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Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, March 06, 1832, Image 2

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*ml not Iroui nature. \ el, (lie right to liol.l slaves
and the right to appropriate lauds, are recognized by
our laws, and equally guarantied by the constitution.
The gentleman Iroui Brunswick ver) properly reterrod to
the constitution ol the l niied State-, which contain* the
same clause that is found in our stale constitution, a* a I lord -
mg an uddltiooal guard to slave property. To givv olivet
to that iiistrumuiit in any pardeular state, it is only neces
sary to ascort'iiu what is property by the law - of that state,
W hat i< property in one state, may not be so in another.
It is enough that in Ynginia slaves are properly. That
being admitted, the constitution of the l in ed Stale* is to
be considered as rccogni dug and guaranteeing them as
such. The gentleman lioin Berkeley, however, protests
against the introduction ol the constitution of the Ihiited
States, lie says lie i- proud ol belonging to a certain par
ty, the n ime ol which it is uunccc"tiy to repeat. But it
is a party which has always been ready to appeal to that
constitution, whenever tt w isthought expedient to increase
the powers ol the general government, or to strip the slates
ol their rights. Now, however, w In u this constitution i
invoked ill defence ol the light ol property ill slaves, the
gentleman seems filled with a holy horror, and declares
it is purely a state concern, and lie would not, lor the
world, that the tedcral constitution should be brought to
Lear on so delicate a question.
( To be continued in one nett:)
Tnnily-M't'tBitl 4'ou:;rc««.
IN SEN \ti:.
Thursday, .March I.
On motion of Mr. Smith, the resolution from the House
of Representatives in relation to the Bale til Oilicc, provid
ing for recording all patents which have been granted, w as
taken up; and. alter some remarks by Messrs. Smith,
Uonton.it was ordered to a third reading.
THK Al’roil rtOKHKXT Oil. I,.
O.t motion ol Mr. W ebsler, the Vpporlioument Bill was
taken up; w hell,
Mr. Webster went, at considerable length, into an ex
amination ol the ratio proposed by the bill, to show that it
was not only unjust, hut unconstitutional; and into an ex
position ol a plan, which lie submitted, lor obviating the
■ injustice complained of, and producing a much closer ap
proximation to an equal and equitable representation ol the
population of the respective States. When he concluded,
lie moved that the bill be laid over till Monday, to give
time for the consideration of the subject: which was agreed
On motion ol Mr. Tazewell, the hill providing lor the
Haims ol the State ol \ irgini i, for services and expendi
ture* during the war of the Revolution, was taken up ; and
alter some remark* by Mr. Tazewell in its support, it was
ordered to a third reading.
On motion of Mr. llayno, the bill providing for the set
tlement of the claimsof South Carolina was taken up, and,
niter some remarks by Mr. II lyne, the amendment pro
poted was adopted, and it was ordered to a third reading.
V I lie bill relative to the construction of tho draw on the
bridge oyer the Potomac in tho Disbict of Columbia, was
read a third time and passed.
Mr. Drayton, from the Committee on Military Affairs,
reported a bill for the settlement of the claim of the State
of Connecticut “gainst the United State*, for the service
ol the Militiaol said State, dui ing the late war; which hill
was twice read and committed.
Mr. McDuffie, from the C'ommittcc of Ways and Means,
report*d a bill to exempt merchandize, imported under eer-"
t un circumstances, from tho operation of the . I of May
>«), t^2S, entitled, “An act in alteration of the several acts
imposing duties on imports;” which bill was twice read
and committed,
Mr. E. hverett, from tiie Committee on Foreign Affairs,
reported a bill providing lor the settlement of accounts of
certain diplomatic functionaries; which bill was twice r- id
and committed.
Mr. h. Everett from the Committee on the Library re
ported a bill making an appropriation lor the collection of
American State Patters; which bill was twice read and com
The following message in writing was received from the
I resident ol the United States, through Mr. Donclson
Ins private Secretary.
_ , “ Wasiiinuton, March I, 1S32. j
to the House, oj Representatives:
i submit to the consideration of Uongrcss the accompa- i
living report from the Secretary of State; showing the
propriety ol making some change by law in the duty on
the red wines imported into the United State* from \us
Hie following resolution, presented by Mr. Clayton, was I
again taken up.
Resolved, I hat a select committee be appointed to ex
amine into the affair* ol tho Hank of the United States,
with power to send for person* and papers and to report the’:
result ol their inquiries to (bis House.
Mr. Mitchell ot South Carolina, went into a full discus
sion ol (he necessity ol tho inquiry, and inrefutation of the i
arguments tliai had been urged against it. He contended
Irom (lie acts ol the Stockholders, that no immediate nc
cosstty for acting on the bill, was by thorn thought to ex
ist, a* to prevent this inquiry Ibr want of time. On the I
other hand, at their late triennial meeting, (lie whole mat- 1
ter was left to the discretion of the Director*, without any
expression ol opinion as to this necessity. This application |
at this time was a mere politic^movement, madebv thisour
poration, which wielded a capital of 60 millions of dollars, !
with which it was intended to influence this I louse and tho, 1
country, f rom the experience of iho transaction* of IS Iff, J
which be stated at length, Mr. M. contended that a lull |
investigation of (he allbirs of the Hank was necessary
N itlioul such investigation the House had no evidence
but n* own statement. Whatever confidence might he!
reposed in the officers ol the institution as private indivi- j
dual*, this House, as guardian* of the rights ol the people,
ought not to be thus easily satisfied.—The Hank should
not be the only judge ol it* own ease. The veil of mysle- |
ry which bad enveloped ils transactions should bo drawiJ
a*ide, and its affair* exposed to the ir(mse when they ask j
eil an extension of their monopoly lor 20 years longer.
Mr. Denny next addressed the House against the reso
lution. He contended ils object was unnecessary, and the !
delay it would occasion extremely prejudicial to’the H.nk
and to the country. Mr. I). said the gentlemen friendly
to the resolution, were hostile to the Hank, and let it come
out of (lie Investigation in triumph, still they would vote
against the bill for re-chartering it. Their object was some- '
thing beyond mere inquiry. It was to defeat the mea- I
sine by delay Any abuses that might be feared con Id be
amp y guarded against by modifications of the charter
limuol I 11 at ■•Ljoli.i;.,., .. ...I J . . I ■ .
Mr. Watmougl. said, that having moved the vote to be
taken on tho consideration of the resolution, he win the on
ly person to whom the charge of smothering inquiry could
:"*y ,lcHrcc 'pply- The course ol the debate had shown
the propriety of the proposition he had originally submitted.
As the debate had given the gentleman from South Caro
ma (Hr. McDuffie) an opportunity of refuting the charge*
that had been urged, he did not regret it. To show that
lie had no wish to smother inquiry hut to facilitate it—so
it might be made promptly and with effect, he submitted
the lolloping amendment: strike out all after the word
“ Jtfsolved' and insert—
•That the Committee of Ways and Means he instruct
ed to inquire whether the Director* of the Bank of the
l lilted States, or of its branches have, in any case, de
manded or received usurious interest, either byis,,|ng the
notes of broken Hanks or by disguised loans, of hills of
exchange; also, whether tho said Directors have permitted
tlie trustees ol foreign stockholders, in any case, to vote
for directors; also, whether any unde,-landing has existed
h tween the Bank and Brokers, to job in stocks, contrary
jo the charter; and whether the government depodtes have
been u-sd to enhance its own debts; also, whether any
subsidies or lo ins have beer, given, directly or indirectly-,
jo printers, editors, and lawyers, for purposes other than
the regular bn-me-s of tlm Bank; aim, whether any din
tinction has been made in favor ol any particular mci
eh inls m selling hill- ol exchange; al«o, whether any in u
tice- have been used nil, the State Bank*, to induce them
to apply for a renewal of the charter of the United State
B.mk; and also, whether the issue- of the Hank are exet *
su e, ajiil whether the means of the Hank are adequate to
meet their engagements; and that the said ( ommittee have
authority to send lor persons and paper* and to examine
witnesses on oath.'
Mr. Mitchell of South Carolina said, the Director*
should he brought ... on oath, lie moved the fol
lowing amendment lo the amendment : Alter the word
•engagements’ to insert the following :
•And to inquire ot the Directors, ifthey have in any man
neror form, acted dishonorably, unju tly or contrary to
Mr (’imhreleng s.iid. he considered (he amendment of
lured by the gentleman from Pennsylvania, [Mr. Wat
iiiongh.J as an evasion of all proper and just inquiry—a
...ere pretext to ge, rid of the neee-ity f<>r investigation.
Alter tin com-e taken by majority o, the Committee ol
Way* and Means--.,fter the Chairman of that Committee
li is stated his belief tn.it the cl,..r_..< are destitute of tout.
. .."on, -ha they he sent lo that ( ommittee lor scrutiny ?
M.nse gentlemen who ll,ought proper to t.,kc that com-.,
should take the responsibility of il upon themselves. It
w is unprecedented in Parliamentary inquiry, that tim e
opposed to investigation-hould have the in mngement of P
I any inquiry he made, it was due to the Hank and it- of
ficers, a* well as to the country, that it he thorough, and
he made by those whose feeling- will make it so. An in
quirv like it, ,t now proposed, will ;.ti ly nolxxly, hut thou
who are already -iti-lir I. ' '
Mi. I.ll-noiil! slid nojthink that any sentirncnl prevail
ed,,, he country or the Home that th.. office,s ol (In
l ink had conducted unl. irly or com.ptly. Me thought
the proposition to incorporate the matte, s suggested for in
qmry into a definite shape would facilitate the. jnv« liga
io„. In the nnge presented in its original slate, it might
th, r r , ''“I"'! v. hnl they though,
golle ^ever W 'S " *'*'"** "’C ‘,re"«nt **«<».. it wa
Mr. Foster said, the argument ag*},»( » full iuvestiga
tkni <>t tlio affairs ol tlio Bank that it would take up tlino,
| never came with less grace thin from the gentlemen by .
whom it Ills befit urged. lie Would »ppc il to tile I cool- 1
leeliou of .ill who had been ill tin* list Congress on this
■object. I wo years ago the President introduced (tie sub
ject ot tin* Hank to till* attention ot the House in his mes
- igc. Il was referred to the committee of Ways and Means.
\ repoit displacing the highest ability in favor ol the Hank
! was tlieii made to the House. A year ago the President
■> . ‘Hi noticed (lie subject of the Hank. One of his col
( leagues ( vir. Wayne) then moved to refer the subject to
a Select t otiiiniticc The friends of tin* Hank, resisted the
prop i si’ion, and it was overruled—at the commencement
ol this sT'-ion the rolcrctiro to a Select t'oiiiiuiliec was
again rcluscd. Alter waiting six works from the com
j mencement ot the session (he memorial ol the Hank lor its
■ rechnrtcr wa* presented. The same gentleman moved
j toreler that to a Select Committee.—That motion was al
••o overruled, and it v. is referred to flic Committee of \\ ays
and Means, for two years past there have been continu
al endeavours to obtain an investigation of the allairs ol the
Hank w ithout success. Now, w ben a bill has been reported
| loperpclUrtteilsmom paly for twenty years longer,it w as first
said by the gentleman from South < oroltna, (Mr M’Dutlie)
Imve come a month loo late—but the gentleman from
| Pennsylvania (Mr. W itiuonglij now says, in effect, we
can trust none but tlie pledged friends of the Hank with
tin-, enquiry—the investigation ot its enemies will destroy
it. Sir, it this course is pursued w itli an institution of such
magnitude, wielding such iiiniicn«u influence, and control
ling tin- property ot such a vast number ol people, is it not
time tor alarm? Is this corporation so sacred that w e are
not to be permitted to look into its concerns—but are hound
to rc-charter it on l.iith? It was only by the intervention
ol a postponement, that the members ol tlio I loti m* had
been permitted even to spcak.on the subject. The House
recollect the attempt made tostitlc all debate. As to the pre
tence ol delay, il the Committee of Ways and Means are
intended to discharge their duly, will they not require as
much time as any other committee? The refusal ot a Se
lect Committee was to be regarded as a distinctdoterminu
tion to stilie the inquiries of those who felt interested in
making them; and the fiends ot the Hank must take the
consequences. 1 here was one subject of inquiry which
be would add in a more definite, form than was contained
in the amendment. It might explain the course ot certain
leading newspapers, lie wished to add an inquiry into
the names ol lb-- editors and printers of newspapers who
have been accommodated by tlio Hank, or its brandies,
with loans above the sum of jjj.VIOO.
Mr. McDuffie said be bad changed no opinion he bad
before exprcS'i d—on the oilier hand, his impressions had
been confirmed. The charges against the Hank bad
v.mi.-lird into thin air. i hough be believed there was
not a shadow ot foundation for the inquiry, ltu had come to
the conclusion that the only effectual mode of putting an
end to the I ilse clamor and the subject was to permit the
inquiry to go forward in any lornt that those opposed to
tin: Hank may wish. Me hoped the gentleman from
Pennsylvania, (Mr. Watmough) would withdraw his
amendment \\ believer charges were brought against
ibe administration, ora particular officer, or any institu
tion, it was proper that a majority of the committee should
bo favorable to the object of the inquiry. In this case, il
inquiry was gone into, it should not bo made by the Com
mittee of Ways and Means.
Mr. tV atmoiigli withdrew his amendment.
Mr. Clayton expressed hi* iulewion to address the
House in support £>t bis motion; but, in consequence ot
the lateness of the hour, moved tlio House to adjourn.
liich w as can iod.
IN SENATE.— Friday, March 2.
Tiir TARItT.
Tim Senate then again proceeded to the consideration of'
Mr. ( lay s resolution, together with the aiueudiuent pro
posed thereto hy Mr. Ilaync.
Mr. Robbins addressed the Senate two hours in support
ol the resolution.
Mr. Moore then gave notice that ho intended to address
the Senate on the subject; when
On motion of Mr. Smith, the Senate went into Execu
tive business; and after a short time adjourned to Mon
amendments TO THE constitution.
Mr. Root .submitted the following resolution, the const
dei 11ion whereof was postponed till Tuesday next:
/{tjsolcr.d, That the hallowing amendments to the Con
stitution ot the United States ought to he proposed to tho
Legislatures of the several States for their ratification.
The People of each State, qualified to vote for the most
numerous branch of tho Legislature thereof, shall give
their votes directly for a person to be President of the
United States; and the person having the greatest number
ol votes in such State, shall he declared to have therein
a number of voles equal to the whole number of mom
liters in both Houses Coti”re.** to which gucti State
may bo entitled. The votes of the People of the several
Mates shall be canvassed hy the Supreme Court of the
l mlcd States, and the person having the greatest num
ber of votes shall ho declared President of the United
Stales alter the 3d day’ ot March then next ensuing. In
the event ot the highest candidates leaving an equal num
ber ot votes,the two Houses ol Congress, hy joint ballot,
shall determine and declare which ot them shall he Pro- j
sident of the United States.
The Vico President oi the United States shall he elect
ed in the same manner, but in the event of an equal num
ber ol votes lor the higliot candidates, the Senate shall
determine which of them shall ho Vice President.
I lie President and Nice President ol the United States
shall be elected for - years, but the President shall ho i
ineligible lor the next term.
1 lie House, then resolved itself once more into a Com
mittee of tho Whole on the slate of the Union, on tins bill
lor the relief of Susan Decatur.
Mr. Dickson withdrew the motion that ho had made on I
Saturday last, to strikeout the enacting clause or the bill. 1
A>r. Davis ol Mass., opposed tho mode of distribution re
ported in the bill, ami moved tho following amendment,
to ho inserted in lieu thereof:
•• I hat tho distribnti >n should he m i le accordin'*- to the
rules laid down in the Pri/.e Act, viz : to the Commander
ot the squadron $5000, and to the Commander of the Intre
pid, $10,000, to tin: Lieutenants, being the second class,
tin- Slim ot $3,300 33, each, to the officers of tlic 3d class
$2000 each; to the 4th class $H)I1 41 each; to the fifth
class $1130 00; an I to the 0th clans, consisting of the sea
men and marines, the sum of $333 33 each.””
Mr. Carson replied to the several objections that had been
urged against the bill—after which, on motion of Mr. j
McDuffie, the committee rose and reported progress.
The House then adjourned.
ONE ! >\Y L \TER
Hy the arrival of the packet ship t nmhria, Capl. Voorc,
the Journal of Commerce has reeclvcil London papers to
the fourteenth ol January, inclusive, one day later than the
advices we furnished hy the Eagle.
Il was reported in London, that despatches had hern re
ccivctl hy (Jovcrninent, which state that 800 Polish ofli
cers In Saxony, who have refused the amnesty of the Em
peror Nicholas, are on their inarch in small detachments,
to I ranee. Lach receives a small sum per diem from the
feaxon Government.
Lieut. Col. Micro ton, who was on trial for neglect of du
ty, in connection with the Bristol riots, has put an end to
* existence, by shooting himself in his own house, near
The London Standard of the latest date, says'_“The
l;’r«,,c,‘ N» ‘"i-t.M-S have been defeated in the Chamber of
optlll -a, on I hursd.iy ; they' wished to grant a Civil List
to Louh Phillippc of 15 millions of Irancs, when M. Odil
lon Marrot and his friends out-voted the Ministers and
granted him only 12 millions, being less than half the
amount enjoyed hy Charles the Tenth.”
The London Sun of ihe 13th, says:—“The Paris ex
press mentions ih.it the Sultan has declared war against
the Pacha ot Egypt, and that it was currently reported in
I arts on >V edno-day that the formal refusal of Austria to
ratify the 24 articles, had reached the Prussian Embassy
l on the preceding day.” J
Me annex all f he paragraphs furnished by this arrival,
that possess the slightest interest.
London, Jan. 1 l.-lVe understand that the 500 troops
tnal had embarked at Lisbon for Madeira have re-landed,
the tyrant having received information that the people of
that island were about to declare lor Donna Maria.
London, Jan. 14.—Me have advices from Persia,
which contain some further intelligence respecting the
Civil war, already noliced as having broken out. It ap
pears that Abdul Kc/.ek Khan came two stages to meet
I ll1"' Mrincc Royal,on l.ismarch to the city of Vezd, which
I place he entered on tho 22d.
Ramazynucc IIa«san Alice Moerza had some time he
tore obeyed the Shah's orders to retire, and had moved to
wards Kerman. After the surrender of Yczd, however,
the people refuse 1 lo receive him at Kerman, and his ar
; my having gradually melted away, lie was not in a situa
i lion to use force against them.
London, Jan. 15.—Mo received last night Dutch and
lMjr.. Hth inst. They contain reports of
military preparations hy Holland upon the Belgian froil*
I [,cr> o'hcrw i so of a rather warlike aspect. The Chntn
Imr ol the Slates-tien. ral at the Hague had sanctioned the
Budget presented to it, though largo, by tho Dutch Min
ister; and the King seems lo have The moans, il ho con
tmue in his present wrong-headed disposition, to rush into a
war with his revolted subjects.
On (lie ilelgian sjj,., matters look as if they would not
i bi u"lmT;,rp‘li i"»l as the parties, if tlioy do come
i " "ill meet this time upon more equal terms as to
pi • p •' iii'Mi; the issm« may not be quite so favorable to the
iii’ n as it had boon before, and as tlioy confidently anti
cipate it will be now. 3
Ibm .Miguel was unwearied in his preparations to resist
the projected attack upon him, and though detested by
many, yet the influence of the Priests was so strong over
, he minds of the troops a(M| Ul0 or<lcr,( „„ (0 fo
I ' Jh«t Don I edro wilt tind it an up-hill work to
j unseal Ins brother Irom the throne of that country.
Bui sski.s, Jan. II.—We are still tn great alarm, fear
lug an attack Irom the Dutch. Our Minister ol War has
issued lre*h orders, commanding an obedience to the order
«d the day lor the return ol the men on furloughs to their
regime uts.
I have just heard it reported that the question ol the for
tresses is arranged. The source from which I received
my information is very auspicious, und 1 am inclined fur
ther to doubt its truth; for the Emancipation assures the
tact, without giving any reason. This paper ia seuii-offi- j
cijl, and under the Influence of General Belli.ird.
( htti lesion S. C. Felt. 25, 1X32.
* hef onveution of Delegate* Irom the State Eights and
r reo i l ade Associations throughout the State, was called
to order at 5 o clock this eveniog. The President opened
tin- business ol tlie Convention.
" ■ Seabrook, Esq. then addressed the Convention,
and ollered the billowing resolution:
Jit solved, lb.it the President ol this Convention do con
vey the thanks of the State Eights and Free Trade Party
: to the Hon. Robert Y. Iluync, and the I Ion. George M*.
I >uHio, lor their recent ellbrts.iu Congress, in the cause of
I ree trade and Constitutional Liberty.
Resolved, That we highly approve ol the late speech
ol Mr. lla> ne, in reply to Mr. Clay. Its mildness and
Im^rality, IbiqIi we comment!, are not incompatible with
the jolemn determination at which the people of South
Carolina have arrived.
Resolved. That wo regard Mr. M'Dufliu's Eeport on a
reduction ol the duties on imports as indicating the true
constitutional point to which the duties ought to fall; aiul
mat this distinguished statesman ban brought to the discus*
sum ot tlie subject a power of argument and variety of il
lustration, that makes his Report one of the ablest among
the numerous Stale papers which have signalized our pub
lic history. r
l>r. 1 idyman then ollered the toHuwiug Resolution:
I'lie Members of the State Eights and Free Trade. Con
vention ol South Carolina, being deeply sensible ol the in
trinsie merit of> ondy Haguct, Esq. (the editor of the Ban
ner ot the Constitution.) do
Resolve, that he is highly deserving of their grati
tude, confidence and esteem, lor Iris zealous and siiccoss
ful efforts iu detecting the errors and exposing the fallacy
ot tho mist),lined American System, as well as for |,is un
deviating exertions In propagating the principles of Free
Irat e, and ably vindicating tho rights and interests of
the People of lie Southern States*
This motion was carried, item, dis.
Judge Col rock addressed tlie Convention, and as Chair
man ot the Committee on the Address, read and presented
the same as iollow*:
1111a AUUK^a
()( owvextion oj the State Rights and Fiiek
I uade Associations, report,;! by the Committee at
that /tody, and unanimously adopted at their meeting
on Saturday evening last.
Hu* Delegates in Convention of the Slate Rights and Free !
Trade Associations,
To the People of South Carolina.
I i i. low ( itizens:—W hen we last addressed you
Irom the Convention in Columbia, wo endeavored to im
press upon your minds the importance of those principles
on which we are associated; and by an appeal to your rea
son an I patriotism, to vindicate our plans and pmpo-es.
— I hat addre-s was made during a period ol Dint
hut loudly cherished liopc, that the Congress of the
United States, just then assembling, would listen to
the earnest and solemn appeals made to its justice
ami wisdom, and avail itself of the auspicious juncture
to alh.nl a prompt and ample remedy for our long endured
grievances. It h id been publicly announced by our Le
gist .1 till e, that wlic n all hope of redress had been extinguish
ed the State ha l the right, and ivould peform the duty of
ledics.-ing horsell. South Carolina under these circuin
sl Alices, had paused to await the decision of the present
• (Ingres-; and although an attentive examination of the
principles and purposes ol the majority in Congress which
had enacted and sustained tho Tariff, forbade us to enter
tain very sanguine expectations of relief, yet we were un
willing entirely to de-pair. The Congress of the United
states has now been in session nearly tlncc months.
All agree, that as tar as the General Government is con
cerned, its final decision is now to he made. These cir
cumstances, fellow-citizens, authorize us to address you on
tho present occasion. You are our brethren—our coun
try is our common inheritance—its interest our common
property, and its liberty, happiness and glory, the common
objects of our guardianship and defence. If there are any
among you who hate the injustice of our oppressors less
than what some consider the heresies of our principles_
if there are any among you who after full deliberation pre
fer the quiet ol a predetermined settled submission to in
justice and a violation of the Constitution—to tho hazard of
asserting and maintaining our rights, we arc willing to
conless, however paiulul may lie the recognition of tho
laet, that an appeal to such must he hopeless. No! Wc
make no appeal l# those who think essential principles
may he compromised; that public tranquillity, even if it
be tho stagnation of death, cannot be purchased at too
high a price; and who consider that a gainful traflie may
be driven with oppression if any tiling he left to sustain
the remnant of a miserable existence. Hut to those
whose minds may not yet lie finally made up on the great
question ol Southern rights and Southern wrongs, and
who are yet hanging with a lingering, though baffled
hope, that these wrongs will he redressed by the natural
and salutary action of the General Government it
self, we would desiro to oiler briefly a few reflections.
I hey belong to the ci isi-—for there is no device ol cunnimr
that can disguise even from timidity itself, the fact that
the crisis is rapidly approaching when the people of South
Carolina will have before them the. issues of liberty or ser
vitude—infamy or honor—resistance with all its hazards, or
submission with unalterable disgrace. Our position is a
peculiar one. We would not say that South Carolina is
committed, because that would imply that wo have been
led by an intemperate zeal into the occupation of an unte
nable position, to maintain which, wc have rather now to
consult a punctilious sense of honor than a rational esti
mate of our essential interest. It so happens that there
are no romantic or chivalrous notions of national pride_
that are hall equal in their potency to the common, manl
iest, and we might almost say every day, and vital interests
that are involved in the ground we have assumed—howe
ver insensibly we may leel the obligations that arc due to
the first class ofthc.se considerations.
The peculiarity of our position results from tho lact
t." iicinur 101 goon or lor evil remains lo he proved) that this
state, small in its territorial extent and population, is in tho
van in the assertion oi our rights in the very centre of a
geographical division ol this Union, having common inter
e-ts with ourselves; and which appears only to a limited
degree, at least to participate in the intense excitement
which has pervaded all classes among ourselves. We shall
not attempt to account for the pho'iiomenon.—Wc are not
disposed to disparage the motives and conduct ol others,
we will not, however, gainsay our own discernment hy ad
mitting in spite ol this seeming apathy, that because wc
feel intensely we cannot act understandingly on the sub
ject ol our rights—or that the lire whieh has been kindled
in our hearts, has not thrown a light elsewhere to irradiate
our path and to guide our steps.
For ten years, precisely the period which elapsed be
tween the Stamp Act ol 1 dia and the night when Samuel
Adams and John Hancock caused the Tea to be thrown
overboard in the harbour of Jloston, the public mind of
South Carolina has vigil mtly watched the progress which
the government of the Union was making towards the point I
which it has at last reached ; a consolidation in the hands
of an irresponsible majority, of almost every essential at
tribute of sovereignty which tho states vainly supposed
they had reserved to themselves.—We began hy humble
petitions, argumentative expositions, deferential remon
strances, terminating, after travelling through every sign of
the political zodiac, which marks a poor depcndance upon
a great and imperial central head, and in Protests which
we had the folly to think would at least he read hy our op
pressors, although they were inr.apablo of answering the
arguments on which they rested.
Jl a redress of our wrongs was posfponod we were al
ways t(Jd that when the Public Debt was paid, a reduction
would he made in fhe amount of flic tribute which *v.- paid,
and which formed a principle item in the aggregate of our
grievances.—That event lias, for all financial purposes,
taken place, and we see it accompanied hy the tokens, that
(lie will of the majority is substituted for the constitution;
ami not a ray of nope beams upon us, to tell us, that we
are to expect even a hare and scanty justice. The Sec
retary of the Treasury, and the great champion of (he :
American System, in desnjtc of their angry contest for
power, have both presented identical propositions for what
they are pleased to call modifications of the Tariff.
The scheme, fellow-citizens, of the reduction thus offer
ed is a gross insult to your understandings, and an unwar
rantable piracy on your pockets. It is, indeed, nothing
short of an expedient lo keep tho entire pressure of the re
strictive system on the articles of foreign production, which
purchase our staples, and to remove its burden from all
those articles which enter into fhe consumption of tho
manufacturing Status, without entering into a competition
w ith their products. In one wont, it decrees that there
shall he, in effect, a steady discriminating duly, of fifty per
centum on Southern, and a bounty of filly per centum on
Northern industry. Disguise it as you may, this modifi
cation makes the Southern States Colonies.
Now, in all possible calmness and solemnity, wc will
| ask whether we have delegated this power l Is it exer
i clscd as a substantive power to protect iiiamifnctiires? Is
! there one word on this subject in the Constitution ? And
is it not derived hy an implication which is utterly repu
I '•'•'led by a derision of the very question at issue in the
Convention which formed that instrument.
Hut we do not propose to moot Constitutional questions.
I lie argument lias been exhausted. We desire to give
j a more practical scope to our reflections.
It may he asked, what are we to do? The answer is at !
hand. Why, rrnint. What, hy popular tumult and revo
lufiouary violence? No—we are yet a sovereign party lo
(lie compact, and our State lias nothing to do hut to say,
1 on tho high authority of her sovereignty, tli.it her citizens I
»W1 no! pay this tribute, and It iri/J not bo paid.
1* cllow-citizen*, should Congress rivet this system upon
u.«. we do not see Iqpv the constituted authorities of our
State can retrain horn propounding to you in your sove
reign capacity the alternative of ltesistance or Submis
sion ! \\ e are tree to conics* that our associations (with*
out arrogating to oumcfvc* even the privilege of advising
our public functionaries as to the course they should pur- I
site.) arc distinctly and unalterably in favor ot tho former, i
because we believe that submission w ould cover with de- !
solatiou as well a* shame, that section of country which i
would he literally placed under the ban ol the Cmpirc: be- j
cau*c we believe with our prosperity the spiiit of freedom i
so essential to the )>rcservalion ot free institutions would
depart lorever; liecause we could not live under the burn
ing shame of being recreant to tho precepts and examples
ol that ancestry Iruin whom wo indeed derived a noble he
Hut thanks to the w isdom which framed the Constitution,
wo have something higher and better than the servile
right to rebel; and that in the confederate lorm of our
Government, in the lescrvalion to the State* of all rights
notgdelegated, the sovereign authority of a State is amply
competent without cot.otion or bloodshed, to shield its
citizens from tyranny and oppression. When our State
•.hall determine to interpose its sovereign authority, we
leel a confidence w hich no distrust shall impair, that those
dilli rent es w hich alter all have resulted rather Irom ab
sti let refinements of constitutional law, than from any
other cause, will he buried in the-ramparts we will throw
around our country, that her peril will be the cement of
our Union—her honor, her success and her glory, the
common objects of our joint and undying ctlbrts.' The
Press, which is the peaceful engine of this Association,
shall continue its challenges on the watch-tower. We
call upon those who think and feel with us, tube firm, con
sistent, tranquil, and patiently to await the decision of Con
gress. Our Representatives arc struggling for us and lor the
Constitution, with a zeal worthy* ol their great cause, ami
with an ability w liicli wins applause even from tlicir ad
versaries.^ I bough desponding, tlicir exertions are not re
mitted. Their past conduct—their high character—their
known patriotism, entitles them to our confidence. They
will not give up the cause of their country, until a relentless
majority close the discussion and tell them to despair._
y "y r lun 19 f'wcn, ami we are repulse*! from
t le floors ol Congress, shall wo obey them when they tell
US to despair? .Vo/ God forbid! No. The liberties of
South t nrolina arc not held at the pleasure ol a majority in
Congress, hut by the tenure ol her own courage. She is
a free, sovereign, and independent State; and while her
citizens are true to themselves, she will continue to bo a
ree, sovereign, and independent State.
It is our duty, Fellow.Citizens, to warn you to be pre
pared to support the rightsof your State. Wo do not doubt
that you have the constitutional right to determine on the
mode and measure of redress upon such an event as wo
.ire contemplating; and still less do wo question your de
termination to preserve your liberties at all hazards; and
when it is at length determined that you are to he perpetu
ally subjected to a system characterized by every thing
that can define a tyranny the most odious, we will join in
ono common ellort lor the liberty and honor of the State,
for we will not believe that there can ho any division
among us. I o those ol our I\ How Citizens who may en
tertain honest did'erem-t-s ol opinion with us, we would say,
look at our country !—liow much more arc you willing
she should heat ? Do you desire that her submission should
he protracted until resistance would terminate in weakness
and disgrace? The State calls upon her Sons to defend her
rights; and in whatever form she may choose, proclaims
her purpose TO RESIST.
C. J. COLrOCK, Chairman.
Edw. Fisher,
Nath’n. Heyward,
William C. Preston,
Evan Benbow,
Benjamin F. Elmore,
Samuel Prioleau,
Waddy Thompson, Jr.
William A. Bull,
A. P. Butler,
Thompson T. Player,
John K. Charles,
t ol. a m. Preston then rose and addresed the Con
vention in support of the foregoing document; which, af
ter the conclusion of Col. P.’s remarks, was put to the
Convention and unanimously adopted.
I lie President then enquiring if thero were other Re
solutions to he presented, and no other business appearing,
he closed the meeting of the Convention by a brief vale
dictory address.
And so this Convention stands adjourned sine die.
Secretary of the Convention.
VAl.l ABLE BLOOD HORSES.—There are now
lor sale at the Central Hotel, two Fii.lies, be
longing to the estate ol Alexander Brodnax, dec.; and al
so a line young Stallion. They will he sold under tho
superintendence of JAMES J. HARRISON.
March 6. 97_p
7/y the Governor of the Commonwealth of Virginia.
AI’ROt LA MA I ION.— \\ hereas an assault was com
mitted on the 16th August l ist, on a certain William
l)avis, t.y a slave named JOHN, the property of Robert
" • Farter, of Richmond county—the said Davis was em
ployed as an overseer on a farm in the county of Rich
mond, belonging to Ihe said Carlcr, and was so severely
wounded by repealed blows, as to die in 5 or 6 days there
after; John immediately absconded, and is now going at
large: Now, therefore, I, John Floyd, Governor of the
Commonwealth of Virginia, do hereby offer a reward of 200
Dollars to any person or persons, who will apprehend
and convey to the jail of Richmond county the said slave
John; and I do, moreover require all officers, civil and mil
litary, and exhort the good people of this Commonwealth,
to use their best endeavors to cause the said fugitive John
to he aprehended, that he may be dealt with as the law
Given under my hand as Governor, and under the seal
[Seal] of the Commonwealth at Richmond, this
2d day of March, 1832.
.... „ JOHN FI.OYI).
John is between 25 and 27 years of age, rather under
the ordinary size, ol black complexion, ami badly formed.
Ills lace is marked in its character and expression, in eon
sequence ol his forehead being very high, running up into
points above the temples, and giving the appearance ol
baldness—his eyes are also remarkable for being promi
nent, and the whites ol a smoky color. No bodily scar is
remembered. He has acquaintances in the lower part of
Northumberland and Lancaster counties, Va.; also in
Loudoun, near Leesburg and Winchester, in Frederick
county, Va., in the vicinity of which places he is supposed
to be, it he has not left the State.
Murch 6- 07—w4w
0N. CI,!A^,':FRY.—VmoiNiA—At Rules holdcn in
the ( lerk s Office of the Circuit Superior Court of Law
and Chancery lor Henrico county, the 6th day of Febru
ary, 1832:
Ann Dent McRae, the wife of Alexander McRae, by
James McRae, her next friend, pltff.
Alexander McRae and others, defts.
1 he defendant above-named not having entered his np- !
pearancc and given security according to the Act of As-I
sembly and the Rules of this Court, and it appearing by
satisfactory evidence, that he is not an inhabitant of this
country- It is ordered. That the said defendant do appear
before the Judge of our said Court, at the Capitol, in the !
city of Richmond, on the first day of the next May Term, 1
to he holdcn for Ihe trial of civil causes, and answer the !
bill of the plaintiff; and that a copy of this Order be forth
with inserted in some newspaper published in the city of
Richmond, for two months successively, and posted at the
front floor of the Capitol, in the paid city.
A Copy. Teste, J. ROBINSON, C. C.
March 6._ »7—wSw
Drawn JYot. in the Virginia Petersburg Lottery, jYo. 2.
lO 510 .*5 7 II a:t :is 99
«*« firket No. 7, II, 53, Ihe handsome Capital of $2,000'
also 19, 22, 11, were both sold and paid at sight as usual
$20,000 Capital—and 100 prizes of $1,000
Virginia Nwnutp Izollery 4.
To be drawn in the City of ttirhniond, Fiidau Kith
March, 1832.
60 No. Lottery—10 drawn ballots.
1 Prize of $20,000 is $20,000
J. 10,000 ... 10,000
1. 6,000 ... 5,000
. 1 8,000 - . . 3,000
100 . 1,000 ... 100,000
rickets $10, Halves $5, Quarters $2 50.
Rioor.it continues to sell and pay at sight most of the
l apltal I rlzcs, and to purchase almost every description
Uncurrent Hank Notes on the most liberal terms.
U j Orders meet the most prompt attention, and the Offi
cial drawing forwarded to all those who may desire it.
. TllO. H. DIGGER.
Htfiom has recently sold and paid at sight the lollow
mg Ur* ml (apifnN, viz:
No. 10 32 15 Grand Capital of $30,000
27 3 l 50 do " 10.000
2s *2 If tlo 10,000
20 10 5| do 10,000
:l ;jl 61 do 10,000
61 53 do 10,000
2 56 «| do 6,500
2 H 31 do 0,000
8 22 28 do 5,000
be. be.—And Where more Capital Prizes have been sold
and paid at sight, than at any other Office in America
March 0. 07—td TllO. B. DIGGER.
ICh'IiiiioimI, Tuesday, ^lareliO.
The Governor of Alarylaiul sul....;!*<•»I to the Le
gislature, with his Message, a resolution of the Ge
neral Assembly of Delaware, declaring that “the best
interests of the country do not require the re-election
ol Andrew Jackson.’ — 1 he Committee to whom it
was referred, reported in accordance with.it, the fol
lowing resolution:
“ Jiesolved, That the course of that patriot and states
man, Henry Clay, has our gratitude ; and we behove that
the best interests of the nation would be greatly promoted
by his election to the Presidency of the United States, af
ter the present term ol office of Andrew Jackson shall
have expired :—And we, therefore, recommend said Hen
ry Clay, as a suitable person for President ol the United
Slates. •
•A nrious substitutes were proposed in lieu of this
resolution ; and among others, the following by Air.
Ely: J
" lit solved. That we do not agree with the Legislature
of Delaware in its opinions of President Jackson; but we
do agree with the Legislatures of Maine, New Hamp
shire, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Y’irginia,
Norili' arolina, Georgia, Tennessee, Alabama, Mississip
pi I llinois, Missouri, all(| „ith n,0 ,„;,jolity ,|lc. |)00'|0
°t duo. Kentucky, Louisiana, Indiana, and Maryland,
that the best interests of the country demaud the re-clec
Iion ol Andrew Jackson, and that his administration has
been conducted most honorably and triumphantly for him
seh, and most serviceably for the U. S.”
They were all rejected ; and the original rcsolu
in II aiiopicd in the 11. ol 1)., •).) to 1/—along with
tin* following additional resolution :
“ Jlnd Resolved, also, That wo recommend John Ser
geant, of Pennsylvania, as a fit and proper person lor tho
next A ice Presidency of tho United States.”
Now, mark the confidence which this great ma
jority have in their own cause, or in the People of
Maryland.—Tho very next day, “after tho “Nation
als had passed their “Resolution,” declaring the
Pkopi.k of Maryland to be in favor of Clay,and
against Jackson, Mr. Hunt, a Jackson member, pro
posed to them to adopt the General Ticket System in
this Sutte ; whereby the vote ol every man would
teJ*‘ Tl'°y hud just resolved, ho said, that tlic people
of Maryland preferred ('lay to Jackson, and lie was
willing to test the matter.”—llut the friends of Clay
hacked out. They would not try their strength lie
lore the People ; and the resolution was rejected !
Flic Convention ol Pennsylvania lias just been held
in IIam-duirg—105 Debates present. They nominated
Joseph Kitncr as tlwir candidate lor Governor—and
also an Electoral ticket, (to vote for AVirt and Ellmak
er ) (),ie queer resolution was unanimously adopted—viz:
recommending to both Houses of the Legislature the pro
priety of introducing into the State Library “.Morgan's
Illustrations of .Masonry,'' with two other Anti-Masonic
productions.—'file mover ot the resolution did not hesitate
to express bis belief, that “Morgan's book contained
more information than any I look at present in the Library
ami that it ought to be placed there, that its value might be
generally seen and admired throughout the whole State.”
—Tins resolution has given riso to a grave debate in the
I I. ot K.—which had not terminated at the dale of our
last advices.
! The lion ble Air. John Holmes, publishes in the last
V Intelligencer more than two columns and a half of
what purports to be an “Address to his Constituents, de
clining a re-clcction to the Senate of the U. S'' llis
term of service will expire on the Sd March, 1833_And
this Address is probably a matter of supererogation; lor,
Mr. II. declines are-election, which lie might never ob
tain. In this last AA ill and I estament, lie declares he secs
“no remedy lor the disease (of tho present state of things)
hut a change in the Federal Administration”—and gives
it as liis “decided belief, that it is Mr. Clay, orthere is no
one, who is to rescue us from tho desolation which threat
I ens us!” Ail amiruhlc“remedy,” indeed!
Notwithstanding .Air. Clement has been proved
utterly unworthy of all credibility, vet has he sinco
been relied upon by the N. Intelligencer,and by Mr.
\ (Mice in the II. of II., (as he was previously by Air
Poindexter in the Senate,) as a credible witness
against the Post Master General.—The last Globe |
notices in the following indignant terms, and in the j
most authoritative manner, the use which lias thus
been made of the notorious witness:
I lie Lditors ol the N. Intelligencer cite a new do - I
position of the individual who bore testimony for Air. Poin- ;
dexter in the Senate, as furnishing ground of attack on I
the 1 ost Office Department. This individual status, that i
after the 1 ost AI aster General had made an objection to
the appointment of himself, as an Editor, to a Post Office ;
Mr. Hci gen replied to the Post Alastcr General, that the !
appointment of said Clement, tho Editor, was “the wish
ol the parly''-—that “Mr. Jinn y had no right to object,''
«ui(l that ( lenient “was accordingly appointed.’*
“ " e should not have noticed this statement but for the ;
use made of it by Afr. Vance in the House of Keprosenta- i
tives, and by the Editors of the Intelligencer. Wc arc
authorized to contradict it, as totally unfounded. The Ldi- ,
torso! the Intelligencer knew the Post Alastcr to he whol
ly ■uc-ipablo-ef making appointments from such motives or
under any such dictation ns is pretended in the article ’al- \
nuh-.l to. How can they endorse such ridiculous charges5”
I bn situation in which Air. Poindexter fins placed
himself, by a resort to such u witness, is thus Mron"
ly exposed by the Unltimoro Republican:
“It may he recollected that his speech against Mr. Van
Horen was made up of insinuations; and n representation I
that he had heard, from different individuals, of undoubted
integrity, certain statements respecting Air. Van Huron,
which were Very disreputable to him; and which clearly
satisfied bis mind that the nomination should not he con •
firmed; but his hearers were left to their imaginations with
regard to die measures so much censured, or the indivi- '
duals upon whose testimony the honorable gentleman rest- '
ed for the facts, with the single exception of the statement
contained in Clement’s letter, and tho name of the author
of that statement.
runn nils met wo aro loll to inter (fiat in the judgment
of Mr. Poindexter, this man was sufficiently respectable
to justify hi* acting upon his testimony, and of endeavor*
ing to prevail upon others to do the same. If lie did not,
lie can make no apology which ran lie satisfactory to any
reasonable man; and to suppose that he acted upon this pre
sumption is placing the matter in the most favorable light
Ibr him of which we can conceive.
“ To bring forward such a letter, upon such an occa
sion, was no small affair; and Mr. Poindexter, if lie had
any regard for the station he filled, or the character of the
body ot which lie was a member, should have taken some
little pains to have satisfied his mind that the evidence lie
was about to introduce to the notice ol the Senate, was en
titled to some little regard among honorable minds, as a
man of veracity, and in omitting to do so, lie has been
guilty of a course extremely disreputable, and to plead a
want of knowledge of (lie character ot his witness, and that
lie had made no effort to obtain it, is only making bad
worse. *
“ \ ct, as Clement lias involved him, and his friend Mr.
Moore, in some difficulty by his extreme volubility, lie
buds himself reduced to the necessity, jn order to escape
trom imputations destructive to his character as a public
man, to allege that he had no knowledge whatever of
( leinent, and that he had made no effort to acquire it. Nor
is this all: but (rorn llie whole tenor of his recent conduct,
it is perfectly obvious that he is endeavoring to impressup
nn the public mind, the idea that the witness whom tie in
troduced to the Senate, as one upon whoso voracity he rest
ed his vote against Mr. Van Boren, is utterly unworthy
of any degree of credit.—Mere is a complete giving up of
the ghost—an effectual overturning of (lie ground upon
which lie rested ids vote, which led him into all his pres
ent difficulty. *
“In order, now, to satisfy the public mind that lie had
no knowledge of Clement, and that lie made no effort to I
obtain it, lie has brought forward another witness, (Judge
M Lrrtn of A'nr York,) who, we believe stands hut lit
! . ’ ,,nn?A *''K*'cr public estimation than Clement
himself. Iruly, Mr. Poindexter stand* in a very awk-i
ward predicament, and the most honorable excuse lie ran
uiake will he to retire as speedily as possible from public
Since it is now rendered obvious that t'lement, who
was his principal witness, j,, even in Mr. Poindexter’s!
judgment, unworthy of credit, we may safely conclude
that the witnesses upon whose representations he found
ed Ins insinuations, are t,0 better than they should hr—
notwiUifttanrfing hi* hi^h opinion of thrlr infr^rify; an<l,
consequently, it must appear obvious to enlightened men,
that the rejection of Mr. Van Buren'e nomination, by the
. cnate, was a piece of gross injustice, ami highly derogato
ry to the character ot the Senate.”
I he Journal at Washington, which support* the inter
ests of Mr. Calhoun, is really unworthy of notice. We
have suffered it to lavish its abuse upon ua; to pervert our
article*; to mis represent our motive*, with perfect Impuni
ty. « « have convicted it* Editor of falsehood and of fol
rW® ,“rw wi,,inK for the world to judge of tha
attack* <>r such an accuser, without any reply on our part.
e pass by, lor the same reason, the illiberal and pitiful
use, Winch he is attempting to make ol Appomutox. But
we cannot altogether pass without notice, an article in tho
l id I elegrapli, which touches an official act in which wo
'v*:,r'‘ a^cuted wiU. the Speaker of the II. of Delegates.
,lt‘‘,l*“ *«» calling the Caucus on
the 28th of February, wo had an eye to the Harrisburg
Convention of the 4tl. inst.; and that the object of the
blends of Mr. N an lh.ren was defeated by the adjourn
n" ut ot the Caucus on the 28th.—'To such as are ac
quainted with those transactions, these assertions are
known to bo as foolish, as they are false. We nlcdiro
ourselves to Uie Public, that in selecting the day of the
meeting, there was not the least account taken ol the
llurrisburg Convention—and that no party considerations
ot any sort entered into the reasons of such a selection.
None but a lo\V and grovelling mind could possibly have
formed any such suspicion. *
I t is impossible to say when the Legislature will adjourn.
Not beloro the loth of March-,*,baps next Monday
week. I lie House ol Delegates lias nearly 100 bills afloat!
oat, in some shape or other—and some of them of much im
portance-several ot them creating joint-stor k companies,
for making roads, carrying on manufactures of cotton imn
Ste., working mines, &c—Among these bills, i,,,heone lor
establishing a company to connect the Eastern and West
cm waters ol V irginia with a capital of five million* ami
the privilege ot extending it—one, authorizing the Board
of I ublic Works to subscribe to the stock of the Lynch
burg and New river rail-road—another, to authorize tho
same company to extend their rail-road from New river to
Knoxville, or to any point West of it—a fourth, to autho
rize a subscription ot $75,000 on behalf of the State to tho
v ,,,c(1,0»ter and Potomac rail-road—a filth, to authorize
the f oinnnssioncrs of tho Staunton and Potomac rail-road
company to keep open tho books for the $3,000,000 and
aUo to extend the road to < ovinglon, or to Puttoiisburg_a
sixth, a bill, to incorporate a company to establish a rail
road from Portsmouth to some point on the Roanoke river
with a capital ol $400,000 (the trustees of Portsmouth
being authorized to borrow $50,000 of the sum 011 tho
credit ol the town, &.c.)
A Series or l*<U li ;iil s- \o. a.
. Wasiiinotox,-.
It was at the President’s house that 1 was first mado ac
quainted with the Secretary of tho Navy. I had lor
merly heard him on the floor of the Senate. It mav he
presumed, that I expected to find in this gentleman all
those characteristic deferences which are known to obtain
between the men ol the South and those of the farther
ISoi lli. and in this regard I was not tlisap|>omte(]. It can
not !»e denied that the “Southrons’* are often improvident
m their expenditures—warm in their personal attachments
—hitter and boisterous in their enmities—that in the en
joyment of the present, they arc regardless of the future—
that they are open and vehement in maintaining their no
hncal principles—and that they have strong predilections
lor the imaginative and splendid. The system of slavery
which obtains amongst them, makes them prouder and
more tenacious ol tin ir personal dignity than they would
otherwise be: the extensiveness of their domains, and the
Imhits ol command exercised in their cultivation, have a
tendency to render them restless and irascible umh4 anv
opposition to their will or their wishes. Hence it is that
they often maintain their opinions with a pertinacity*bor
dering upon dogmatism, and that some of them will «uar
rel “oil the ninth part ol a hair,” mid put every thing to
hazard “to pluck up drowned honor by the locks.” It is
not often that you will find these traits in the citizen of
the Last—having been the subject of those hard-featured
systems of education which are in fashion in his country
m which every thing is for gain and nothing for grace—
every thing for necessary use, and nothing lor liberal splen
dor. \\ lnl-t the son of the Virginian is w asting his
strength in “strenuous idleness,” his young brother of tho
North is acquiring habits of business, and whetting his
(acuities to find out the means ol future comfort and inde
pendence, by selecting the most eligible theatre for his
jnanly exertions, and watching with caglo eyes for somo
position where he can stand erect, and whence lie can di
rect his blows. In this state of probation, he is cool and
collected; and, inexperienced as he is, often unites to an
attenuated perspicuity, a degree of worldly policy, verging
towards worldly prudence. There is hardly any thing
which society needs that the ingenuity of our Northern
neighbours is not ready to supply—from hay packed in
hales, up to standard spelling-books and dictionaries, and
new systems ol practical and mental arithmetic. Tho
truth is—these people, divested as they arc, in a good de
gree, ol the enthusiasm of sentiment, are devoted to tho
useful. The subject of this sketch is a hardy son of New
Hampshire—about forty-seven years of age—bis person is
of the ordinary height—his shoulders broad—his chest
hill, and form sturdy, and inclining to the “on bon
point.” His manner in mixed society fe almost with
out grace—grave, cold, and generally unattractive It
requires the acquaintance ol but a moment to satisfy
you, that this man is an enthusiast in nothing —
In his visage there is, however, none of the gloominess
of the puritan. Mr. Woodbury has long been a favorite
m ins native State- After practising law for some years
with ability and success, lie was appointed one of the Su
preme Judges, and was afterwards elected Governor, and
then to the Senate ol the U. S.
Ili-. political principles have ever been unquestioned.—
He is an unflinching Republican—a worthy successor of
old John Langdon—and a true disciple of the school of Jef
lei son. The doctrines which he maintained whilst he was
Governor, and a member of the Senate, were decisively
in favor ol the rights ol the States, and a strict construc
tion ol the Federal Constitution. For his consistency ho
deserves to he applauded. It is vain to deny the useful
ness ol an honorable party-feeling founded on principle_
and whilst we adhere steadfastly to our own politk.d pre
dilections, we respect a similar fidelity in others.
W hen 1 first heard Mr. Woodbury in the Senate, I was
struck by his strict regard for propriety. It would be im
possible lor him to revile any of those establishments,
which, by the common feeling of the rest ol the world, -
arc marke«l out as objects of respect, reverence, or ad mini
lion. His rank in the Senate was high. When he roso
to speak, his manner was little captivating and gracious._
Slill, lie exhibited a eoii-iderabft share of intrepidity of
temper and political courage, and in his address there was
nothing artificial or affected. He was wholly above all at
tempts to raise an exaggerated opinion of bis talents. Well
aware lliat this is not the age of mystery, but of free dis
cussion and unreserved disclosure, lie acted in his speeches
up to this prevailing spirit of the times. He was not dis
tinguished by much enthusiasm of manner. He had no
lively sense of the ridiculous, nor any talent for raillery.—
He had none of that terrible power ol retort—none of
that ready, delicate, poignant, and sometimes audacious
wil, nor heartfelt bitterness, which marks the eloquence
ol some of our Orators, and which pours itself forth in a
torrent ol keen, unsparing, irresistible invective. He was
no Ishmacl in politics—and if he could not act the part of
a Statesman, lie would not descend to that of a factious
It w as clear that his examination of his subject was nei
ther slight nor superficial. What lie said was without
cant, and his knowledge was displayed without pedantry.
Ills arguments were so well conceived, and always so de
corously dressed out with expression, as to strike the atten
tion. lie never shook the. confidence of the Senate,
hv maintaining what was either subtle or sophistical!
I . ncvcr defined, where every thing was plain—nor
distinguished, where there was not a shadow of n diflTer
enre. W hen he was called on todisenss a qm stioQ.lie met
and discussed it without hustle or parade—with seriousness,
w ith candor .and with logical accuracy and precision, lie was
content to shew Unit his adversaries were wrong, withou
attempting to prove them dishonest, lie sometimes holt-’
td the prominent idea oi his mind upon his audience with
great lorcc. The master faculty of Mr. W oodbury is rea
son—Ins master science, if I may dignify it with this mime,
is business. He is a man “re/;u« rial us agemlit.” In
drawing a report, his language is apt and expressive._
I be clearness of his understanding supplies him with a lu
cid arrangment. Asa writer,his taste is more just th.iu
delicate: hut his style is pure and perspicuous.
I heard Mr. Woodbury upon one occasion, when he put
forth all Ids strength: and whilst tie was speaking, I was
led to find out something physical, which would illustrato
the decided contrast between the mind of the orator, amt
the incumbent of the ( hair. That of (be former seemed
to me like a road wagon, complete in all its equipments,
;»i»(l strong in all its part*, moving over a McArinmiccd **
turnpike;—that of the latter, like a high pressure stcain
carriage descending an inclined plane of a rail-road. I
could think of nothing which would better convey tho
ideas which .1 entertained of tho two men. Throughout
the speech, which was of more than two hours duration, the
Score i uy did not employ a single trope, or simile, or compari
son. The power of imagination seemed to he dead in him
or else his master faculty, reason, had chased it away._'
llis mind seemed to he steadily fixed on the business
which ho had in h ind, and in finding out what would be
most useful lor Ids purpose. I question very much, if
this gentleman w ere on a race-course in Virginia—whether
his mind would not he employed, all the time, the horses
were running, Hie riders whipping and spurring, and tho
animals themselves elated with the hope of victory—in
reasoning on the value of the liorso in agriculture, in war,
hr. hr. and his wonderful adaptation to the useful purpo
ses lor which he was created. And in this reverie, | Ain
sure he would hear neither the revelry o( the victorious
party nor the regrets of the defeated- or, if he did, he
would w onder how “these Virginians” could be elevated td
«uch a slate of clamorous joy, or sunk to such despondency
by the result of a horse race. During Mr. Woodbury’s
service in the Senate, he was cool and sagacious. His
tone was calm and gentlemanlike; whilst the struggle be
tween the, contending parties was constant, personal and
acrimonious, he never deviated from the path of modera
tion. II<r did every thing to inform, but notiiing to in*

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