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Great Falls daily tribune. (Great Falls, Mont.) 1895-1921, September 05, 1919, Image 2

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Felt Need, He Says, of Reporting to People, as
Those Who Thunder at League Do Not Tell Pub
lic What Really Is in Pact Drawn at Versailles ;
Predicts Eventual Ratification.
Columbus, 0., Sept. 4.—President Wilson, opening his country
wide speaking tour for the peace treaty, declared in an address
here today that his purpose was to "go out and report to my fel
low countrymen/'
"The only people I owe any report," said the president, "are
you and other citizens of the United States."
The Präsident said it also seemed "increasingly necessary" that
he should make such a report, because he had read many speeches
about the treaty and was unable to gather from them much of
* what the treaty contained.
Escorted by Troops.
President Wilson arrived in Columbus
shortly after .11 o'clock. The city was
garbed in its highest fashion to greet
'the president.
Escorted by a battalion of state
troops and city officials. President Wil
i*on was driven through the city
Memorial hill immediately upon his ar
To greet him on his arrival were
«•rowds somewhat reduced on account of
street car strike, but the president was
cheered heartily as he proceeded, a<
<ompani'id by Mrs. Wilson and his party.
On arriving at the hall at 1J :Ti<)
o'clock, the president received an ova
tion. The audience sang "Dixie" and
then burst forth in a cheer that rang
through the hall
The president's remarks were inter
l'upted from time t<> time with {ipplaus
Every seat, of the 4.00U in the hall was
filled, and many persons were compelled
to stand, lining the walls.
Not a Crushing Treaty.
The meeting was presided over by
T>r. W. O. Thompson and the president
was introduced by former Governor
•Tames Campbell and the "first citizen uf
1 he bif round world."
Mr. Wilson began by saying that ne
had "chafed at the confinement of,
Washington" and w;e: plad to get out to
make his report to the peopl«
In the first place, the president said,
the treaty undertook to punish Ger
many, but that there was no thought to
overwhelmingly crush any great peo
Restraint had been exercised, he said,
and there was provision for making the
reparation no greater than Germany
could pay.
Mr. Wilson said he had been "astonish
ed" at statements made about the treaty
and was convinced many of them were
made by men who had not read it or
else had failed to comprehend its mean
League Based on Promise.
The league of nations, the president
declared, was formed in fulfillment of
the promise that the I nited States
would fight this war to "end that sort":
and not to establish the league, he said,
wotdd be "unfaithful" to those who had
"If we do not do this thing," he de
clared, "we have neglected the central
covenant we promised our people. The
league of nations is the only thing that
can prevent the recurrence of war."
Besides this, the president continued,
1 he treaty "tears away" the chains of
oppression and gives amall nationalities
the right Jo live their own lives.
That, he said, "was tiie American
position and I was glad to fight for it."
Following Vlson, Me Says.
Italy, the presdent continued, "had
presented to the conference a contrary
proposal in her request for J iume..
"I'd rather have everybody on my
Hide," he continued, "than be armed to!
the teeth
Referring to criticism that the treaty
violated American traditions, Mr. Wil
non said he was proud that lie, too. be
longed to the "old revolutionary school"
And that lie was following the purposes!

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of the vision which the fathers had seen.
"This was why," lie said, "some of the
the wrong of Europe." said the presi
dent, "and from my humble position it
is a measureable success."
He used the word "measureable," he
gladded, because racial lines were not al
j W ?'Y S distinct and could not be drawn
! with absolute precision on a map.
j Boundaries for People Later,
I "Ths was why" he said, "some of the
I boundary lines were left to be decided
later by the people themselves. The
treaty, he declared, was wrote through
with (he American principle of the
j choice of the governed."
"The treaty also contains," the pres
ident continued, "a magna Charta of
labor" which would set up an interna
j tional labor organization. This organisa
j tion. he said, would hold its first meet
j irjg in Washington in October, "whether
I the treaty is ratified by then or not.''
The Labor Code.
"The labor section," Mr. Wilson said.
"provided what had been provided long
i a K°- fulfilled the realization of the
statesmen, he said that there could be
£ n °d government or peaee unless
j the people themselves were satisfied
| By regulation of labor conditions the
world over and by similar provisions liK
those to regulate the opium
regulate the opium trad*
extended the Red Gross. Mr. Wilson
j said, the treaty "draws the noble im
' pulses of the world together and makes
; a team of them."
"That's what's in this treaty. " he
j continued. "Did anyone ever tell you
! that before?"
Concert of Feeling at Paris.
| The president appealed to his hearers
j if they would not read the treaty theui
! selves, to at least accept the account
j of its contents as given by those who
| made it.
Mr. Wilson said he had heard a great
deal about the selfishness of other na
tions, but that there really was a con
cert of feeling at Versailles.
"We were under instruction
fh „ president, "and we didn't dare come
borne without fulfilling those instnn
tions If I
I }l j. 0 f tr
to exert their influem
| 0 f the treaty,
, , . , ,. . „ , „
r ,4, >
ouldn't have brought back
aty that I did bring back.
I never would have come back.
The president said it was not his pur
pose during the trip to "debate'* the
treaty but. to expound it.
Urges Support for Treaty.
The president appealed to bis hearers
for acceptance
"Don't let men pull it down." he said.
"Don't let them misrepresent it."
"When the treaty is accepted," lie
said, "the men from the khaki will never
have to cross the seas again and I say
when it is accepted because it will be
address at:
president finished hi:
... ., ,
;*» «h" President was leaving the hall
a hmaimin in the gallery called several
j lirn< '?'„ ^'" m about ^' ian "
jtung.' I he president apparently did not
hear him.
Special to The Daily Tribune.
('ut Bank, Sept. 4.—J. S. Fisher, a
young rancher of this place, has returned
from overseas where he took part in five
major battles, as indicated by stars on
his sleeve. Mr. Fisher has been honor
ably discharged and will again make <"ut
Bank his home. He was in the service
over a year and a half and was with
the Tenth field artillery, third division.
Poison, Sept. 4.—Establishment of a
newspaper here, to be known as the
Weekly Interpreter, is soon to be ac
complished by a newly organized com
pany. W. II. C. Green is to be the ed
itor of the publication.
Special to The Daily Tribune.
('lit Bank, Sept. 4.—Mrs. Arthur l'ur
ccll has gone as a delegate of Cut Hank
lodge to the Ladies of the Maccabees
convention being held at Port Huron.
Special to The Daily Tribune.
Cut Bank, Sept. 4.—Cady Paltts has
returned from Steamboat Kock. In.,
where lie has been on an extended visit,
with relatives. He was accompanied
back to Cut Bank by H. E. Starr, also
of that place.
Special to The Daily Tribune.
Cut Bank, Sept. 4.—Daniel Whet
stone, editor the Pioneer Press, who
has been visiting at Portland for the
past three weeks will return home this
week. He was accompanied by Iiis son,
Stuart. t
Special to The Daily Tribune.
Lewistown, Sept. 4.—The divorce of
Mrs. Anna Croft against C. J. Croft, was
heard yesterday by Judge Briscoe and u
decree ordered. The grounds are de
sertion and failure to provide. The par
ties were married at Fort Benton in
Columbus, O., Sept. 4.—President
Wilson, iu his speech in behalf of the
ratification of the treaty of peace, here,
today, said, in part:
"It is with very profound pleasure
that I find myself face to face with
you. I have for a long time chafed at
the confinement of Washington. I have
for a long time wished to fulfill th
purpose with which my heart was full
when 1 returned to our beloved country,
namely, to go out and report to my fel
low countrymen concerning those af
fairs of the world which now need to be
"The on
to are you
United States and it has become in
creasingly necessary, apparently that I
should report to you. After all the vari
ous angles from which you have heard
the treaty held up, perhaps you wouiil
like to know what is in the treaty. I
y people T owo any report
and the other citizens of the
find it very difficult in reading some !
of the speeches that I have read to j
forni any conception of that great
document. 1
Unique Document.
"It is a document unique in the history i
of* the world for many reasons, and I '
think I cannot do you a better service
or the peace of the world a better ser
vice than by pointing out to you just
what this treaty contains and what it
seeks to do.
"In the first place, my fellow country
men it seeks to punish one of the great
est wrongs ever done in history, the
wrong which Germany sought to do to
the world and to civilization and throw
out the weak nations. hence the applica
tion of this punishment. She attempted
an intolerable thing and she must be
made to pay for the attempt.
Justly Severe Terms.
"The terms of the treaty are severe,
but they are not unjust. I can testify
that the men associated with me at the
peace conference in Paris had it. in their
hearts to do justice and not wrong, but
they knew perhaps with a more vivid
sense of what had happened than we
could possibly know on this side of the
water, the many solemn covenants which
Germany had disregarded, the long prep
aration she had made to overwhelm her
neighbors, the utter disregard which she
had shown for human rights, for the
rights of women and children and those
who were helpless. They had seen their
lands devastated by an enemy that de
voted itself, not only
victory, but to the effort of terror, seek
ing to terrify the people whom they
fought, and I wish to testify that they
exercised restraint in the terms of this
treaty. They did not wish to overwhelm
any threat nation and they had no purpose
in overwhelming the German people, but
they did think that it ought to be burned
into the consciousness of men forever
that no people ought to permit its gov
ernment to do what the German govern
ment did.
Germans Awake to Iniquity.
"In the last analysis, my fellow conn- ;
tr.vmen, as we in America would be the j
first to claim a people are responsible I
for the acts of their government, if their
government purposes things that: are
wrong, they ought to take measures and
see to it that purpose is not executed
"Germany was self-governed. Her
rulers had not concealed the purposes
that they had in mind, but they had de
ceived their people as to the character
the effort of
of the methods they were going to use, i
m Tin I b'MK-ve from what I fan learn that
there is an awakened consciousness in '
Germany itself ..f the deep iniquity of
the thing that was attempted.
the Austrian delegates came
peace eontenuioe . jn
many words, spoke of the origination ;
before tin
of the war as a crime and admit
our presence that it was a thing intol-,
erable to contemplate. They knew in ;
their hearts that it had done them th->
deepest conceivable wron;;: that it had
put their people and the people of Oer- j
many at the judgment scat of mankind :
and throughout this tr?aty every term 1
that was applied to Germany was meant !
not to humiliate Germany, but; to rerti
fv the wrong that she had done l or I
there was no indemnity - m indemnity ;
of any sort except what was claimed for \
merely rectifying, merely paying for the
destruction dune, merely making good
the losses, so far as the losses Could be
made good which she had unjustly in
flicted. not upon the governments—-for
the reparation is not to go *o the gov
ernments—but upon the people whose
rights she had trodden upon with abso
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lutely absence of everything that even
resembled pity. There is no indemnity
in this treaty, but there is reparation,
and in the terms of reparation a meth
od is devised by which the reparation
shall be adjusted to Germany's ability
to pay it.
Germany to Pay What She Can.
"I am astonished at some of the
statements 1 see made about this treaty
and the truth is that they are made by
persons who have not read the treaty
or who, if they have read it, have not
comprehended its meaning.
There is a method of adjustment in
^ î0 ^ rea ty by which the reparation shall
not ^ pressed beyond the point which
Germany can pay, but she will be press
ed to the utmost point that she can pay,
which is just, which is righteous. It
would be intolerable if there had been
anything else, for, my fellow citizens,
this treaty is not meant merely to end
t his single war, it is meant as a notice
t0 PV ery government which might at
tempt this thing, that mankind will unite
to inflict the same punishment.
"There is nu national triumph sought
to be recorded in this treaty. I here is
no glory for any particular nation. The
thought of the statesmen collected
around that table was of their people, of
the suffering that they had gone through,
of the losses they had incurred, that
great throbbing heart which was so de
pressed. so forlorn, so hazy in memory
that it had of the fire tragical years,
my fellow countrymen. Let us never
forget the purpose, the high purpose, the
disinterested purpose with which Amer
ica lent its strength, not for its own
glory, but for the advancement of man
kind. And, as I said, this treaty was
not intended merely to end this war,
it was intended to prevent; any similar
Peace Forever Was Promised.
"I wonder if some of the opponents
of the league of nations have forgotten
the promises we made our people before
went to that peace table? We had
taken by processes of law the flower of
Mir youth from every countryside, from
every household and we told those
mothers and fathers and sisters and
wives and sweethearts that we were
taking those men to fight a war which
would end all business of that sort and
if we od n..f end it. if we don't do the
best that human action can do to end it.
we are of all men the most unfaithful
—the most unfaithful to the loving
hearts who suffered in this war; the
most unfaithful to those whose heads
bowed in grief yet lifted with the feeling
that the lad laid down his life for great
things, among other things in order that
other lads might not have to do the
same thing. .
"That is what the league of nations
is for. to end this war justly, and it is
not merely to serve notice on govern
ments which would contemplate the
same things which Germany contemplat
ed, that they will do it at their peril,
but also concerning the combination of
r which will prove to them that
will do it at their peril. It is idle
to say the world will combine against
you because it may not. but it is per
suassive to say the world is combined
against you and will remain combined
against any who attempt the same things
that you attempted.
League Only Guarantee of Peace.
"The league of nations is the only
thing that can prevent the recurrence
of , his ,j r „ t ,dful cntastroph
urr i)ro niis« v s
' ,]id not" meet a single public man
who d , (1 I1I)t M(imir things, that
Germanv would not have gone into this
|W||r if ' s he had thought Great Britain
was into it and that she most
certainly would never have gono into
this war if she should have dreamed
America was going into it. and they have
all admitted that a notice beforehand
that the greatest powers of the world
would combine to prevent this sort of
thing it would have prevented it ab
solut ely.
"When gentlemen tell you. therefore,
that the league of nations is intended
314 Central Ave. I'Iione B.l&il
for some other purpose than this, merely
reply this to them: 'If we do not do
this thing we will have neglected the
central covenant that we made to our
people' and there will be do statesman of
any country who can thereafter promise
Iiis people any alleviation from the perils
of it.
Passions Worse Than Ever.
"Passions of this world are not dead;
they are alive in this world and have
not cooled: they have been rendered hot
ter than ever.
"The harness that is to unite nations
is more necessary now than it ever was
before and, unless there is this sureness
of combined action before wrong is at
tempted, wrong will be attempted just
so soon as the most ambitious nations
can recover from the financial stress of
this war.
"Now, look what else is in the treaty.
This treaty is unique in the history of
mankind, because the center of it is the
redemption of weak nations. There never
was a congress of nations before that
considered the rights of those who could
not enforce their rights. There never
was a congress of nations before that
did not seek to effect: some balance of
power brought about by means of serv
ing the strength and interest of the
strong powers concerned, whereas this
tretUy builds up nations that never could
have won their freedom in any other
way. It builds them up by gift, by lar
gess, not by obligation: builds them up
because of the conviction of the men
who wrote the treaty that the rights
of people transcend the rights of gov
ernments, because of the conviction of
the men who wrote that treaty that the
fertile source of war is wrong; that the
Austro-Hungarian empire, for example,
was held together by military force and
consisted of peoples who did not want
to live together; who did not have the
spirit of nationality a 1 * towards each
other: who were constantly chafing at
the bands that held them. Hungary,
though a willing party of Austria, was
willing to tie her partner because she
could share Austria's strength for ac
complishing her own ambitions, and her
own ambitions were to hold under the
Jugo-Slavic peoples that lie to the south
of her.
Unhappy Alliances.
Germany, an unhappy partner—a
partner by duress, flowing in ali her
veins the strongest national impulse
that was to be found anywhere in En
rope, and north of this pitiful Poland,
a great nation, divided up among the
great powers of Europe, torn asunder
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kinship disregarded, natural ties treated
with contempt and an obligatory division
among sovereigns imposed upon her, a
part, of her given to Germany, and
great bodies of Polish people never per
mitted to have intercourse with their
kinsmen, for fear that that fine instinct
of the heart should assert itself which
binds families together. JPoland could
never have won her independence.
"Bohemia never could have broken
away from the Austro-Hungarian com
Living Own Lives.
"The Slavic peoples to the south,
running down into the great Baltic pen
insula. had again and again tried to as
sert their nationality and independence
and had as often ben crushed not by
the immediate powers they were fight
ing but by the combined power of Eu
rope. The old alliances, the old balances
of power, were meant to see to it that
no little nation asserted its rights to
the disturbance of the peace of Europe,
and every time an assertion of rights
was attempted they were supressed by
combihed influence and force, and this
treaty tears away all that and says
these people have a right to live their
own lives under the government which
they themselves choose to set up.
"That is the American principle,
and I was glad to fight for it and when
strategic consideration were urged. I
said—not I alone but it was a matter
of common counsel—that strategic con
siderations were not in our thought,
that we are not now arranging for
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future wars, but were giving peopie
what belonged to them.
The Case of Italy.
"My fellow citizens I do not think
there is any man alive who has a more
tender sympathy for the great people
of Italy than I have and a very stern
duty was presented to us when we had
to consider some clamis of Italy on the
Adriatic, because strategically from th'
point of view of future wars Italy need
ed a military foothold on the other side
(Continued on Pat« Three).
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