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The SEATTLE REPUBLICAN
VOL VII NO. 1 FRINK MENTIONED By the Country Press in Connec tion With the Gubernatorial Nomination—ls Pronounced a Strong Candidate and will Bring Votes to the Party if Nominated—Has Friends in the Northwest—Pierce County Will Support Him—Southwest Must Stand Alone Against Him— Success Assured. King county Republicans did the wisest thing possible, when they decided to ask for the office of governor, and let the other offices seek a man where they will. All they have to do now is to ask unitedly for one man for this honor, and there is no doubt at all but what that man will be nominated and elected, but the Republicans of King county must come as a unit. The gover norship is conceded to King county, and there is talk of a man who lives there, who would be a fitting candidate, on** who com mands the respect and confidence of all the people of Seattle, where he hap lived for twenty-five years. If King county presents the name of J. M. Frink for governor, he is as sure of being nominated and elected as the sun will set this evening, and we hope they will do so. —Arlington Enterprise. The Republican club of Seattle did the proper thing at its meeting last Saturday evening when it de cided that the proper thing to do was for King county to make an effort to secure the Republican nomination for the governorship and not interfere in the congres sional nominations. When the name of Senator Frink was men tioned it created a good deal of enthusiasm, which would seem to indicate that the senator has the backing of the business and con servative element of Seattle. If Seattle and King county will bring forward a good man for governor the Times believes he can be nominated by acclamation The ballance of the state will concede that position to King county. The bare announcement that Senator Frink has entered the race has created a good deal of enthu siasm in different parts of the state. It looks as though he would yrow in political strength from now until the meeting of the state convention. Snohomish to King county: "Name your pizen and we will take it." —Everett Times. Seattle has three candidates for the governorship—E. H. Guie, speaker of the house of represen tatives; Mayor T. J. Humes, and ex-State Senator J. M. Frink. Of the three the present indica tions are that "the first shall be last and the last shall be first" as respects local support. Mr. Frink is a business man, president of the Washington Iron Works, and one of the Queen City's most highly respected citizens. It is signifi cant of his local popularity that his candidacy was unanimously in dorsed by the King county Re publican club the day after Mayor Humes' candidacy was formally announced in the Post-Intelli gencer.—San Juan Islander. We are glad to note the an nouncement of the gubernatorial candidacy of ex-State Senator J. M. Frink of King county, for the reason that if elected he will take to the chief executive office of the state a fund of knowledge and ex perience gleaned from the farm, workshop, factory and commercial enterprises that this state stands in peculiar and particular need of at this time. The development of our state in the next four years will be rapid and even phenomenal and we need the guiding hand of a man of large business experience and one who will be free from en dangering political alliances — Skagit County Times. Among the Republican possibili ties for the office of governor, none seem to meet with more general approval than J. M. Frink of Se attle. Of course the outcome will entirely depend upon King county. If that county sends up a divided delegation ac it did at the last two conventions it will get nothing- But if it comes up united for a strong candidate such as Frink is, for governor, and the entire dele gation work for their man, there is no question but they can nominate him. J. M. Frink is the only man mentioned, so far, that will meet with no outside opposition and his indorsement by the King county delegation means his nomination and triumphant election.—Mt. Vernon News-Herald. Interest in the contest in King county for local support for the Republican gubernatorial nomina tion has been augmented the past week by the formal announcement of the candidacy of Hon. J. M- Frink, of Seattle. Mr. Frink has been a citizen of that city since 1874, and is essentially a self made man. His prominence in business affairs in Seattle is due solely to his perseverance and his merits as an honest and upright citizen. Mr. Frink has seen much of political life, having been a member of the state senate from King county for eight consecutive years. He is a stalwart Republi can, and will doubtless make him self felt in the present contest. In business life he is president of the Washington Iron Works, one of Seattle's prominent manufac tories. He is held in high esteem by all who have had social, politi cal or business relations with him. —Dem ing Prospector. If the King county Republicans are wise they will give Hon. J. M. Frink of Seattle an united delega tion to the Republican state con vention for the office of governor. With Mr. Frink as the candidate of King county there will be no doubt of the action of the conven tion. He will be nominated be yond question. Republicans from various portions of the state are inclined to concede that the gover ship should go to King county if she presents an acceptable candi date. Mr. Frink will be accept able for various reasons. He is a successful business man; his char acter is beyond reproach; he has had a successful experience as state senator from King county for eight years and left the legisla ture with the confidence and re spect of his associates; he is a thorough going Republican; he is a man who always had the courage of his convictions while in the senate. A man with all these qualifications, together with the rare executive ability that has enabled him to successfully manage a large industry through the panicky times of the past ten years would surely make a strong candidate before the people. Mr. Frink has never been a profes sional politician although he has been sought out by his King county friends on more than one occasion and put forward for public favor because of his sterling worth. It is needless to say that he has always been a winner and he will be a winner in the state conven tion and will be elected governor by a large majority if he is pre sented as King county's candidate for governor at the coming state convention. —Chehalis Bee. SEATTLE, WASHINGTON, FRIDAY, JUNE 1, 1900. NEGRO CITIZENSHIP Pronotmced a Plat Failure by Con federate Generals, who, for Four Years were Rebels and Traitors to the Flag—Declare the Negro has Not Accomplish ed Enough in Thirty-five Yoars and For That Reason the Fif teenth Amendment Should be Abrogated. That recent convention held at Montgomery, Alabama, in which only "white men" participated, to discuss the American Negro both pro and con, was remarkable for wise men (?) uttering and dwelling on some very unwise things. Being composed of Southern men, and ex-rebels at that, the repeal of the Fifteenth Amendment to the Constitution of the United States, was made prime thought of the convention. In other words, it wanted the world to understand, because the Negro had not come up to its members fastidious ideas of civilization after thirty-five years of freedom, he should now be again forced into involuntary serfdom, worse a hundred times over than the slavery that existed in the South before Sherman's famous "march to the w Un conditional Surrender Grant visit ed with Robert E. Lee at Appama tox Court House. The Fifteenth Amendment was conceived in the minds of those, who subsequently put it into full force and effect in the very midst of fire and flames, shot and shell and death and distraction; it was written on the faces of a hundred thousand brave boys of blue as their lifeless forms lay bleaching on the ghostly battle field by their surviving comrades, and the liquid used for writing it was the hearts blood of those, who had given their lives, that it might be, therefore, neither sickly senti ment, race color bugbear, nigger dominacy scare crow nor any kindred Negrophobia diseases held up as the Mexican would a red flag before a fighting bull in the arena, will have no right about face on this question and neither the men nor the sons of those men, who wrote and voted for it, will ever suffer to see their work quietly undone, and, if it is ever undone, it will be so after more men will have lost their lives on the battle field than the Great Civil war ever dreamed of. Grant it, that the Negro has fallen below the standard that has been mapped out for him by even some of his most ardent Northern sup porters, he has, nevertheless, done quite enough to more than justify the North for freeing the United States of one of the most brutal institutions that ever existed among supposed civilized people, and, taking into consideration that the Negro is but thirty-five years from a 200 year oppression and bondage, it does seem that there is still much time for improve ment. If in the next two thirty five yeara the Negro improves as he has in the past, a century more and he will exhibit a far different Negro than the Negro now so un mercifully criticised by men who still rage on account of having lost him as a chattel. As the citizens all over the country watched the battle scarred veterans of a hundred battle fields of the Great Civil war last Wednesday amble up and down the streets in their feeble attempt to keep time to the "fife and drum" as they did at Gettysburg, Lookout Mountains, Spottsylvania and a hundred other places that their country's honor might never trail in the dust at the hands of rebels and traitors, it was plain to be seen on their determined faces that the work that they had done so well in the many battles, in which they were engaged, would never be undone by their voice or vote. The sons of those old veterans let it be distinctly un<l<rstood, have altogether too much respect for the memory of their dead fathers and brothers to ever raise their voice or vote to undo a work which cost them both their lives and their fortunes. "In respect to the memory of my dead father, who now sleeps the everlasting sleep in the swamps of the South, I would suffer to see my right arm severed from my very body, yea, I would prefer death itself of the most ignominious type, rather than do one thing toward destroy ing the effects of the Fifteenth Amendments, a document so dear to their hearts," would be a prayer that every Son-of-a-veteran of the Great Civil war would utter, should he be called upon to vote for the repeal of that war Amend ment. Memorial Day in the North is as sacred as Sunday itself, and, in the minds of many, even more so. In every town, hamlet and com munity in the Northern states the people assemble each year to do homage to those who fell in the cause of human liberty. So sacred lias the tie become that on such occasions it would be dangerous for any one to suggest the repeal of the Fifteenth Amendment. A speaker advocating it would be torn from the rostrum and its advocacy on the part of an ex rebe! would mean instant death, so great would the indignation of the assembled crowd be. It would be wise for the Southern hot heads to deal gently iv that particular or the wrath of the "boys of blue" would be stirred up against them as it only was in 1863, when, "On to Richmond" was the watch word. Since the shackles of bondage practically fell from the limbs of the black people in this country, when Lee surrendered to Grant and the Southern Confederacy's star set to never rise again, the progress of the Negro, who was turned loose to battle for an ex istence, with ©very body's hand against him, and even his own, the one unfriendly to others success, he has done remarkably well, yea, he has done exceedingly well. A step further might be successfully added and say, that no race under the face on the earth, according to the records of ancient, medeaval or modern history has made such rapid strides as has the American Negro and that too in the short space of thirty-five years. He is doing today what it took the white races hundreds of years to learn. Instead of traveling by gradations as other races, the Negro goes by boanda and leaps, which have startled the world. The slave of thirty-five years ago is in open competition with the master of that time. He not only competes, but surpasses for this he must do to gain any recognition at all. In the Negro's struggle for a foot hold as a human being he was opposed by his old master and their sympathisers. And this was done for two reasons, first because he was a free man and not his chattel, secondly, that after years of at tempted citizenship on the part of the Negro they could successfully declare that, the North had made a sad mistake as the Negro was incapable of becoming a civilized human being, and to use such argument as a leverage to induce the North to again reduce him to a state of serfdom with the South as his master. But despite the Continued on Third I'age. i REPUBLICANISM Always Fills the I,atid With Plenty, Brings Happiness to Homes and Moves the Mills and Mines as Well as the Wheels of Industry—While Democracy Proves a Veritable Financial Nightmare—All Sections of the Country Pros perous Under Four Years of Me Kin ley ism. The following compilation <»f facts has been communicated to The Republican for publication: Ninety-two per cent of our im ports and exports are carried iv foreign ships, which take $200,000, --000 a year from the American people in payment of the freight. The ship subsidy bill now pending in Congress is designed to stop this great annual drain, but> strangely enough, it don't seem likely to pass. In April we exported $43,459, --765 more than we imported, and we exported $30,130,0' 0 more of American products and manu factures than in April, 1899. Ex pansion still continues. During the ten months of the current fiscal year ending with April 30, our exports were $135, --948,857 greater in value than in the corresponding months a year ago. Protection has built up the great land industries of the United States until they are able to make the country unprecedentedly pros perous. Free trade upon the sea has so decimated our shipping during the same time, that we have but one-third as much ton nage under our flag to-day as we had forty years ago, although our commerce if four times as great now as it was then. The shipping bill, now pending in Congress, would, if adopted, change all this. While interested in watching the contest between the two Ger man steamship lines as to which shall build the biggest and fastest steamship for their trade with the United States, the American people should not forget that they are paying the bills: If we did our duty to our country we would be building those ships in the United States, and manning them with our own citizens, as the ship- j ping bill, still unacted upon in j Congress, provides. The Kentucky Democrats are clamoring for the election of United States Senators by the direct vote of the people. At the same time they are committed to the policy of electing governors by the skullduggery of partisan legislatures. Democrats who are so eager to show their hostility to Great Britain by trying to involve the United States in a war with that country on account of the Boers in South Afrieß, are at the same ■■ time doing their utmost to secure the passage of an a>t of Congress that would permit British-built ships to be registered as Ameri can. Democratic preaching is different from Democratic prac tice. Tlip wage-raising employers are also raising Cain with the Demo cratic platform-makers. A Republican platform will fit any state in the Union. A Demo cratic platform would be embar rassing if it were to stray over a State line. It is said that the reason the Democrats in the Senate don't file PRICE FIVE CENTS a minority report on theFrye ship ping bill ifl heciiuse they are as equally divide*) f or and against the bill as their Democratic col leagues in the House Merchant Marine and Fisheries Committee showed themselves to be, when three of the latter advocate in one report Government aid and oppose free ships, and the other four advocate free ships and oppose Government aid. And yet, these same Democratic Senators have the hardihood to threaten to make "a campaign issue" of the shipping question! They had better first get their bearings, as Daniel Web ster once advised them to do, be fore they try to point out the course their political opponents should pursue. The total amount of money in circulation in the United States was akmt a billion and a half dollars in 1896. This year, under protection and the gold standard, it exceeds two billions. In March, 1893, when President Cleveland was inaugurated, the deposits in the national banks of the United States amounted to $1,751,439,374. In three years' time, in 1896, they had declined by $100,000,000. Three years later, in 1899, they had increased by nearly $600,000,000. Note the figures: March, 1893 $1,751,439,374 March, 1896 1,648,092,869 March, 1899 2,232,193,157 Application has been made to the courts of New Jersey by the holder of 100 shares of stock, de manding an accounting of the affairs of the Americau Sugar Refining Company, otherwise known as the sugar trust. This is the same concern to which Senator Jones, chairman of the National Democratic Committee, wanted to refund upwards to $600,000 of duties which the trust had paid on imports of Porto Ricau sugar. The only policy advocated by the free trade Democratic press for the revival of the American merchant marine, is that of free ships. This means that Ameri cans should be permitted to re gister as American any foreign built ship they might purchase. Three of the seven Democratic members of the Merchant Marine and Fisheries Committee of the House of Representatives in a report recently filed oppose free ships and favor Government aid for the building of American ships. They say, further, in theii report: "The commercial people of the United States are demanding an equabMe opportunity to build American ships and create new outlets for American products." The policy of condensed Ameri canism is not making any per ceptible gains. The Hon. Arthur Sewall is going abroad this year in preference to going the Chicago platform again. Abdul Hamid shows a disposi tion to join Aguinaldo in holding out in the hope of Democratic success in November. Secretary Hay quickly made it clear to the Boer envoys that the Administration could not do more than it already has done to bring about peace in South Africa. The United States Government acted promptly when an opportunity offered, through the appeal made to the representatives of the various nations at Pretoria, and was the only nation which did act: As its offer of mediation was then conrteously declined by England no further opportunity is now j afforded.