Richmond enquirer. [volume], March 15, 1832, Image 2

About Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867

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industry ih at tin' lowest |>i>»iblc grade, no one can rti<
flomtily doubt. The lint part of the proposition is then
made out, and the citizens of the southscllat the cheapest
rate.
The efTectnl' Helling cheap, ami buying dear, must be
apparent to all. The consequence of such a traffic is ruin.
Inevitable ruin. This assertion requires no pi oof to su«
tain it. r.very man's common sense, however small may
he Ins shared that, the best of all sort of sense, will a*,
sure him of this. Let any man, for instance, deal lor Ins
supplies with a country store, for any length of time, and he
will lind the most ample estate melting away. Why is thi«,
but that, while lie e!it.tins lor his produce a low price, he
has to pay, in many instances, a hundred per cent, upon
many articles ot coiisiii.sptuin necessary l »r the supply ol
his family and estate? Such will he found to he the ope
ration ol the taiill, as I shall lie able satislitclorily to j*rove
to tho Senate belorc 1 take my seat.
II reduced prices appertain equally to all things, then
matters go on happily and harmoniously. It only requires
the same quantity oi produce to purchase what is went*
ing. an I no evil arises. Hut ths- reverse is true, when
product) is low ami articles of consumption high. I.et
mu illustrate this by the plainest example. If tobacco, or
corn, or cotton,or any other article raised from the soil,
(lor the result will equally apply to all; hut (or the sake
of simplifying, take tobacco,) bill from ten dollars a hun
dred to live, and broadcloth fall from ten to live.it isper
iccuv odmous in.it mo same hundred weight ol tobacco
piirch ise* a yar»l of broadcloth, ax it did be tore tho fall in
price; but it tobacco tall to live, while the broadcloth re
»•'»»»* •'( tc» dollars the yard, then the tobacco planter
h.w to exchange two hundred pounds ol tobacco lor a
yard of broadcloth. In other words, he has either to dou
ble his production, incurring in that process great addi
tional expense, to be sattstiod with only one hall the broad
cloth ,u formerly, or to to in debt for the residue. Now,
sir, these are elli-cts produced by the high tariff of duties
and this has made us the advocates of that despised
thinz called free trade, and lor this it has been said that
we advocate a policy which would recolonizo America.
The imputation is unjust—against Mr. Gee’s system our
ancestors protested, and against that system wo would
wage never-ending hostility. Sir, we oppote this Amcri
cm system, because it rests upon the same principle.
W hat was the English system, and what this? England
said you shall buy only of us, and pay a tax in the bar
K'dn—what is the language of this? You shall buy only
of uortlicru mechanists, and be heavily taxed in the har
e (in. Is not this the language of the American system in
effect? Is it not a declaration that we shall buy only of
domestic fabrics, and that at an exorbitant price, as I shall
presently show, unless wo pay a burdensome duty for the
privilege of consuming foreign goods?—a duty, which, in
some instances* operates so heavily ns to shut out importa
tion altogether, and in every instance, is oppressive and
burdensome to the last degree. Do not both equally in
vade the principle of liberty? The same heavy an»i op
pressive manacles are put on commerce by each; and (he
agiculturist, through the instrumentality of whose labor
commercial exchanges can alone he effected, is made to
bend under a weight of burden which proses him to the
earth.
Simplify this American system, and what is it? Take
lor illustration lour individuals: one shall represent the
southern producer, the second the English manufacturer,
and the remaining two, northern manufacturers. The
southern farmer interchanges the valuable productions of
the soil at their minimum price of production, with the
English manufacturer, for articles necessary for his con
sumption, at their minimum price of fabrication. The
exchange thus made is equally beneficial to each, and
neither, notwithstanding the great fall in price which has
taken place in the li-uits of their industry, experiences de
cline. The first obtains for his flour, Ins tobacco, his cot
ton, or rice, a* great a quantity of the articles which con
stitute the mass of Ids consumption, as he formerly did
when he obtained much higher prices; and so does the
latter. Tho means of living as abundantly as over, exists
with both, and both are equally prosperous; hut the two
northern capitalists suddenly interpose, and forbid this
advantageous course of exchange. They shackle it with
heavy restraints, imposing upon the farmer the necessity
cither ol purchasing of them at a greatly augmented price,
or of encountering still greater exactions in the courscol
the foreign trade. They are enabled to legalize their pur
pose, if indeed injustice can ever be legalized, by the ma
jority—pirnor which they wield. I submit it to honora
ble Senators, to say, if I have not drawn, by (bis exam
ple, the epitome of tho American system ; and I
demand of all candid men to say, whether the power thus
exerted is not sclti-di, despotic, and unjust. Sir, if this
matter was hi wight to any particular neighborhood, and
made there to operate upon individuals, eloquence and
ingenuity combined could not gloss it over, or hide its de
formity from the public eye. Take three individuals
in any neighborhood, and let the urlicle involved he
one of acknowledged necessity—one ol these suppos
ed persons is a purchaser of corn for his own consump
tion, and the other two are farmers, one of whom, however,
by reason of the superior fertility ot Ins land, is enabled to
sell his corn at fifty cents the bushel, whereas the other,
cultivating a poorer soil, and laboring under oilier disad
vantages, can only afford to raise if at eighty cents. Now,
who would doubt for a single Instant but that flic buyer|
would be greatly he no fitted by purchasing his supply of
the first at the small price rather than ol the last? Hut, sup
pose the Government dared to interfere in the matter, and
exacted of the purchaser thirty cents in the bushel on the
corn which he might purchase from the abundant produ
cer; and should, moreover, assign as (he reason for such
interference, no want of revenue on the part of the Go
vernment, but a determination so to elevate the price of
corn ns to enable the second farmer to command eighty
rents per bushel lor his ; who, within the wide-spread lim
its ol this Union—who, having any relish for freedom on
tho face of the habitable globe—would hesitate to pro
nounce such conduct arbitrary and despotic ? If an im
perial monarch, armed with ah olutc power, levied such
an exaction, would he not ho justly denounced by man
kind as a tyrant ? Was (he per capita tax in the time of
Richard the f I., or of ship-money by Charles I., more in
vasion of right and liberty ? And yet tho spirit of English
freedom was roused to resistance in both these instances,
and in both, the monarch w as made to tremble on his
throne.
I I»h system only Iroin the circumstance of
its being enveloped in mist which the public inind has not
vet penetrated. It presses upon men with a hand which
although li lt, is not seen. Its action is indirect, and there
fore not lolly understood by the great mass of mankind.
Sir, I hesitate not to say, that if its action was diiect, the
system would melt beneath the blaze ol popular indigna
tion. Take any one of the numerous taxes which it im
poses, and levy it directly on individuals. Send your tax
gatherer to each and every person in the United States
once in the year, to collect the sums now’ exacted by this
protective system upon the articles which each has con
sumed, and you would he answered in a voice w hich would
cause you to tremble in your high places, if it did not
shake you out of them. Send your tax-gatherer on the
last day of December in every year, to ascertain of the
farmer the quantity of hrown sugar which he has consum
ed in his family during the year.— I lake sugar out of no
invidious spirit, because all other items on the tax list aro
equally obnoxious, hut merely because (he process of ana
lysis is more plain and palpable. Well, sir, the visit is
paid, and the requisition made; let us imagine the dialogue
which would arise between the parties. Our fellow-citi
zens are somewhat inquisitive, and like the people of other
countries, are rendered more so when demands arc made
upon their purses. The farmer would inquire into the
cause of the levy upon him of three cents in the pound up
on the brown sugar lie had used. Does the Government
want the money, he would ask, to meet its engagements?
The answer would be given without hesitation, in the ne
gative. Why, then, am I called on to pay it? The tax
gatherer, having received his instructions, would answer
that the tax w i« collected for the benefit of some seven
hundred rich planters in Louisiana, engaged in the pursuit
of sugar-making. This would doubles* excite great as
tonishment, and ibc inquiry would promptly follow' into
the motive and Ibe object. Please tell me, Mr. Tax-ga
therer, how I Win interested in this? The Government le
vies this tax upon you for the sugar planter, to enable
him to supply the American market; and if you will
but pay tho tax for twenty years, you will then get tho
sugar as cheap at home as you can now abroad; and then the
tax may cease. So, then, I am to pay three cents upon
every pound of sugar that I use for twenty years, in order
to obtain it as cheap (lien as I can note without the tax.
I low am I benefilted by this process? II, at the end of
twenty years, I am to get it no cheaper than I now do,
how is it possible, in the nature of things, that I can de
rive advantage from this process? The answer is at hand
when did error or injustice ever stand in want of apology
or apologists? V ou will then he independent of foreign na
tions, is the reply which the tax-gatherer would give, and
which we have beard a thousand times from the advocatesol
this miscalled American system. Independent offoreign na
tions! Sir, this is not only a shallow, but in some measure
an impious argument. An alt-wise Providence never de
signed that man should be independent of man, or nation
of nation, .uiq> irate man from bis species—throw him up
on Ins own unaided and unassisted resources—and you
convert him forthwith into a ferocious savage. So with a
nation. The ocean, which lias been aptly called the high
way ot nations, bears upon its bosom the rich freight ofihe
tu ts and sciences of one portion of the world in exchange
for those ot another. Light Is then given for light, and ci
vilization i* advanced to i*« highest point ol perfection.
Hut adopt the opposite policy—accomplish this work of in
dependence—-convert the frozen regions of the north into
the burning equator in th< ir productions; in other words,
set at naught tile d < r< cs of the Creator in the formation
of the globe, and let the ocean no longer be used for the
great purposes of commerce, and the hold pretension* ol
man would be punished by the results ol bis own short
sighted policy. Chaos would come again, and the night ol
gloom ami ignorance would enshroud the world. And af
ter all, are n«»t nations that-<c|| a* dependent upon nations
tb it buy, as the reverso? The dependence is mutual, and
that mutuality ol interest and dependence constitutes the
golden circle which embraces the universe
I r have embraced, in the abort analyst* which I have juat
njven, the whole argument in favor of tho tariff ayateui.
, l he answer accompanies it, amt the decision cannot be at
I variance with the opinions I am advocating. Operating
I «>n the member* ol an individual society, it would be
j highly oppressive and unjust; hut what shall we say of
; its efleets upou States—inter pares? The confederacy
. rests on the principle of perfect equality among itsjmeiu
hers. In impose a tax which operates unc<|ually among
the States enriching some and impoverishing others, is to
' violate that oiiginal design, and remove the iouiidutiou
stoue on which the social edifice was made to rest. But
it has ottcu been said, the .system is as well southern as
northern. lli<thc result of a general Jaw which em
braces all portions ol the Union. Why, then, do you of
the south not enter into it? The question is answered by
tho tact, that although the system his existed for sixteen
years we have not gone into it to any extent, and no ma
< hincry ol cousequence lias been introduced among us.
This is sufficient to prove that the system is not ours. Tlio
southern States are either not ripe lor it, or there is some
thing in their condition at war with its adoption. Can any
man be at a l<>-s to a-ign the reason? The north is exten
sively commercial—its capital is ., floating capital, and ean
he invested in any new pursuit with the greatest facility.
Hence, when through governmental interposition the em
ployment ol capital in iiiaiiulacturing establishments held
out the promise of greater profit from such employment
than from any other, the northern Slates stood ready
upon the* instant to avail themselves of such advan
tage*. But who is so blind as not to sec tho dif
icrence in me situation ultliesottlh? it is almost exclusively
agricultural. Its capital consists of lauds and slaves;, the
last convertible, to a limited extent, into money, but in
separable from the lands without sinking all profit on that
large portion ol capital invested in lands ; and if the far
mer was so reckless ot his interest as to make the separa
tion, it would he hut a transfer of the property from one
southern man to another, and would leave the condition
ol things unaltered. Landed estates can only be sold with
great difliculty, ami, when sold, are generally sacrificed.
Guru, then, is a fixed capital, not convertible into money,
except at great loss; and wo, therefore, have not,even
under the strong temptations which have been held out,
felt the influence of the manufacturing mania. The causes
which i have assigned operate as powerfully, so far as
they go, as climate. Let climate constitute the only in
gredient in the computation, and its influence ti|>on’ the
subject will he acknowledged hy till. Take, for example,
the duty on sugar, a duty, which, if it w as not sustained
hy others equally as exclusive in their character,
would he instantly ah unioned. Suppose the Slates
Ij't'U °ut ot the limits ol the sugar region should
object to it, as they assuredly would do, if it did
not constitute a part ol the cordon sauitaire ot the
\ mcrican system, would it avail to say to them that it w as
the result of a general law, applying to each State of the
1 nion, and therefore as much for them as for Louisiana?
Would so shallow a pretence avail its advocates in the
slightest degree? Our northern brethren understand the
operation of the causes which I have assigned, as well as
we oursclvcsdo; and this knowledge ol the true condition
ol things with us, urges them to sustain this system totis
etribus. Their profits arise from the engrossment of the
home market; hut suppose every State to become manu
facturing to an extent equivalent to its own supply, does
not every body readily perceive that from that moment
the large profits now realized would cease, and that there
would lie no deep concern felt in the preservation of the
system? It is because they win and we lose, that it is
maintained and supported; our distress is the strongest
evidence ol their prosperity; and through the agency of a
Government formed for the benefit of all, fortunes are
built up in one region at the expense of another. If there
can exist a stronger objection to the action of the Gov
ernment than this, I have not the wit to discover it. No
thing, to my mind, can be more odious; nothing more un
just.
riie honorable Senator’s invocation to Heaven, on the
second day of his speech, lor strength to enable him to
sustain the interests of this country in tho advocacy of
the American system, although it proceeded no doubt from
the most thorough conviction of the correctness of his I
opinion, appears to me to have boen out of place, lie es-1
ponses the interests of one portion of the Union against
another; and if lie implored strength and ability to sustain
the cause of the north against the south, his invocation
would have been more germain to the matter.
[Mr. Tyler here yielded tho lloor for a motion to ad
journ.] [To be continued in our next.]
CONGRESSIONAL \ \ \l. \ SIS.
Th* Senate did not sit on Saturday.
In (lie House of Representatives, Mr. F.. Everett,
from the ( ommittce on tho Library, roported a resolution
directing the Clerk to purchase two hundred and lorty co
Pjes of the Documentary History of the Bank of the
l- uited StateH.^ After a short debate the resolution was
agreed to. The hill to establish certain post roads, and to'
alter and discontinue others, and for other purposes, was
read the third time and passed. Mr. Doddridge moved a re
consideration of the vote rejecting the bill lor the benefit
ot Mrs. Decatur; but before the. question was decided, the
House adjourned.—Globe, March 12.
IVashiwgtoiv, March 13.
Congressional Analysis.— In tho Senate, yc.itcnl,iy,
after the morning business, the Apportionment Hill was ta
ken up, tho question being on the motion to amend the
amendment ollercd hy Mr. Webster, by striking out (hat
clause of it which provides for tho representation of frac
tions. The subject was discussed nearly three hours, hy
Messrs. Dickerson, Robbins, Buckner, Ifuyne, Mangum,
Sprague, ( layton, Webster, and Krelinghuysen, when (he
motion to amend tho amendment was carried hy a vote of
21 to 2.1. Mr. Hill moved to strike out 17,700 and insert
11.000, as the ratio in tho hill, which was lost. The hill
was then ordered t<> a third reading, hy a vote of 27 to 20.
i In the House of Representatives, after the presentation
\ °] petitions, the Ifou^c resumed the consideration of Air.
Clayton’s resolution for the appointment of a Select Com
mittee to examine the affairs of (he Bank of the U. S.—
The question being on the amendment proposed by Mr. j
Root, that tlie Committee he chosen by ballot. This •
amendment was supported by Messrs. Daniel and E. Ev- I
erett, and opposed by Messrs. Blair of S. Carolina, Lea- i
vitt, Drayton, Cambreleng, and Angel. Mr. Jenifer pro- '
posed to amend the resolution by directing the Committee I
to report hy the third Monday in April. Mr. Collier has
th'- floor lor Ibis day.— Globe.
POLITICK.
GEORGIA. ~
Convention to Nominated lricc President.—A Con
vention of Delegate* from the friends of the present ad
ministration in the different parts of the Union, is called to
he held in Baltimore on the third Monday in May next,
for the purpose of nominating a suitable person to run on
the Jackson ticket for Vice President. It is desirable, in
order to preserve harmony among all the true friends of
the President, that some one should be selected to fill the
second office, whom they can cordially support; and as in
this case it is necessary to consult the wishes of the whole,
a Convention for this purpose seems most proper and ex
pedient. No State is more united in its attachment to
(Jen. Jackson than Georgia, and she should not, there- :
fore, let this Convention pass unrepresented. The Geor
gia Journal has proposed that meetings should be called at
our different Superior Courts, for the choice of Delegates,
and has recommended the appointment of our delegation
in Congress to discharge the desired duty. By referring
to another column, it will be seen that the citizens of
\\ ashington, in Wilkes county, have held a meeting, in
which it was resolved (hat our Senators and Keprosenta- j
lives in Congress “ be reqested to represent the interests
and opinions of this meeting in said Convention, and in )
that body to unite with the Republican party of the Union |
in selecting a candidate for the Vice Presidency of the U.
States.” This example should be imitated, either in the [
way proposed by the Journal, or some other—for without!
vigilance our cause may be defeated. Recent events ,
have fully shown that the opposition to the administration ,
! is restless, combined and implacable; and if we. suffer our
selves to rely too much upon our own strength, and fail
to make the necessary exertion, a minority, by dividing
our ranks, may succeed in forcing upon us, a man whose
elevation would be deprecated by a large majority of the
American people.—Ithcnian, March 0.
(From the iVashington News.)
On Thursday, Feb. 23d, about 12 o’clock, a polifical meet
ing was held in \S ashington, in the court-house, according
to notice, for the purpose of appointing delegates to attend
the Convention which is to be held at Baltimore in May
next, for the purpose of nominating a Vice President.
Mr. Samuel Barnett was called to the Chair, and Mr. Wil
liam W. Smyth, appointed Secretary, when the following
resolutions were introduced and supported by (’apt. David
P. llillhouse. I hey passed without a dissenting voice.
Resolved, In the opinion of this meeting, it is essential
to the preservation of great political right*, to the several
members of this confederacy, that Gm. Andrew Jackson
be re-elected President of the U. Stales, and that some com
petent citizen be selected by the great republican party at
tached to (Jen. Jackson’s administration, to be supported
by that party for Vice President of the United States.
Resolved, I lut we suppott the purpose of the conven
tion proposed to be held at Baltimore, in May next,_and
that the lion. (J. M. Troup, J. Forsyth, R. If. Wilde, W,
Thompson, J. M. Wyne, T. F. Foster, If. G. Lamar. I).
Newnan,and A. S. Clayton, Senators and Representative,
from Georgia, in Congress, be requested to represent the
I interests and opinions of this meeting in the said Conven
| h""—and in that body to unite with the republican party
of the union in selecting a candidate for the Vice Prcsiden
j cy ot the United States.
Resolrril, That a copy of these resolutions, signed by
the Chairman and Secretary, lie transmitted to the dele
: gates named in the preceding resolution.
( hrom the Ifmitspille 1)emocrat.)
ALABAMA.
Huntsville, March 1.—So far a«Wo have heard any
I expression of public sentiment. Gov. Moore’s condo* has
excited general indignation. —We have only met with one j
I gentleman, who attempted to justify his vote, and he de- :
, «fared that h*4ud never voted lor Gen. Jaekson, and that ;
he never teould. So much for the "popular vole
" * requested, by i gentleman Iron* Sommenrille,
Morgan county, to say that the resolutions presented to the
meeting held in th.it town, on Monday, 27th ult., were
adopted without a dissenting voice, with one exception;
and that was the resolution recommending Mr. Van
Huron to the Baltimore Convention for nomination to the
V ice Presidency;—and that the feeble opposition to this
resolution, was, avowedly, on the grounds tiiat it was in*
expedient to recommend any person.
I he meeting toll the utmost confidence in Mr. V. B.’s
integrity and ability; but a few thought it best to leave the
t onveution uutniininelcd. We arc also requested to say.
that in the debate upon the resolution recommending Mr.
Y. 11., the suhjeel of the democratic meeting aud the cun*
rus, that were held last winter at Tuscaloosa, came fairly
before the meeting, and that the (aunt) was Mot recog n is
rtl as a legitimate meeting—that the Hon. S. W. Mar
dis was requested to attend the Convention at lialtimorc,
nut as having been appointed by the eaueut, but upon the
authority of that meeting.
Tuscaloosa, Jan. 30, 1832.
Dear Sir—On the 10th inst., according to a revolution
| ol that morning, adopted by the House of Representatives,
a large majority of the members of the General Assembly
of Alabama, convened in the Representative Kail, and al
ter passing various resolutions, proceeded to nominate an
Electoral I ickvt foe the next Presidential election, to be
supported by our fellow-citizens of this State, when the
following persons w ere nominated, to wit: Dr. Geo. Phil
lips of Dallas, Col. Win. M. Pickett of Autauga, Gen.
TltvophUua I„ Toulmiu of Mobile, Col. Henry King of
Madison, and Thomas Coopwood, Esq. of Lawrence
(( utilities)—ami iu the event that the new apportionment
should give us six Electors, then Col. John McKee ol
Green, will lie run; and if seven, then Col. John J. Win
ston, also. Leven Powell, Esq. ol Tuscaloosa, was put
n nomination, but being Post Master, aud therefore ineli
gible, Mr. Coopwood was substituted.
The undersigned were appointed a Committee to corres
pond with each of you, and if you should consent to serve
as such Electors, to request you would notily Mr. P. T.
Harris, the Chairman of that Committee, of such assent,
by letter addressed to him at St. Stephens, which will he
held as a pledge, that if elected, you will vote for An
drew Jackson, as President, and Philip P. Harbour, or any
I other imliviilual that the Republican party may generally
support (provided he is not an A inert can System man) lor
V iee President.
Your early attention to this will confer a favor
Very respectfully,
P. T. HARRIS, }
JOAB LAWLER,
J A S. ABERCROMBIE,
loCul. Ifeiiry h mg, Madison County.
Committee.
IIazlegreen, Feb. 16, 1832.
(icntlciucn \ ours ot thcJIOth ultimo, has been receiv
ed, iiilorming me of my nomination as one of the Electors
ol I’rcsident and Vice President ofthe United States. You
arc no doubt before this apprised of iny having been pre
viously nominated for a similar purpose by a meeting held
in I uscaloosa on the 5)th ol January, and of my pledge to
the ( ommittcc of said meeting, “to support Andrew Jack
son lor President, and such person for Vice President, as the
Republican party shall seem to prefer.” Feeling, how
ever, deep solicitude in the success and final triumph or
the democratic cause, and fully believing Gen. Jackson,
horn Ins known patriotism ami acknowledged zeal for
the public welfare, to be the individual best calculated
to elicet (Ins desirable object, I unreservedly declare again,
my willingness to support him lor the Presidency.
In relation to the Vice President, you demand a pledge
“ to vote (it elected) lor Philip 1». Harbour, or any other
individual that the Republican party may support, provided
lie is not an American System man.” It duly considered,
the discrepancy between this and the pledge heretofore
given by me, is very inconsiderable—seeing that in these
various speculations, concerning the most prominent cha
ractcr lor the \ ice Presidency, the friends of the present
Administration seem determined not to bring forward any
person who is an advocate ot the “ Amercan System;”
and I have hut little doubt that, in due time, they will se
lect some one as a candidate for that responsible ollice,
who will prove generally acceptable to the American
people ami thereby preclude the possibility of a want of
harmony in the republican ranks of Alabama.
\ ours, very sincerely, HENRY KING.
Messrs. P. T. Harris, Joab Lawler, }
and James Jlbcrcrombie. i
MEETING IN' MORGAN COUNTY.
In pursuance ol public notice previously given, a meet
ing ol a large number ot the citizens from various parts of
Morgan county, took place at Sominervillc on Monday, the
-iih February, (the County Court of said county being in
session) lor the purpose of expressing theirsentinients in
regard to the vote of the Hon. Gabriel Moore, (one of the
Senators from Alabama in the Congress of the U. States)
on the appointment of Martin Van Buren as minister to
the Court ol Great Britain.
Dr. lleury \V Rhodes, was catted to the Chair, and
Col James B. Graham, appointed Secretary.
After the object of the meeting was briefly explained
by tlitf Chairman, Reuben Chapman, James T. Sykes,
John tfcKrn/ip, I'.lhrrt II. I hom[t*on, tsunc J^nne, Green
ville Burnett, and \V illiam B. McClellan, were appointed
a committee to draft a preamble and Resolutions expressive
of the sense of the meeting.—Those gentlemen having re
tired a few minutes, reported the following :
Whereas it is the right of the people of the United States
at all iinitvs to assemble and fearlessly express, their opi
nions of men and measures—and this meeting believing
that the. Hon. Gabriel Moore, was elected to the high sta
tion \t Inch he tills, by the friends ol (Jen. Jackson, as an
avowed supporter of his administration—
And that wo view with just indignation the sycophan
tic dibit which the hon. gentleman makes to silence the
voice of his injured and insulted State, by ascribing to them
the attributes of patriotism, virtue and honesty. We there
fore desire that our lion. Senator may learn through this
meeting, that we, as a part ol his injured constituents, are,
and ti 11st we ever shall lie, too patriotic to wink or connive
at any compromise of the honor of our State or of that Ex
ecutive and his adininistratian, which even our Senator
might endeavor to make—with that coalition of aspirants,
whose former conduct and present exertions have branded’
as inimical to our interest, if not enemies to our republi
can institutions—and that we have yet virtue sufficient to
detect intrigue and corruption, and to expose it too, when
ever and wherever we may discern it to exist, should it
even be in an lion. Senator; and honesty enough yet re
maining in our hearts, to bestow our approbation and our
offices upon those whose faithfulness deserve it, and cen
sure and rejection on those who have done contrary to our
will and betrayed the confidence reposed in them.
Jh-it therefore. Resolved, That, his vote on the nomi
nation of Martin Van Buren, as Minister to Great Britain,
has excited our surprise, and meets our most decided dis
approbation—and in the opinion of this meeting, he, in
giving said vote, lias knowingly and wilfully violated the
will of at least three-fourths of the people of Alabama_
whose feelings he was hound to represent.
Resolved, 1 hat the Hon. Gabriel Moore he requested
to resign his seat in the Senate of the United States, that
another may be appointed in his place, who will fairly
and honestly represent tjie feelings of (lie people of Alabama.
Resolved, That we have entire confidence in the ciuali
fications and integrity of Mr. Van Buren, and believe
that the dark insinuations made against his character in
the Senate of the United States, arc base calumnies, de
signed by the enemies of the present administration to de
stroy the popularity of our venerable Chic! Magistrate.
Resolved, That the political friends of Gen. Jackson in
Alabama, have entire confidence in his integrity and abili
ty, and will give him their most cordial support, and (hat
they view with the utmost indignation, the recent coalition
between Henry ('lay and John C, Calhoun, to thwart his
favorite measures, to (he manifest injury ol the public in
terest. 1
A\c$olvc<li I hflt (he lion. Ctiioriel IVIoorc bo roc|iio**lcd
not to attend the Haiti more Convention, to meet in May
next, for the nomination of a Vice President, ax he is not
recognized by this meeting, as a friend to the administra
(ion of Gen. Jackson; and that the lion. Wm. K. Kino and
the lion. Samuel W. Mantis are requested to attend tin
said meeting as our delegates.
Hr it further Resolved, As the sense of this meeting,
that we highly approve of the manly, dignified, indepen
dent, and patriotic course pursued by our faithful Senator,
the lion. William R, King in his vote on the question of
the nomination of Mr. Van Ruren.
Resolved, As the sense of this meeting, that although
we do not pretend to dictate, we wish to recommend to
the consideration ol the Convention to meet at Baltimore
in May next, the name of Martin Van Ruren as a fit per
son for the office of Vice President of the United States._
Rut this meeting does not intend by presenting the name of
Mr. Van Ruren, in any way to trammel the acts of our
Representatives, but leave them free to act as they may
think proper. f J
Resolved, That the proceedings of this meeting he
signed by the Chairman and Secretary, and (hat a ropy of
these resolutions he respectively sent to the President of
the U. Stales, the Honorable* Wm. R. King and Gabriel
Moore and Samuel iV. Mardis.
Resolved, That the proceedings of this meeting he pub
lished in the newspapers printed in the town of Hunts
ville, and a copy lie sent to the Washington Globe for
publication. HENRY W. RHODES, Chairman.
Jam»-.s R. Graham, Secretary.
MEETING IN JACKSON COUNTY.
At a large and respectable meeting of the citizens of
< laysville, Alabama, and vicinity, on Friday, February
2llh, 1832, at the tavern of William II. K. Wheeler,
John Starnes, Esq. was called to the Chair, and Doc- j
tor John (). Feemster, acted as Secretary.
The following resolutions, among others, were adopted :
*V hereas Gabriel Moore, one of our Senators in the
(ongretsof (ho U. States, with a reckless dereliction of,
duty, did knowingly and wilfully act in direct opposition
to the will of his constituents, (his apologising ppeech in
the Senate proves it,) and contrary to the expectations and
ardent wivhes of those known to be the friends of the pre- |
»ent administration, and contrary to the cause he fiaa pre
tended to espeuse, and Hie banner under which he sailed
while seeking the otlice he now so disgracefully tills:
Therefore, be it
Resolved, I hat this meeting, conscious of the views
which have actuated the heads of two extreme», (Cal
houn and ( lay.) in thus uniting their strength in opposi
tion to the nomination of Martin Van Huron, can be no
thing more or less than pelified school boy rivalry, a reck
less and unprincipled disposition to sacrifice a great and
able functionary, iu trying to reach the President, and to
gratily private spleen and Gendish malice, and that such ]
conduct could not have had its origin in the heads of any I
others, save such restless aspirants as Calhoun and Clay. |
lie solved,Jin thee. That we recommend Marlin Van]
Huron as a lit pet son to he nominated at Baltimore in May ]
next, lor Vico President of the United States.
t 'iic of the lubjnets nom of most Interest to tbt Ambus* j
can People, is the designation o( a Vick-Pkesi dknt.
it is time that a patriot should be fixed upon for that high
station, in whom would be united the virtues and qualities
most acceptable to a majority of the Republic, On this j
subject the Southern Democracy must givo and take._■
The great and important object'is, to select an individual 1
lor tlie Vice Presidency,who would not carry with him In- I
to office, the scissions and heresies, which divide and dis- !
tiaet the nation; ami, in whose patriotism and love of
country every one should confide. There ahold be no other
imputation against Ids ambition, than tho honest and ex
alted one, ol taking a high place in the ulfcctionsof the
people, and the political course of his past life should have
evinced, that mere personal aggrandizement was not the
pole starol his services. We wish and hope, with all our
heart, that (Jen. Jackson may ho re-elected. Wo
think the tranquillity of the nation, and indeed the safe
ty of its precious institution*, essentially depend upon it.—
The re-election of the “Hero of Orleans,” would at once
terminate the machinations of anti-unionists, American
System aspirants, together with the whole crew of un
principled demagogues, and disappointed intriguants. The
Republic, as at the election of Jkfkkrhon, would again
be kept in tbe bands ol its best and only friends,——leaving
tlie present l.iclion in the same powerless situation as were
the Black Cockade Federalists of that epoch. The
democracts of our country know, and feel, that such would
bo the result; and hence, the anxiety manifested in the
choice of a \ ice President. Gen. Jackson, is now near
i >'p®rs °f and tho’ not loaded with the infirmities,
his enemies attribute to him, yet he may not outlive the
next term.— In that event, what fearful consequences
j might flow from tlie devolution of the Presidency upon the
i second functionary of the government? Which of our
patriots could, thus raised, by a dispensation ol Providence,
to the first dignity in tho world, conciliate to any de
gree that Jackson has done, tho esteem,—the respect
—ami tho confidence of our great republican family?
This is the momentous question to he answered in the de
signation of a V. President, to he elected, in (he anticipa
tion of that melancholy event. Would that esteem and
confidence he conciliated, should Mr. Van Huron, as Vice
President, become President of the U. States? We are not
opposed to Mr. Van Buren; on the contrary, we would take
delight, and feel much happiness in seeing him triumph
with complete retributive justice over liis personal and po
litical enemies of the Senate—but, as much as wo respect
Mr. V an Buren, and detest the hypocrisy of his opponents,
wo love and respert our country much more. Wc may
repeat with perfect truth, the exclamation of the Charles
ton Convention Nullifier, wo “we ark no man’s men,”
merely as men,—in opposition (o the great interests of
our confederacy—We will give our humble support, to
the man, who, in our opinion, after listening to the voice
of the people, will best preservo those interests. If (hat
voice should proclaim Mr. Van Huron as tlie citizen, up
on whom a majority of the people would have no objec
tion, that, in the event wc have referred to, the Presiden
cy should devolve, why, he it so. The public pulse, how
c\or, nns not boon sufficiently felt, to nscortnin every
symptom, and we must, therefore, wait with proper firm- j
ness and patience, for the important crisis. JVbtM Ver
rons.—Savannah Republican.
Indian Emioration.—Byn passenger in (lie stage,!
R c Mm that the Crook Council, which terminated its
sos» ion a few days since, appointed fivo of their nation, in
addition to thoir present Delegation at Washington City, and
authorized them to enter into a Treaty, having for its ha- ■
sis, their entire removal West of the Mississippi—and that 1
they, together with Col. Crowell, the agent, will probably
pass through this place in the course of a day or two. It i
was rumored that reservations in fee simple, would here
quired by several of the Chiefs, &c. not with a view to!
their permanent occupancy by them, but to he hereafter
disposed of to the best advantage. The Cherokees have
also sent an addition to their delegation at Washington
City. It is confidently believed that a Treaty has been
ere this entered into between them and the General Go
vernment, notwithstanding the following rumor which
we find in tho last Georgia Journal. “We understand that
a .tclopcntion ot the. CheroVees inticorgia are in Washing
ton. But that the President will not recognize them as
such. 1 hat he considers the trans-Mississippi Cherokccs
alone as constituting that tribe.”
freSince the above paragraph was in type, the Dele
gation, together with Crowell, passed through this place,
this morning.— IVarrenton Cabinet, 3d inst.
The bill relating to Free Negroes and Mulattoes, re-!
ported by the Joint Committee, occupied the House of
Delegates until nine o’clock on Saturday night, at which i
hour it passed—ayes 3fi, nays 23. It appropriates $200,
000.—Baltimore Chronicle.
The Editor of the Philadelphia National Gazette has a
file of the Paris paper called the Courier tics Elect eurs, 1
in which it is suggested (Jan. 3d) that the money which
u as said to have been sent from France to discharge the i
American claims under Mr. Rives’ convention was a large
remittance of private funds (meaning those of the King) i
to the United States, as a provision against “revolutionary !
re-action.” J !
1^11 I I 1 DOLLARS REWARD.—Ran away from the
Deep Run f oal Pits, on the 8th inst. a negro man
named PLEASANT. Ho is about 28 years of age, 5
feet 10 inches high, of a light complexion, ono fore touth
out, and has a very deep natural dent in his forehead. I [
Purchased him of Mr. Jacob Smith’s estate in Henrico
county. Ho had on a black broadcloth coat, and a good fur 1
hat. ° |
It is suspected that he has procured free papers. All
persons are forewarned against harboring or carrying the !
above negro out of the State, under the penalties of the 1
law.
I ifty Dollars Reward will be paid for his apprehension, !
if taken out of the State, and twenty dollars if taken in
the State, or secured in anv Jail, so that I can get him
. ZACHARIAH MAGRUDER.
March IS._[101—tQ
in. 11akkin St lA).— Oencral Agents and
y * (ommisnon .Merchants, Richmond, Virginia.—
Flic subscriber* offer their services to their friends, and to
the friends of the late concern of Harris and Ihitler, in the
above capacity, and flatter themselves, that by strict atten
tion, with a thorough knowledge of the same, to give ge
neral satisfaction, Their office will be in the room over
.Messrs. Pulling and Day’s, until their Lumber House, on
the Dock, is completed, which will be in a few days.
N. R.—Fair advances made on goods when required.
March 8. 9$_
CIO-PARI NER8HIP,—The subscribers, having as
J seriated themselves in the business of Stationers,
Booksellers and Bookbinders, under the firm of Saxnay
& Street, respectfully tender their services to the pub
He. RICHARD I). SAXNAY,
ALFRED STREET.
R. D. S. returns his sincere acknowledgments to the
public, (or the very liberal encouragement received at
their hands, and pledge* the united exertions of the pre
sent firm to merit a continuance of the same.
All persons having claims against R. D. S. will please
present them for payment. Mar. 10. f)9-6t
BIGGER’S
EXCHANGE LOTTERY OFFICE
RICHMOND, Va.
Ticket No. fi, 51, 53, prize of $1,000, sold and paid
at sight, as usual, by BIGGER.
I Hioia t’anal laoffcry, IVo. O.
To he drawn in the City of Philadelphia, Saturday
24th March, 1832.
60 No. Lottery—9 drawn ballots.
CAPITALS.
1 Prize of $30,000 is $30,000
1 . 15,000 ... 15,000
1 . 6,000 ... 5,000
*.1.070 - - . 1,070
40 .... . 1,000 . . . 40,000
40. 600 - . . 20,000
Tickets $10, Halves $5, Quarters $2 50.
r or sale as usual in every variety by
. , THO. B. BIGGER.
• Ticket 10, 32, 15. the Great Capital Prize of $30,000
in the last Union Canal Lottery, was sold and paid hv
March 13. 100—td BIGGER.
il iMveiil/i OFFICE,
II YllHbnrg IsoUrrij.
Drawn Npmiiers
:ia 2G r, n :j<> r>n 21 s.
NEXT I.OTTER | Es,
Friday,March 16.—At Richmond, DISMAL SWAMp,
(t.ass No. 1.—Capitals 20,000^10,000, 5,000, 9,000.
100 of 1,000, hr.—Tickets $10.
Monday, March 10.—PETERSBURG EXTRA—
Ci,ass No. 3.—20 of 1,000, 20 of 500, 20 of 300, 5 of
245.— Tickets 5.
Friday, March 28.—WHEELING, Class No. 3.—
10,000. 5,000, 2,000, 1,370, 5 of 1,000. fee.—Tickets 4.
[LT’Urdcrs from the country, enclosing cash, promptly
attended to, as usual, by If. BIDWEI.L,
4th Door helou• the Market, Main Street.
March 13. 100—tf
IticImioiMl, i lim-Mlay, March 1.1.
THE TURKISH TREATY.
An nttcmpt lias lii’t'ii Hindi! in tho Olay j>n
|H'r ut this city, to charge the President uml IVlr. V.
Itiircn, with a disgrucetul design of filching from
Mr. Adams the credit ot the Turkish negotiation.—
The reader may know what degree of credit to at
tach to this statement, when we lay Ih>fore him tho
following fucts, developed before the Senate of the
Statement.—“Some weeks ago, a gentleman inform
ed its, that he hu<l reason to believe lhat Mr. Adams in
conversation at Washington, observed, lhat in 1828, he
had commissioned Commodore Crane, commander of
the Mediterranean squadron, and Mr. Ollley Consul
at Smyrna, to open negotiations lor a treaty of com
merce with the Government at Constantinople: that they
accordingly, successfully executed the trust; that the trea
ty was forwarded to the U. States, and reached Washing
ton in March 182!), about twelve days after Mr. Adams
went out of, and (Jen. Jackson came into power, and
three days alter Mr. Van Huron took charge of the De
pai tment of Slale^— that that treaty wui ticrcr commtttii*
cated to the Senate, or otherwise published to the people
of the U. States; that hotrevcr, (mark it!) the new Admin
istration took up the design, and despatched Mr. Khiud to
Constantinople, who negotiated anew, the same treaty,
with the exception of one clause, afterwards expunged by
the Senate, as contrary to the laws Of nations, which clause
conferred upon Turkey, certain piivilegesof building ships
of war in our ports.
“ « c asked and obtained, permission of (lie gentleman
who was our informant, (o write to Mr. Adams to ascer
tain the truth of this curious state of facts. The above is
a substantial copv of the letter, to which we added, ‘that
we wished if he had no objection, to publish the statement,
less with a view to detract any thing from the administra
tion of (Jen. Jackson, than to render to that which prece
ded it, the merit it was entitled to, and which had been so
triumphantly appropriated, if the above facts were true, to
its successor.’
“ Mr- Adams' reply substantially confirmed every thing.
It would he equally improper and unnecessary to publish
it. One thing, his scrupulous justice induced him to men
tion, which however, seems unimportant. It was, that
Mr. Van Huron consulted him (lie remaining at Wash
ington for some time after his Presidency had expired)
upon the propriety of commissioning Mr. Rhind, which he
disapproved.”
The Editor of the "Whig lias frankly’submitted
Mr. A.’s letter to our inspection—ami we certainly
do not understand it to the extent that lie docs.—lie
docs not speak of a treaty, lint of dispatches. If a
trenty were concluded, why did lie earnestly recom
mend the negocuitions to lie continued?—Nor does it
appear from his letter, that Mr. V. II.did consult him
about commissioning Mr. Rhind.
Rut, Com. ('rone, &c. sent borne no Treaty. The
ncgocialion failed under Mr. Adams, if we may be
lieve the witnesses whom we are now to cull" into
Court.
The Public can scarcely have forgotten the cele
brated Debate, which took place in the Senate of
the I . 8., in 1* eh., 1H.J1.—\\ bat said the Orutors on
both .sides upon that occasion ?
Mr. Livingston.—“ What arc the facts which have
created this sudden explosion ? The rapid growth of the
Russian establishments on the Black Sea, and the conse
quent increase ot commerce, in that quarter, had (or some
years past made an arrangement desirable with the Sultan,
who held the keys of the narrow inlet, through which a
lone an entrance into this sea could lie had. The imme
diate predecessor of the present Chief Magistrate had ap
pointed successively the two commanders ot our squadron
in the Mediterranean, together with Mr. Olllcy, our Con
sul at Smyrna, commissioners to effect this object. They
were lurnished with full powers, commissioned under the
great seal, and instructed to make a treaty to secure this
object. This was designed to be a secret mission ; it was
never communicated to the Senate, nor was the appoint
ment ot the commissioners submitted to them for confirma
tion : however, from some entitle, not perferl/t/ understood
but as many believe, from too great publicitu given to
the musion, it totally failed ; and this failure became
known soon after Mr. Adams went out of office. Tho
object increasing, every day, in importance, it very early
attracted the attention of the present administration; and
to avoid the interferences of other nations, and better to
secure the secrecy ol the operation, Mr. Rhind was ap
pointed Consul to Odessa, hut was furnished with full pow
er, directed jointly and severally to him, Commodore Rid
dle, and Mr. Olfley; lie was directed under the cover of
ins consular appointment, to proceed to Constantinople, and
there to negociate for the tree entrance into the Black Sea
he went there, bis object was not suspected, andon the 7tll
May last, he concluded a treaty, which was signed by
Messrs. Olllcy and Biddle, they having arrived in the in
terval, on the day before the adjournment of the Senate
at it* last session.”
,i JAZEW®f*,‘j—'“Between the Oltoinnn Empire and
the U. S. no political connexion, or diplomatic relation of any
Kind, ever existed from the hour which gave birth to this Re
public .nan independent sovereignty, until the year 182P.
It is true, ineffectual attempts were made to establish such
relations and connexions, by both the Adamses, while
(bey presided in our government. But the efTort of the
elder Adams, although approved by the Senate, failed by
reason of the refusal of the minister appointed by him to
accept Ins appointment, and the subsequent abandonment
of tins scheme, by those with whom it originated. And
the secret efforts of the late President, to establish such
relations, without the advice or knowledge of the Senate
also failed, for reasons recently disclosed to this body
to which I will not now make any further allusion —
W hatever may have been the desires of these Presidents
however, the fact is undoubted, as I have stated it to be’
that until the year 182‘), there never was any connexion
or relation between the United States and Sublime Porte
more than now exists between the former and the Empires
ot China and Japan. 1
••in this state ol tilings, on (lie 12tli day of September
1329, and during the recess ol the Senate, the present
President, caused letters patent to be expedited from the
Department ol State, signed by bis own proper band, and
authenticated by the great seal of the United Stales,
whereby be commissioned the three persons named in the”
amendment proposed by the committee, to be Commission
ers on the part of the United States, and thereby endowed
them with Plenipotentiary powers, (o negotiate a Treaty
ol Commerce and Navigation, with the Ottoman Porte,”
" I" pursuance ol this Commission, and of the instruc
tions that accompanied it,'Mr. Hbind, one of the Commis
sioners, proceeded from New York (where he then was) j
to Constantinople. The other two Commissioners w ere
already near the scene of action ; one of them being the '
commander of our squadron in the Mediterranean sea, and
the other ft commercial agent of the United States, resident
at Smyrna. Arrived at Constantinople, Mr. Rhind exhi
bited his commission to the Sultan, was received and ac
credited as the Representative ol the United States, and
his proposal to negociate a Treaty was accepted. Other
Ministers, clothed with equal authority, were then ap
pointed by the Turkish monarch, to confer with him upon
this subject. I hey met, exchanged their powers, and h>o
gan the business ol ncgociation. This was terminated by
a Treaty, &c.
Wo unde rstand, ns we stated on Saturday, that
by one of the last Dispatches of Mr. OfHey, of the
2!>th August, J82!», it appears that nothin# had been,
concluded by the former commission.—Mr. Rhind ar
rived at Constantinople in Feb. IHJJO—and conclud
cd his treaty in May.
We have said that Mr. R. conducted his negotia
tion with equal dexterity and firmness—baffling the
arts of the British Minister and subduing the jea
lousy of the Divan. And what say observers on the
spot?— Here are extracts of letters, the one certain
ly, and the other probably, from Mr. Dwight, no
friend of the Administration, written from Constan
tinople at the time:
“On receiving the President’s Message, and letters from
home, apprising us that our merchants w»-re directing their
attention to the commerce of the lllack Sea, all our coun
trymen here were alarmed at the consequences, and we
felt that Government had not turned Its attention to this
quarter, and afforded the neeessary protection to our citi
zens _B„t you may judge of our feelings (of surprise and
delight) when, on the l-lil, in*t. Mr. Rhind communicated
to all the Americans here, that he had that morning ox
( ommixtioncr of the United States, closed a treaty with!
the Sublime Porto, securing to the United .States all the
privileges enjoyed by the most favored nations, and the 1
Irec navigation to and from the Black Sea. A It bough all 1
of us were in the habit of seeing Mr. It. almost daily, not
one bad (lie most distant idea that be was engaged in ne-j
gotialion. I bis affair lias certainly been conducted in a
manner which reflects much credit on the Administra
tion.
"We now have the pride of appearing in our national I
character (which stands very high among the Turks,) and :
have defeated the debasing intrigues of a certain Knrope- j
an Power, which spared no pains to deprive us of this
proud privilege.”
Again: “You will have heart] before receiving this,
hee,‘ closed between the U. States end
the Ottoman Porte, by the successful negotiation* or our
countryman Mr. Kliind. He had every thing to tticoim
" thrriguc could devise or money procure in op
position to Atm. I am m,rry to *ay, that the Knglish here
have acted a moat shameful part, fn emlcavorii.g to defeat
»n object. I lie circumstances will, I trust, come before
the public. Mr. R. took very high ground in the Divan,
*° njttch *o that the dragoman* turned pale and were ac
tually afraid to translate hi* address. This howevsr, gave
u* credit with the Turk*, and wa* one means of our suc
ce** I he treaty, (which 1 have seen,) guarantees to us
atl the privileges oj the most Jaoored nation."
We pause hero lor the present—ntnl ,iro willing
to alnilo by the Documents which Mr. Admits bus
culled for.
" •trust that we shall never shrink from the vindica
tion o( an innocent and injured man. Marlin V. Huren
a candidate lor the V. Presidency—is one tiling;_Martin
V. Huren, a rejected minister and a calumniated man_is
another. >Ve know lew persons in this country, whom
we believe to have been more calumniated, more perse
cuted, than this man. Until lacts are produced to prove
these charges against him, we cannot consent to sacrifice
him to hi* merciless enemies. Mr. Calhoun produced in
sinuations against him twelve mouths ago. Had he proved
them, when Mr. V. B defied him, we, for one would
have abandoned him to his late—“let him down the wimk
a prey to fortune.”
« c rind made up our nund* Jo (his issue—just as we had
done in 1823, when a suspicion flashed across us, of some .
unworthy conduct on the part of Wm. II Crawford Wo
frankly communicated our thoughts to that virtuous and
worthy statesman—and if he had not satisfied us, great aa
the sacrifice would have been of our feelings, and most
probably of our interests, we should have gone before the
nation, and staked ourselves upon the issue._Hut Mr
Crawford dissipated all our doubts by the frankness of his
communications; and we clung closer to him than ever
" e arc under no sort ol pledge to Mr. Van Bureu—
, c*l,ect nothing; we ask nothing; wo have received,
and will receive nothing, at his hands.—But we should
despise ourselves, if we were to yield to any idle clamor
against his character. If we were capable of deserting a
man, whom wc believe to be injured ;md calumniated, we
should be worthy of the scorn ot every man of honor.
" c arc led to make these declarations at this time, be
canse o» an article which we have just seen in the last
Koekbndge Intelligencer of this State.
Among all of the accusations which have been inado
against Mr. V. Hurcn, this is among the most infamous:
’l'hr f’"1 •*' "f Vnn ltur»n whiah lirought him into notice «■< an
art (lrilialionor tin hriiayn.1 ih« confiilrnce orihn lam JudnWm. T.
\ on of New York, in whoso oftic* he wne • *iu<l«*nt He pUT.
««t the paltry pert of on n tnleheerer. to the political en«.
mica ol the Jutlire nml htt/.miit/ Am account in eo doing from that
day In Iho prrcrnl limn thn great accml of hia auccraa hat benn in
«aiinn(in> fii.'n.l from fiiond, ru ning the ono and incralialinc him
•flf with Iho ol hot.’* s “
Hie R. Intelligencer produces no proof of these asser
tions. But we shall investigate the truth of these charges,
and lay the result kelore our readers.
WARNING TO THE FRIENDS OF JACKSON.
Will you suffer yousclves to be divided and distracted
when you witness the extremities to which your enemies
are determined to go?—For instance, where is there a
more outrageous act, than the following measure ol the
friends of Mr. Clay in the Legislature of Maryland?—
They arc Gerrymandering the Slate, so as to secure a
Clay body of Electors. Instead of trusting the people at
large; instead ol passing a General Ticket Law, which
tlic Jackson party have defied them to do, the H. of Dele
gates have adopted Johnson’s scheme of dividing the State
into 4 Districts:
"1st. Alleghany, Washington and Frederick, to elect
three deputies.
“2d. Anne-Arundel, Calvert, Montgomery, Princo
George’s, Charles and St. Mary’s, four deputies.
"3d. Baltimore city and county, five deputies.
“1th. The Eastern Shore and'Harford county, six do
putics.
“Under this ari rngement, according to the Federal ra
tio under the late census, the Eastern Shore will have ono
deputy for every 20,000.—The lower district of the West
ern Shore, one for every 22,000. The Baltimore district,
one for every 23,000— and the upper district, Frederick,
&c. one for every 26,000.
“The deputies so elected, are to meet at Annapolis, in
November, and elect as many Electors as the State may
be entitled to, either from their own body, or from tlio
people at large.”
Was there ever a more fraudulent scheme devised to
sacrifice the will of the People to tiie designs of a faction?
—.And with these warnings in our cars, wc arc to permit
this same party to sow discord in our ranks!
A correspondent in the Washington — __
us a letter, which talks of our “former dignity,” warns
addresses
---- .u.r.,. ... luiuicr iiignuy, warns
us of bow much we have yet to lose, “ both Ibr (ourselves)
and an amicable (amiable ?) family—and concludes with
giving us some gratuitous advice.—But, we should not
have noticed “ Veritas” at all, if it were not to correct
one or two of his blunders.
He tells that wc “ have judicious!1}/ excluded from (our)
columns the able and lucid speech delivered by Mr.
Pomdcxter, in secret session,” &c.—Now, we have pub
lished.that able and lucid speech, along witn the letter of
his witness—and sorry enough were we, on Mr. Poin
dexter’s account, to be compelled to do it.
He finds fault with us for not publishing the “ corres
pondence between Senator Poindexter and Judge Mc
Lean ot N. Now, we have published the substance
ot that correspondence—and the best friends of the Sena
tor are sorry enough to see his name coupled with that of
a witness like “ Judge McLean.
Upon one point we beg leave to put our veritable Cor
respondent at case. He promises us a reward for faithful
ly serving the “ Kitchen Cabinet” at Washington.—We
thank him—but as we ask no reward, so wc mean to take
none not even a pin’s fee—from A. Jackson, or any of
ins Cabinet.—\Y e wish that f critus, aiul ail his aiders
and abettors could truly say as much.
ylnother—and Jlnothrr.—The Telegraph most grossly
misrepresent* the motive*, which determined tlic meet
inpj ol the Caucus for last evening. There is “no mystery**
to require “ explanation.”—The reasons for the measure
have been freely and frankly set forth in this paper. It is
the audacious misrepresenterof the plainest circumstan
ces, who is “invulnerable to shame.*’
• \\ .• shall cointncnce in our m \t. the derision of the
Supreme Court in the ease ol the Georgia Missionaries,—
Wc shall reserve our comments on it. 11 strikes at the so
vereignty of the States—while, we humhly conceive, it is
fraught with no arguments, which carry irresistible con
viction, or justify the alarming attempt.
O* We arc requested to announce John G. Wit.
mams, Ksq. a candidate to represent Henrico county in
the next General Assembly.
ITT Wc are requested to announre C'apt. CltAlIill
Thompson, jr., as a candidate for the House of Delegates,
to represent the county of Hanover in the next Legisla
ture. 6
STAND FIRE!
“An Eastern Virginian” shall have the liberty of our
press, for the purpose of extinguishing not only its liberty,
hut its life. It is a sort of spirit, perhaps, which some of
our opponents may not he willing to extend to ourselves
—but as we claim no merit for the act, we expect no fa
vor in return. We have never closed our columns to an
Eastern Virginian—differ from him a* wc would—but if
this will not content him, then let him organize his oppo
sition, get up another paper, club funds, employ an Editor
for adequate compensation, put down the Enquirer if he
can, and write upon its tomb this Epitaph:
Here lies a Journal,
That has lost its life, in attempting to preserve its liberty.
A generous People has condemned it to perish.
Every thing is now gone, but its Honor.
TO THE AUTHOR OK APPOMATTOX.
Southampton, 10th March, 1832.
Sir:—I have, in common with a large majority of
the people of this section of country, read the com
munications signed Appomattox, as published in the En
quirer, with great pleasure; and I,; lor one, would wil
lingly cease to read the papers that encourage and pub
lish the incendiary proceedings of the present Legisla
ture;—but we have been in the habit of rending some
paper—and it would be a great loss to us, to give up alto
gether, all the good with the had that they publish.—We,
Sir, in this section, long anterior to tho late Convention,
have looked to you, as the main pillar, in support of our
rights; and we know you will draw down on yourself, a
vast deal of envy and hatred; and we would willingly take
our share, could we do so. Is it not a little extraordinary,
that although the East pays so very large a proportion of
the taxes into the public Treasury, and that too, on the
very slaves which they are now so anxious to destroy the
value ol, (hat we have not a single public Journal in the
State to say one word in our favor when occasion re
quires? Now, Sir, the object of this communication is to
request you to try if you can’t sfir up those who think
like you do, and establish a paper that will support our in
terests : that such a paper would receive almost all the
patronage from this section of country, I have not the
smallest doubt. I have been a constant reader of the En
quirer for the last 25 years—hut am ready to give it up,
as I have heard a number of others say they were, could
they do better. I have no idea, Sir, of your undertaking
the task; hut think you might be of great service in start
ing it—and once started, all would be well. I recollect in
your first communication, you said you should like to see
the Census of the slaves owned by the Speakers ami Edi
tors who were so anxious for abolition, Jefferson in his
communication said you could not be so mean, as to allude
to their poverty. Now, it Is admitted, that persons may
he immensely rich without owning a single slave. Now,
in your next communication— for I expect you will have
many to make—will you be good enough to enquire, wbal