisnhly necessary.” Tho queries which are addressed to us xvitli-so much pathos by the N. Intelligencer, nre scarcely entitled to n serious answer. We are not “weary ol Representative Government.” Wc are not “ready to wrest the crown of sovereignty from the People. und place it upon the head of General Juckiou/’_ Nor are xve yet ready to luy the Constitution of our country at the Icet of any monied institution. Wo xvill do all in our humble power (ns Mr. Jefferson says) “to save the ship, xvhile u single man is left to tread the deck.” t )nc xvord more—The Intelligencer chnrgcs us xvith uttering n suggestion, which is “unjust to tho distinguished Citizen xvho presides over the Bank of the United States.” We should be sorry to be guil ty of the least injustice, or discourtesy to so distin guished u Citizen ns Mr. Biddle. But lor the life of us, xve do not see lioxv xve have done so. Wc Imvo said, only, that the Bunk is “noie pressed upon Con- ' j gross by the President of the Bunk.” And is not | this the diet? It avails little for us to ho told, “tliut the 1 resident of the Bunk can only act in such n. matter as this by authority of the Stockholders; und that such authority was given at their triennial meet *11? lulu ki.st Autumn.”—Is it not also known that a discretion xyas allowed to the President of the Bank to present it at this Session, or not, ns he pleased?_ <>r,^hat nx-nils it to sav, “that the Annual Election I , i. Cfrs °f" Hi© Hank xvas then near at hand, and I delicacy suggested delay until the sense of tho , Stockholders could be ascertained on that point ulso; I that within a xveek, as promptly as possible ullcr i t,ml election, the memorial in behalf of the Stock i holders xvas transmitted to Congress.”—The Intelli gencer thinks it “no more than justice” for us “to state these facts”—We do so xvith pleasure—but, cut bono. 1 hey do not prove, that the President of tho Bank lias not pressed it upon the present Congress. It is still true, that Mr. Biddle xvas at first hesitating whether he would present the memorial or not— | that ho was sounding the xvay before the Election— 11,?1., n.°,In,frie,*d °* Hie President, a xvorthy Citizen of j 1 hiludclphin, take much interest in this question?)— | and that Mr. Biddle at Inst determined to present it | contrary to the advice of some of his friends—con trary to the wishes of Mr. Dallas himself, ns was nvoxvcd by Inin in the Scnnto-«-nud that it xvns pressed unoh Congress, and xvill then he pressed upon the * resident, under certain political calcula tions? Editorial eha,l?e, ur. Camak has retired from (ho • <.orpin Journal which lie condurtcd with so much abili ty—lie is succeed, d l.y Oliver II. IVince, Esq. of Mi r ° Pro""*cs *>c a» ornament to the profession. Our former fellow-citizen, Seaton Grantland, !•>«. has [ a ired from (he editorial chair of the Millcdpcvillo Recorder —and given place to Miller Grieve, E*q. late Secretary to Governor Gilmcr-Mr. Grieve is spoken of as highly qualified for the post he has assumed.—But it is impossible for us to part with Mr. Grantland, without tho ; ,,cel,e!*t regret.—\V e have known him long—We know ids great worth, his tine talents, his devotion to the rcpuhli can interests, and lus untiring exertions to promote them. ; It is with great satisfaction we learn from his Valcdic toi) Address,that he retires from a business, which has Jiin ,» r “!M"I*,‘‘ emolument.” He closes bis faro wcliin the follow mg aflectingstrains: “In wliiu form of l.ingiiag*, can (ip .utrcicrl’y , ),(. «alings, lu Hi,m„ who harp >n unifnrinty and wnin.ly snmmriprf him alancaa^w ha *** Pr“*P,”,ltr ~ a* •» It.• .ad u.*7 1,1. ri,cm,! I*«,t,al"y h„. |,j. numrreu. fimlK- wl.es* nil hn MI,l*,?,',nV,n* undrr 0,1 To ■ • • it lipfiii hvcrtlnn jn| with vnii ludo _n,i ’ l’’ y.!'a ”f Friends, most III. an. I „r * May Ur. „| o iiiIps i in. Universe and emu... .hn ri.tnnie. of m.a, pioiect V.d •f” I" r jroq anil jroiua, now and hereafter.” " I he lasti Milledgevillo Recorder announces, that “Sea \Z\oTv Tdc ®**I-l,a» elected President of Il.o f ’ m?,- n"n °f,"® Sla,c of Georgia, in this place, vice n'Om m av ;n- r®8iRPed; Th,> K«n‘l«n»n now " * the office of C ashler in the same institution.” The Debate in the Senate »J the ~U. .V.-A letter da ted at Washington on the 2 III,, states, that Mr. Hlck fr!p.°n J’ *!ad u'.,drcMed lhc Senate the day l.e L°. ^ i/1? contested the South was the find favored l.y Go. and Nature—that under the Free Trade System, she , !\d ,.K*r abundant products to foreign markets— that the North could not turn this to advantage—and that try the protecting policy only could tl,0 North share the advantages with il.o South, &r. “The agitation hen-, (fays the w r,ter,) ,i great. I believe there is no hope that our lax-masters w ill let go.” r r, fnliee.—Mr. Hodgson lias arrived at Boston 111*. ratification of tho Treaty with Turkey.—And iMr. Jamieson has arrived from Vera Crux, with the Com mercial I reaty between Mexico and the U. S. ir <’" e had hoped it would he in our power to-day to ay the rest of Mr. Hro.li, ax’s Speech be lore our readers the indisposition and engagements of tint gentleman have prevented his finishing it. We |av Mr. Bruce * short, but striking, debut before them—and wc hope on Saturday, to complete Messrs. B.odnax’s and Powdi’s Kpnecvic*. FOR THE EJVQU1RER INTERNAL IMPROVEMENT. So much has already been written on the importance of immediate exertion, on the part of the State, to form a con nection between the eastern and western water* of Virginia, y canals, rail-roads, fee. and by abler pens than I can pre tend to, that it may well he deemed superfluous, to add one word on the subject: but as I have not seen amongst I the various essays which have been written, any suitable ■ plan pointed out, for carrying on this magnificent entsr prtse, to which I have given a good deal of consideration, hi cmlea\ or to throw out *omc 9uxg#>*(ion* fherron, in he hope that they may lead men of superior talents and i.illuenec in v>cioty, to give their attention thereto, in order that they may perfect a scheme, upon which I feel a.*»ur I ed that the w( ||;u.r a,,,! happiness of unborn generations | essentially depend. ; I he difficulties attending the subject are msny and com I P»cs‘«e«I—of which that is not the least which wifi arise from delay-as while we arc deliberating, other States are Ti ering all them powerj to secure the western trade to them selves which if they succeed in obtaining, it may be af terwaisls in vain that we shall endeavor toregalnit. Tim doubts as to the best course to be pursued in rflecling the o.yectsin contemplation, tend al«0,ln a great measure, to take place *'C "u!'JCC‘’,olncrcaiic the delays likely to I lie magnitude of the undertaking, taking into view (lie length of time necessary fobiing it to a successful comple tion, together with the large amount of money ncres-arv Tor its execution, constitute* another difficulty, of such a character as to make not a few apprehend that Ibis Leg!* l.iture will, like the last, suffer the session to pass away w iibout roming to any definite conclusion on the subject, as the various and conflicting claims which will he brought forward from every quarter, for a share of the loan, (should a loan bill ho brought forward for (he purpose of Infernal I approvement,) lead to the conclusion that a loan bill would thereby he defeated. I therefore proceed, without further preface, to give my view* on the subject.