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The enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1804-1815, July 05, 1811, Image 2

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respective friend ; and ihre%m* “®™ ,*
room, I remarked to him, r, J duly
Consider whether the offe,0‘ the mission to
JKussia would afford sue RM. 0PP°*“'-un,*y-.
With inexpressiblehowc.
Ver. 1 in a few d?d ‘earned, that during
the last session o‘lai" "‘embers of Con
gress had Ke enabled, in returning to
their respecti - ho"‘es. to state, that this
identical off- wcu‘d he made tonic with tbc
view of pi-,no Mr. Monroe in the Depart •
meiit of i?*116-. ‘ ‘1‘* intelligence I, of course,
mentio--d w‘th H becoming indignation
to M .Madison upon his application af.
(e.^mus to me for the result of my
rflections on the proposed mission. He,
immediately, but with evident confusion,
■pri/je^ted that he had not in any manner
whatever authorised such a report, or even
such an idea. I replied, that 1 surely ought
not to attribute to a President of the U.
States a transaction so base But as a re
port of so delicate a character had actual
ly gone forth, my sense of honor could not
hesitate a moment in rejecting the offer of!
the mission. Nor could I, upon the same
principle, allow myself, under such cir- i
cumstances, to retain my commission ofSe- '
cretai y of State. I closed the conversation
by remarking, with great composure, that |
there must have been in this affair a most i
shameful intrigue. And, with very great
difficulty.I suppressed the inclination I felt,
to tell him, that of this intrigue he had in.
considerately been the dupe.
The power of a President of the U. S. to
rem, ve any officer, other than a judge, will
not he controverted. . Ncr will any preten
sion be set up so absurd, as a right to an of.
fice. But it is maintained that this power
cannot, consistently with the genius of our
Government, and with the respect due to the
Senate, be exercised, as under an arbi trary
^Despotism, at, the mere caprice.,.of the
Chief: but that in every such exercise of
power, a President of the U. States must
necessarily act upon his responsibility to
his constituents for the rectitude of his mo
tives. l”his brings me to the ground to be
examined, namely, the measures alluded to
by Mr. Madison, upon which has been
founded his conduct towards me on this oc'_
•csl-ion. Each, then, of the several measures,
■important, or unimportant,in which there has
'been at anytime, a difference of opinion be
tween us, i will now, unreservedly in dis
’tinct articles, present to the view of the A
merican People ; with a hope, perhaps de
lusive, that they will therein find an apolo
gy, if not a justification, in my behalf.
1st The following lette'r was not prepa
red in virtue of any direction, or even inli
'frfafioh from Mr. Madison. It was written
und sent by me when lie was at his seat in
"Virginia. Before his departure from Wash
ington, he, however, knew, that I, had it
iu cont-emp’-.tion to make such a call up
on Mr. Erskme, and, as he had expressed
no disapprobation, it of course took place.
21ut I have since learned that he was not
n iittle displeased that such an enquiry had
been at all stirred.
ivly fellow-citizens, in reading the letter,
and in adverting to the denouement, will, I
trust, have no difficulty in estimating the
purity of my motives, and as little in disco
vering'he ground of his displeasure.
“ Mr. Smith to Mr. Euskine.
Department or State, Aug 9, 1809.
Sill,
1 luve just received from Mr. P'nkney; a
letter, inclosing a printed paper, purporting to
be a copy of a despatch to you from Mr. Can
ning, which states, among other things, that
from the report cf your conversations with Mr.
Madison, Mr. Gallatin and Mr. Smith, it up
pears.
1st. “ That the American government is pre
pared, in the event of his Majesty's consenting
lo withdraw the orders in council ef January &.
Novembe r, 1807, to withdraw contemporane
ously on ts part, the interdiction of its harbors
to ships of war, and all non-intercourse and non
importation acts, so far as respects G. B. leav
ing them in force with respect lo France, and
the powers which adopt or act under her de
crees :
2d " That America is willing to renounce,
during the present war, the pretension of carry
ing on in time of war all trade with the ene
mies’ colonies, from which she was excluded
dufilig pence :
3*1 G B. lor the purpose of securing the o
peration of the embargo, and the bona file in
tention of America, to prevent her citizens from
trading with France, ami the powe.s adopting
& acting under the French decrees, is to be con
asideredas being at Liberty to capture all such
American vessels as may be found attempting to
trade with the ports of any of these powers;
■without which security for Ihe observance of
the embargo, the raising ;t nominally, with res
pect to G. ii alone would in fact raise it with
respect to all the world-”
I have the honor to request you to favor me
with such explanations as your candor will at
once suggest, in relation to these imputed con
versations.
1 forbear to «zpre&'Wyoa, air, tire surprise !
that is felt at the extraordinary pretensions set
■forth in this letter of instructions, and eapeoaly j
at th- expectation that this Government would i
•as a preliminary, recogftiie conditions, two of
’•which arc so manifestly irreconcileable to the
dignity and interest of the U. S. 1, however,
-Wouid remark that, uad you deemed it proper
*ohave communicated tn nctetfto this letter, it
•would have been impossible for the President
»r> have perceived in its conditions or in its spi
jit, that conciliatory disposition which had be»n
professed, 8s. which, it was hoped, had really
jrxisted. ,
1 am, &c.
(Signed)
H. SMITH.”
1/ie /ton U. i>l. Arsxtne
2d. There was a serious difference of o_
|>ini >n bet ween Mr. Madison and myself up
on tnt bill, touching our foreign relations,
which was introduced by Mr.Macon early in
the session of 1809—-10. The policy, at once
developed in that bill, became a subject of u
niversal disapp. obation. Not a word in its
favor was to be found in any print. It was,
therefore, most fortunately not forced up
on 'he nation. In its place, however, wit
nubs itutetl 'he Act of May, 1810, which
th voice of the people, in the expression of
Jo i indignation, in derision, called Macon,
iNo. 2.
All that odium, which these two bills had
CX.‘Red throughout the IJ. States, was, by
Tt certain management, fastened upon Mr..
jVlacor. wu<« O' In i s. In these measures, as
on wist; tit humiliating, Mr. Madison was
not at all acen by hi> constituents. Not a
ftuspicoA V»«S ffiiuttained. that he had any
participation in acts **> poorly calculated to
effectuate theii protested purpose of aveiig
iugihe insults, of repairing the injuries and
«/. maintaining the lights ot the 0. ft.—To
Siccount. »lu ii I i the very acute sensibility
o' Mr. Madison, as to these two bills, it has
L '.me indispem«biy ugreafmr) to the pur
j> t oithis a do less, to thaw the mysterious
a iurn, that bad at brat entirely, and yet
»; i <»ib voii tu.^e trar.iax.'.iJTis, avj n |
state to my conniryitTen, that the rtprobat
ed Bills, usually culled Macon’s Bill, No. 1.
and Macon’s Bill, No. 2, were in tact the
special contrivance of Mr. Madison himself;
that they were his great and efficient mea
sures of the session ; that instead of being
recommended to Congress by the President
himself, as the constitution has wisely re
quired, they were severally, through a cer
tain medium, handed to Mr. Macon, to be,
it would seem, by him recommended.
Of these two measures, which were alike
regardless of the prosperity and of the ho
Dor of the U. S. I could not permit myself
to be the advocate ; and, especially, as I
was well persuaded, that the good sense,
the honorable principles and the patriotic
feelings of my countrymen would utterly
condemn them.
3d. During the session of 1809—10, cer
tain members of the Legislature, nof satis,
tied with .the policy of he measure, that
had been proposed by Mr. Macon, strongly
and repeatedly urged Mr. Madison to re.
commend to Congress, by a message, -the
necessity oF bringing forth the resources of
the nation, for the purpose of avenging the
insults, of repairing the injuries and of
maintaining tne rights of the 17. States—
Yielding to their importunities, he finally
sent to Congress the following message :
" TAr Presidents Mcss.'ge to both houses of Con
gress delivered on the 3rd oj fan. 1810.
't'o the Senate and House of Representatives of the
. U. S.. . .
■ The act authorising a detachment of one hun
dred thousanU men from the militia will expire
on the 30th of March next. Its early revival
is recommended, in order that timely steps may
be taken for arrangements, such as the act con
templnted. ...... ....
I.» Without inerfering with the modifications ten
dered necesaary by the defects, or the ineflicacy
of the laws restrictive of commerce 5c navigation,
or with the policy of disallowing to foreign ar
med vessels, the use of our waters ;it falls with
in. my duty to recommend also, that in addiiion
to the precautionary measure authorised by that
j act, and to the regular troops, for completing
establishment ot which enlistments
are renewed, every necessary provision may be
[ made, for a voluniw r force of twenty thousand
men, to be enlisted for a short period, and held
in a state of organization and readiness for actu
al service, at the shortest warning
I submit to the consideration of Congress,
moreover, the expediency of such a classifies
| .ion Sc organization ot the militia,as will beat in
| a,,re prompt St successive aids, from that source,
| adequite to emergencies, which may call for
| them.
ii'Wiu res. with them also, t<* determine how
far further provision may ha expedient, tor put
ting into actual service, if necessary, any part
of the naval armament not now employed.
At a period presenting features in the con
duct of foreign powers towirds the U. S. which
impose on them the necessity of precautionar-.
measures involving expense, it is a happy const
i deration that such is the solid state of the
public credit, hat reliance can be’justly placed,
on any legal provision that may be'made for re
sorting to it, in a convenient form, & to an ade
quate amount.
. JAMES MADISON.”
January 3, 1810
1q this i*Iessat*e I had the foltowing
objections :
1st. If the honor and the interest of the
U States did imperiously call for war, then,
instead of the half-way measures contemp
lated in the message, the recommendation
ought to have been, that the abundant phy.
•sical resources of the nation, should be du
lly organized and brought forth with atone,
that would unequivocally manifest at home
and abroad a determination to take a man
ly stand, and, especially, as such a precau
tionary measure has, not tmfrequently, had
the cfleet ot averting war
2d. Il war was not the real object, whence
was the necessity of filling the public niind
with the alarm of war ? Whence the pro
priety of expending our treasures in calling
to arms 20,000 such men ? Whence the
policy of trifling with the manly, gene
r- us feelings ot a brave, honorable, enter
prising people, as are the people of the U.
Stales i
3d. At all events, whatever may have
been the real object, the studied ambigui.
ty of the language of the message, formed
of itself a sufficient objection. Of this am
biguity Mr. Madtson was duly apprised.—
And, as was foreseen, members of Con
gress, not comprehending its meaning, ap_
plied, but in vain, for the requisite expla
nation. At length, a republican Senator,
distinguished by his sound principles as a
statesman, as well ss by his independent
feelings as a gentleman, did, in a very »
hie speech, make among other topics, the
following pithy comment upon this extraor
dinary message;
i lie s'resiuem s message of the 3d inst.
has been introduced by the chairman of the
committee in support of this Bill. Feeble
must be the aid which this measure can
derive from that source. This message, in
point of obscurity, comes nearer my ideas
of a Delphic Oracle, than any state paper
which has come under my inspection. It is
so cautiously expressed, that every man puts
what construction upon it he pleases. Is
he tor war i The message breathes no
thing but destruction and bloodshed. Is he
for peace ? The message U mere milk and
water, and wholly pacific Is he for the
bill before you * '{ he message calls for its
passage. Is he a friend to a large standing
army f Why, then the message means
20 000 regular troops. ]» he friendly to the
militia * The message does not call for
regular troops—it meuns militia. Thus, sir,
the message means any thing, or nothing,
at the will of the commentator. If this
message is oracular in its meaning, it was
no less miraculous in its promulgation. The
newspapers to the east of this, stated, that
such a message would be delivered, and
stated its contents nearly one week before
it reached the two houses of Congress.——
lo account for this Phenomenon, is neither
within my power or province.”
'tth i he non-intercourse law of the last
■«c<*-.ion was also the device of Mr. Madison.
It, too, was introduced by Presidential Ma
chinery. •
Should this statute be viewed, as it ought
to he, in connexion with, and u* emanating
from, the law of May, 1810, then will we
have to look for the “ fact”’required bv
that law, namely, the actual revocation of
the Berlin and Milan decrees
if this revocation did in fact take place,
as dcclat ed by the proclamation, then the
act ol May, commimicated as it had been
by the ex cutive to the two belligerent pow
ers, did become i/mo facto k compact be
tween the U. Stales aud France, and ir, that
case, neither parly had a right to disre
gard, or by law to change, its stipulated
t.irms and conditions, as this government
confessedly did by tlie non-intercourse act
of the last session.
i'lu act of May, mp, it i/ a sorrowf*
trtJ'Ti; did not provide For several obvious ea
ses, wherein our merchants must necessa
rily have been much injured in the event
of that law having been carried iu.o effect
in the crude form in which it had been pass
ed. Of this improvidence, our citizens
might, in fuchcase, well have complained
against their Representatives, Executive as
well as Legislative: but from it, our govern
ment most assuredly could not have deduc
ed a right to alter of itself, the conditions
of the compact. The other party might,
indeed, from a sentiment of compassion fur
our artless simplicity, have consented to
such a change ; but, without such au ac.
(juiessence. it could not, upon any principle
of natural or political lav/, be done.
If, however, the Emperor of the French
did not in fact revoke, as declared by the
Proclamation, the Berlin autl Milan de
crees, the act of May did not become a com
pact between the U. States and France;
and, in that case, his imperial majesty had
no claim against this government, founded
upon that statute, to enforce the non inter
course against the other belligerent. ,
What, then, was the evidence which had
; induced Congress to consider these decrees
j repealed, and which had accordingly indu
ced them to pass the non-intercourse law *
To the President in this as in every other
case touching our foreign relations, the
Legislators must necessarily have looked
for information and recommendation. From
him they had in due form received what,
they , imagined, they were officially bound
to consider as satisfactory evidence of the
repeal of these decrees, namely, his Procla
motion and his message containing a recom
mendation to enforce»hc act of May, 1810
In respect then to, tkis evidence and in pur
suance of thisrecoomendatioo did Congress
pass the act called the non-intercourse law
of the last 9essioi. , _ .
. This non -intercourse law,let itbe distinct
ly kept in mind Was passed after the arri
val at Washington of the new French min
ister, viz, on the 2nd day of March, 1811.
And I have., moreover, to entreat my coun
trymen del’fierati-iy and dispassionately to
view it in cinriexion with my letters* to gen
eral Armstrong of the 5th of June and 5th
of July, 1^10, with my letter to General
Turreat of the 18th December, 1810, and
with tie inf.-rmation hereafter detailed in
the 8tA article of this address. And, then
I tru4t, they will have a clear perception of
the real ground of Mr. Madison’s enmity
toinewilh respect to this measure.
i'uiwiui:>L«*uuiiig uic|)iLxibc protestation,
solemnly communicated to the French Gov
ernment and openly promulgated to the
whole world,in virtue of the letters from the
Sate Department of June and July 1810, that
•• a satisfactory provision for restoring the
property, lately surprised and seized by the
order or at the instance of the French Go
vernment must be combined with a repeal
of the French Edicts with a view to a non.
intercourse with Great Britain,” yet, it is
a fact, that before the passing of the non
intercourse law of the last session, viz. on
the 20m Feb. 1811, the French Government
did officially and formally through their
minister Mr. Surrurier communicate to this
Government their fixed determination not
to restore the /iro/tcrly that had been ao\sei
zed: And, moreover,from the information,
which had been received by Mr. Madison,
prior tothedateof the non-intercourse law',
it was, at the time of passing it, evident to
my mii.d, that the Berlin and Milan De.
crees had not been ievoked, as had been
declared by the Proclamation.
Sth. At the session cf Congress, 1809—
! 10, a law was passed making some new re
! gulations, as to ministers and Barbary con.
J suls. To this law Mr. Madison saw strong
objections-so strong, indeed, that he has
• hithertd utterly disregarded its provisions,
i Not having deemed it a4visable, at the time
j this bill was submitted to him for his appro
[ bation, to return it with his negative, and
. not having considered it expedient at the
: last session to recommend, as the constitu
I lion requires, its repeal or its modification,
| he, , at a late period of th< session pressed
I mc much to prevail opoi some member
jto introduce, with that viev, a bill into Con
jgresB. I remarked to him, as respectfully
! as I could, tbatl had powerful objecti ms to
every kind of private intermeddling with
the business of members of the Legislature,
and, especially, to such secret modes of re
commending public measures'to the consi
| deration of Congress He received my re
mark with great perturbition, and was evi
dantly much displeased.
Owijg to the untoward provisions of this
law and to the unfortunate rules of Mr
Madison’s calculating policy six at least
of our functionaries abroad, not holding
their appointments as this law directs, are
not entitled to and cannot receive the
compensation provided by law for their
services.
6th. Sensible as I ever have been, to the
insults and injuries, which the IT.S. have
received, again and again, from G. Britain,
I have at no time been bliud to the reitera
ted outrages of France. And whatever
may have been my view of the edicts and
proceedings of either of these powers com
pared with those of the other, I, in my dis
cussions with their respective functionaries,
have, invariably had my eye steadily on the
rights, the interest and the honor of the U.
S Never have I felt a disposition to identi
fy my country with either of the bellige
rent nations. Never did I abstain from as
serting the rights or from vindicating the ho
nor of the (J. S. from an apprehension that
either France or G. Britain might thereby
be exhibited to the world in an odious point
of view, The following draught of a letter
to General Armstrong was accordingly pre
* Extract of a latter from t-he Secretary of State to
Cen. Armstrong, elated
” June 5tb, 1810.
” If, however, the arrangement contemplated
by the law should be acceptable to the French
Government, you will understand it to be the
purpose of the President, not to proceed in giv
ing it effect, in case the late seizure of the pro
perty of the citizens of the 17. S. has been follow
ed by an absolute confiscation, and restoration
he finally refused. The only ground, short of a
preliminary restoration of the property, oft which
the contemplated arrangement can he made,
will he an understanding that the confiscation
is reversible, and that it will become immediate
ly Hie subject ol discussion with a reasonable
prospect r.f justice to our injured citizens."
Extract of a letter from the iecretaty of State to
Gen, Armstrong, tinted
u July Mh, 1810.
** As has been heretofore stated lo you, a sa
tisfactory provision for restoring the property
lot*, ly surprised and seized by the order or &t
Hie instance of the French Govei nmeut, must
be combined with » repealo( the French Edicts,
with a view to a non-intercojerse with G. II. such
a provision being an indispentttble evidence of
thejtut puiyosc of France towards the U 9.",
ipared by me immediately after the letter*
of the Duke <>f Cadot«, which it refers. I
had been received. it was ' in the usual,
form laid before thev president for his ap
probation. Hr, however, •bjected to the
sending of it. And, as there is reason to
believe, that this very letter constituted part
of the ground of the hostid/y of Mr. Ma
dison to me, it is but proper to give it pub*
lifitv.
Copy of the draught of the letter proposed to be
sent to Gen. Armstrong.
Department or Stats, June—, 1811).
Gen. Aumstkong,
Your letters of the-with
their respective enclosures were received on the
2lst day of May.
In the note of the Duke of Cadore nothing
can be perceived to justify the seizure of the A
merican property in the ports of France and in
those of her allies. The facts as well al the ar*
gummlN, which it ha* assumed, are confuted by
events known to the world, and particularly by
that moderation ol temper, which has invaria
bly distinguished the conduct of this Govern
ment towards the belligerent nations. After a
forbearance equalled only by our steady obser
vance of the laws of neutrality an 1 of t lie imnvi
1 table principles of justice, it is with no little
, surprise that the President discerns in the
i French Government a disposition to represcut
j the U. S. as the original aggressor. An act of
i violence, which under existing circumstances
is scarcely less than an act of war, necessarily
: required an explanation, which would satisfy
1 not only the U. S. but the world. But the note
I ol the Duke ol Cadore, instead of u justifica i- o
| has not furnished even a plausible palliation or »
I reasonable rpology foe the seizure of tlie Ame
rican p. opertj.
There has never '.teen ; piriod of time when
the 17. S. have ceased l<» pro'eat against the Bri
tish Orders in Council With regard to tl*C re
sistance which the U. S. m.y nave deemed it
proper to oppose to such unlawful restrictions,
it obviously belonged to the American Govern
ment alone to prescribe the mode, li a system
of exclusion of the vessels and merchandise of
the Belligerent powers from our ports has
been preferred to war,if municipalprohibition has
been resorted to instead of invasive retaliation,
with what propriety can Ui- Emperor of the
French pretend to see in that method of pro ce
ding any thing e)3e than a lawful exercise of So
creign power ? To construe the exercise of this
power into a cause ot warlike reprisal is ., species
ol dictation, which, could it be admitted, would
nave a tendency to subvert the Sovereignty of
the U.S. *
.i«mcu«»cWnWea our law or exclusion m.
to a^pn. text tor the seizure ot'the property of
>.he U S. rtiis statute was also in force against
the vessels of G B. If its operation had been
considered by the French Government as of suf
ficient efficacy tojustify this pretended icprisal,
that very operation, as it would have been more
severely felt by G. B. ought also to have been
considered as constituting a resistance to her or
ders, the non-cx>stence of which resistance has
been stated by the Duke cf Cadore as the pre
texijfor the act of violence exercised on the | Am;
rican property. TheLT. S., having resisted the
British Orders, the real ground of complaint
would seem to be, not so much that the Ame
ncan government has not resisted a tax on their
navigation, as that it has likewise resisted the
French decrees, which had »*sunr d a prescrip
live power over the policy of the U. S. as icore
hensible as the attempt of the British Govern
ment to levy contributions an our trade was ob
noxious. Placed in a situation where at*x was
proclaimed on the one hand, and a rule of action
prescribed on the other, the U. S. owed it to
their own honor to resist with corresponding
measures the cupidity oflheoneand the pro
sumption of the other. TFlien the American Go
vernment sees >n the provisions of the British or
ders an assumption of jnaritime power in contra
vention of the Law of Nations,how can it tail al
so to perceive in the French decrees the adop
tion of a principle equally derogatory and inju
rious 10 the neutral character >f th** U. S.
The pretension, ot subjecting American navi
gation to a lux, is advanced by the British order
of Nov 1807, v^as in reality withdrawn by the
order of the 26th of April, 1339. Y-t 10 moths
subsequent to the recul of that pretension, its al
ledged existence is made the basis reproach
against the American G >vernment the Emm
roroftlie F'vnch L would be f'-uitless to cum
ment upon the disposition to insist upon the pre
vailing influence of a fact wh" )i nolongerexiv| • ;
which, when it did exist, was uniformly com
haoed ; a the find ext nc ion of which was the
manifest consequence ofThe measures of this
Government.
It the American Government had seized
French vessels, as erroneously asserted in the
note ol the Duke of Cadore,the occurrence could
only have been attributed to the temerity of
their owners or comma-i lers. who, afier h pre
vious notifir tion, from the 1st of Mar-b i< the
20th of May, of the act of exclusion, would have
strangely presumed upon impunity in the viola
tion of a prohibitory municipal law of the U. S
Had France interdicted to our vessel* all
ports within the sphere of her influence, and had
she given a warning of vquai duration with that
given by our law, there would have been no
cause of complaint on the part of the U. S_
The French Government would not then have
had the opportunity of exercising its power, in
a manner as contrary to the forms as to the spirn
ol justice, over the property of liie citizens of the
It was, art all times, in the power of France
to suspend with regard to herself, our acts o
exclusion, of which she complains, by simph
annulling or modifying her decrees 'Proposi
tions to this effect have been made to her Oov
rnment through you. They were not accepter
On the contrary, a policy was preferred, whicn
was calculated to produce any olnsr result than
that of a good understanding between the two
countries. By the Act of Congress of the last
session an opportunity is again afforded to his
Imperial Majesty to establish the mo9t amicable
relations between tbc U. S. and France. Let
* The letter qf Feb !4fA,1818, from which the
^tfowing if an extract.
“ His Majesty could place no reliance on the
proceedings of the U. S. who having no ground
of complaint against France comprised her in
their act# of exclusion, and since the month of
May have forbidden the en ranee of their ports
to French vessels und'-r the penalty «f confisca
tion. As soon as his Majesty was informed of
this measure, he considered himself hound to
order reprisals on American vessels not only in
his territory,hut lib-wise in the countries which
are under his influence--In the ports of Hol
land, of Spain, of Italy U of Naples, American
vessels have been seized, because tbe Ameri
esns have seized French vessels. The ' Ameri
cans cannot hesitate as to the part which they
arc to take. They might either in tear to pieces
the act of their independence, and to become again,
as !>rf<>re tho revolution, the subp ets of Rutland,
or to take such measures as that their com
merce and industry should not he tariffed by
the English, which renders them more depen
dent than Jamaica, which »t least has its As
sembly of Representatives and i(# privileges-*
Men without just poi ,nca! otewt, without honor,
without rnrtyc, may allege that payment of tl. '
tribu'e imposed by J&ijclund may be suhmiitr ,
to, because it is light j btft why will 'hey „ ,
perceive that the English will no soo~r have o- •
taiued the admisuon of the principle (ban to*
will raise the 1'arrtT in such way that the bur
then a- first tight* becoming insupportable,
will then be necessary to fight for into lest alter'
luVoif refused to light far iusou.”
him withdraw or modify his decrees ; let h;-*
restore the property of our citizens so unjust!
seized, ainl a law of the (J. S. exists, which au
thorises the President to promote the best possi
ble understanding with France, and to impose a
system ol'ezclusion against the ships and mar.
cliaudise ofG. B. in tiie event of her failing to
conform to the same just terms of conciliation.—
In fine, as the Emperor will now be acquainted
with the fact that no French vessels have been
unlawfully s-.-ned in the ports of the If. S.; si
the law of exclusion against the commerce of*
France is no more in operation, there can be no
longer a solitary reasonable pretext for procrasti
nating the delivery of the American property,
detained by the French Government,into the pos_
session of the respective owners
These observations you will not fail to present
to the view of the French Government, in order
that the Emperor may learn that the U. S. insist
upon nothing but theiracknowledged rights, fs.
that they still entertain a desire to adjust alk
differences with the government of France upon)
a basis equally beneficial and honorable to botta
nations.
I have the honor to be, &c. &c. &c.
R. SMITH.
Gen. Armstrong, Crc Oc.frc.
Instead oi the animadversions contained,
in the aforegoing letter, the President di„'
rected the insertion of simply the follow
ing section in my letter of the 5th ot June,
I 1310 :
; “ As the • John Adams’ is daily rxpec*
ted, and as your further communications
by her will better enable me to adapt to the
actual state of our affairs with the French
Government, the observations proper to be
made in relation l > their seizure of our pra-^
petty and to the letter o' the Dike of C&.
* dore of the 14th February, it is by the Pre
sident deemed expedient not to make, a£<%
this rime, any such animadverrons.——st ‘
i cannot, however, forbear informing you.
that a high indignation is felt by the Presi
dent, as well as by the public, at this act’.
> of violence on our property, and at the owt-i
| rage, both in the language and in the mat-*
| ter, of the letter of the Duke of Cadore, so
‘justly pourtrayed in your note to him of the
J 10th of March.”
j It is worthy of notice, that the last sen
I tence of the above section was merely &.
• communication to General Armstrong, per
; sonally, as to the impression made here by'
that outrage the French Government, &
that it was not an instruction to hint to make,
the F,mpcror of France acquainted witk.
the high indignation felt on the occasion by
the President and by the Nation. It sim
ply shews, that our executive had, at that
time, but just resolution enough to impart te
its own Minister the sentiments of indigna
tion, that had been here excited by the enor -
mous outrage of the Ramboiiillet decree amt
by the insulting audacity of the Duke of.
tadore’s letter.
(~ To be continued.)
rnQM THE MOSTBEAL GAZETTE.
[JVe are indebted to a subscriber fo~\
the foflozoing disjiatch as an accomfiani+
meni to that of Commodore Rodgers
Cofly of a disjiatch from At. Gran tirade, to■
the minister of marine.
Port Nubius, 27th Qct. 1810.
“ Monseigseub,
“ Ever zealous for the.
honor ot his imperial majesty’s marine ser
vice, I was on the look out yesterday, about
three, r m. the tide setting in shore, I dis
covered the appearance of an enemy’s ves-.
sel making the harbor- As it was impossi
ble, on firs' view, to ascertain of what furue
she might b«, 1 immediately tor car of ac-»
cident, ordered out the three frigates, with
the corvettes and brigs, which so lately
were covered with gi.ny, under the name of’
M. Dubordine. This gallant little recon
Aoiteriog squadron soon manoeuvred so as to.
surround the object of attack, whicli proved
to be the boat ol a British cruizer, drifting
from the vessel, having one stout hand oix
board last asleep Before the discovery
was fully made, two of our frigates being ad
a cautious distance, on each side of the
vessel, at the same moment fired their
broadsides, which passing over the object
of their aim, they unfortunately struck each
other; but the artillery was, as usual,
exeellen.ly served by M. Bombardier, of
one vessel, and M. Keiocket of the other,
that only two of our men were killed, and,
two wounded. The enemy was now board
ed by 12 resolute fellows, who volunteered,
their service, and who, I hope, will he re
warded in the legion of honor. The Bri
tish sain*, was made prisoner without much
difficulty, having only knocked down one o£
the assailants with his list. This gallant re
sistance would have entitled him to oi.r
consideration, but, upon being informed he
had 'lie honor of being the emperor’s pri-«
soner. he, with that scurrility so natural to
the British, deliberately consigned certain
parts of his imperial majesty’s sacred per
son, together with eyes, limbs, body arul
bones, to everlasting conde nna ioi being
in other respects very perdnacious, a.nd re
fusing to tell the force Irorn which his&uatr
had been accidentally detached, we thought*
proper, on his being brought into port, to
place him under a strong military guard,
till the celebrated Capuchin friar, who
lately took two British sailors and one mus
ket, can be sent for to bring him to reason*
by proper discipline. The name of the
boat unknown
* 1 he prisoner, cm being interrogated,
says, his name is Tom Groggins; and that,
laden with an extra cargo of spirits, lie had
been overtaken by sleep : adding, that
could he have heaved part of his ballast
overboard ia time, he would have escaped
the force sent against him,
•• I shall have the honor of coonmunica^
ting to your highness the names of the offi_
cers who have the best title to the lavor of
his majesty.
** 1 have the honor to be, &c. &c &c.
“ GRANTIHADE.
“P. S Since writing the above the pri
soner has escaped through the indiscretion
of the captain of the guard, who upon some
occasion of duty withdrew 6 of the 18 meu
who were set as cendnela over him. The
drums are now beating to arms ; we have
manned all the batteries; and the whole of
his imperial majesty’s formidable flotilla
are putting to sea with all expedition. The
prisoner left behind him a greasy tobacco
pouch, containing one yard and a half of
pigtail tobacco; the latter we divided a
mong the troops, who are rather shortened
for provisions; and the former we burnt,
according to the imperial decree, as being
Rritish manufacture*”
Order* in CounnV,-—Those who are dtsi
rous of a practical exposition of the < ffee:
• these unjust edicts, may be gratified in
heir wish by perusing die fol|pwjng*i»cCMini
n a recent capture under then,. This ]«
only one instance among an hond. td J tu **

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