Newspaper Page Text
VOL. VII NO. 16
TEDDY ACCEPTS Nomination for Vice-Presi dency. THE ROUGH RIDER Goes at Bryanism With Hammer and Tongs. A STATEMENT OF FACTS Of the Issues of the Present National Cam paign—lmperialism a Snire and a Delusion. Irrespective of wiiat one may think of Theodore Koosevelt, vice presidential candidate on the Repub lican ticket, from a persona] stand point, the following extracts from his letter of acceptance on the "ex pansion" situation, so far as the Uni ted States is concerned, is a most able and scholarly review of the his toric acquisition of territory on the part of the United States officials from time to time .since there has been any United States. If imper ialism, as it is being interpreted in the present campaign of education is a dangerous proposition so far as the citizens of this country are con cerned, it is certainly a proposition that has been adhered to so closely by all the leading statesmen of this country in the past that it has 'be come one of the government's fund amental principles. To expand over the Philippine islands is no more than expanding over much other val uable territory, and that, too, in many cases without the consent of the governed. But hear Mr. Roose velt: UncNtion of Expamiion. "While paying heed to the neces sity of keeping our house in order at home, the American people can not, if they wish io retain their self respect, refrain from doing their duty as a great nation of the world. The history of the nation is, in large part; the history of the nation's ex pansion. When ihe first continental congress met in Liberty hall and the thirteen original states declared themselves a nation, the westward limit of the country was marked by the Allegheny mountains. Even during the Revolutionary war the work of expansion went on. "Kentucky, Tennessee and the great Northwest, then known as the Illinois country, were conquered from our white and Indian foes dur ing the Revolutionary struggle and was confirmed by us by the treaty of peace in 1783. The land thus con firmed was not then given to us. It was held by an alien foe until the army and Gen. Anthony Wayne freed Ohio from the red man, while the treaties of Jay and Pinckney se cured from the Spanish and British Xatchez and Detroit. The Lonliiana Purcnase. "In 1803, under President Jeffer son, the greatest single stride in ex pansion that we ever took was taken by the purchase of the Louisiana territory. This so-called Louisiana, which included what are now the states of Arkansas, Missouri, Louisi ana, lowa, Minnesota, Kansas, Ne braska, North Dakota, South Dako ta, Idaho, Montana and a large part of Colorado and Utah, was acquired by treaty and purchase under Presi dent Jefferson, exactly and precisely as the Philippines have been ac quired by treaty and purchase under President MoKinley. "The doctrine of the 'consent of the governed,' the doctrine previous ly enunciated by Jefferson in the Declaration of Independence, was not held by him or by any other aane man to apply to the Indian tribes in the Lousisana territory, which he thus acquired, and there was no vote taken even of the white inhabitants, not to speak of the Negroes and In dians, as to whether they were will ing that their territory should be an nexed. JefferHon and Mo-Kinley. "The great majority of the inhab itants, white and colored alike, were bitterly opposed to the transfer. An armed force of United States soldiers had to be hastily sent into the terri tory to prevent insurrection, Presi dent Jefferson sending these troops to Louisiana for exactly the same purpose that President McKinlev ha? sent troops to the Philippines. Jefferson distinctly stated that the Louisianas wrere 'not fit or ready for self-government,' and years elapsed before they were given self-govern ment, Jefferson appointing the gov ernor and other officials without any consultation of the inhabitants of the newly acquired territory. "The doctrine that 'the constitu tion followed the flag' was not then even considered, either by Jefferson or by any one serious party leader, for it never entered their heads that a new territory should be governed other than in the way in which the The SEATTLE REPUBLICAN territories of Ohio and Illinois had already been governed under Wash ington and the elder Adams. The theory known by this utterly false and misleading phrase was only j struck out in political controversy I: at a much later date, for the sole purpose of justifying the extension of slavery into the territories. Parallel Situations. "The parallel between what Jef ferson did with Louisiana and what is now being done in the Philippines is exact. Jefferson, the author of the Declaration of Independence and the 'consent of the governed' doc trine, saw no incongruity between this and the establishment of a gov ernment on common-sense grounds in the new territory, and he railed at the sticklers for an impossible ap plication of his principle, saying in langunage that at the present day applies to the situation in the Philip pines, without the change of a word: 'Though it is acknowledged that our new fellow-citizens are as yet as in capable of self-government as chil dren, yet some cannot bring them selves to suspend its principles for a single moment.' "He intended that ultimately self government should l>e introduced throughout the territory, but only as the different parts became fit for it, and no sooner. This is just the policy that has been pursued. In no part of the Louisiana purchase was complete self-government introduc ed for a number of years; in one part of it, the Indian territory, it has not yet been introduced, al though nearly a century has elapsed. Over enormous tracts of it, includ ing the various Indian reservations, with a territory in the aggregate as large as that of the Philippines, the constitution has never yet followed the flag'; the army officer and civil ian agent still exercise authority without asking the 'consent of the governed.' "We must proceed in the Philip pines with the same wise caution, taking each successive step as it be comes desirable, and accommodating the details of our policy to the pecu liar needs of the situation. But as soon as the present revolt is put down and order established, it will undoubtedly be possible to give to the islands a larger measure of self government than Jefferson original ly gave Louisiana. Ac<init»ilion of Florida. "The next great step in expansion was the acquisition of Florida. This was partly acquired by conquest and partly by purchase. Andrew Jackson' being the most prominent figure in the acquisition. It was taken under President Monroe, the after-time president, John Quiney Adams be ing active in securing the purchase. As in the case of the Philippines, Florida was acquired by purchase from Spain, and in Florida the Sem inoles, who had not been consulted in the sale, rebelled and waged war, exactly as some of the Tagals have rebelled and waged war in the Phil ippines. "The Seminole war lasted for many years, but Presidents Monroe, Adams and Jackson declined for a moment to consider the question of abandoning Florida to the Seminoles or to treat their non-consent to the government of the United States as a valid reason for turning over the territory to them. "Our next acquisition of territory was that of Texas, secured by treaty after it had been wrested from the Mexicans by the Texans themselves. Then came the acquisition of Cali fornia, New Mexico, Arizona, Ne vada and parts of Colorado and Utah, as the result of the Mexican war, supplemented five years later by the Gadsden purchase. Pnrchane of Alaska. "The next acquisition was that of Alaska, secured from Russia by a treaty and purchase. Alaska was full of natives, some of whom had advanced well beyond the stage of savagery and were Christians. They were not consulted about the pur chase, nor was their acquiescence re quired. The purchase was made by the men who had just put through a triumphant war to restore the Union and free the slaves, but none of them deemed it necessary to push the doc trine of the 'consent of the governed' to a conclusion so fantastic as to ne cessitate the turning over of Alaska to its original owners, the Indian and the Aleut. "For thirty years the United States authorities, military and civil, exercised supreme authority in a tract of land many times larger than the Philippines, in which it did not seem likely that there would ever be any considerable body of white in habitants. Annexation of Hawaii. "Nearly thirty years passed before the next instance of expansion oc curred, which was over in the island <»f Hawaii. An effort was made, at the end of President Harrison's ad ministration, to secure the annexa tion of Hawaii. The effort was un successful. In a debate in congress on February 2, 18!H, one of the lead ers in opposing the annexation of the islands, stared 'these islands are more than 2,000 miles distant from our extreme western boundary. We have a serious race problem now in our own country, and I am not in favor of adding to our domestic fab ric a mongrel population of this character). Our constitution makes PROF. W. Q. HARTRANFT. For a Superintendent of Public Instruction it is but natural that a school teacher be selected. Now King Counth has no abler public school teacher than W. G. Hartranft, the Republican candidate for Superintendent of Schools for King County. He was the unanimous choice of the teachers for the place two years ago and he is again the unanimous choice of the teachers, hence his re-nomination. Prof. Hartranft is doing excellent work tin the country dis tricts for the party and is meeting with flattering success. O. A. TUCKER. From a printers case to a bookkeeper's desk and thence to the management of a tug boat concern is a brief sketch of O. A. Tucker, one of tne Republican Legislative Candidates from the north district, as a member of the next legislature Mr. Tucker is one of the whole-soul, popular young fellows of the ninth ward and will be elected to the legislature with a sweep next November. Since he first took an active interest in politics, whether he won or lost in his wishes in a convention, he always left the convention hall the same good Republican that he was when he entered. J. EDWARD HAWKINS. Conspicuous among the leading politicians and business men of King County is J. Edward Haw kins, whose portrait is herewith presented. Mr. Hawkins is a valuable member of the King County Republican Central Committee. Twice before has he served in a similar capacity on the City Central Committee, and in the last municipal campaign he more than distinguished himself for the good work he did. SEATTLE, WASHINGTON, FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 21, 1900. DR. C. E. HOVE. The nomination of C. E. Hoye for County Cor oner was a simple popular uprising of the Republi cans of King County. Fully ninety per cent, of the last County Convention wanted to see Dr. Hoye nominated, even though many of them voted for other candidates. It looks now as if he would, prac tically speaking, not have any opposition at the polls, so weak is the opposing candidate for the same office. DR. J. J. SMITH, Candidate for State Senator. Two years ago the south district elected Dr. J. J. Smitha member of the state legislature and so well did he please his constituents that when there was a vacancy a step higher he was unanimously chosen to fill it. As State Senator, which he cer tainly will be, Dr. Smith will lay the foundation for a long and useful political career in this county and state. No man in the south district, on the whole, is so generally popular as he and he will certainly out-run his ticket. REV. E. n. RANDALL, Jr. Seattle's First Methodist Episcopal Church never had a more conscientious pastor than Rev. E. M. Randall, Jr., who has been returned for the fourth time to the pastorate of that church by the Puget Sound M. E. Conference. Mr. Randall has done a bit of financiering, as well as soul saving since he has been pastor of the First Church, and as a result a $7,000 mortgage has been raised and burned during his pastorate. do provision for a colonial establish ment. Any territorial government we might establish would necessarily, because of the population, be an oligarchy, which would have to be supported by armed soldiers.' "Yet Hawaii has now been an nexed and her delegates have sat in the national conventions of the two great parties. The fears then ex pressed in relation to an 'oligarchy' and 'armed soldiers' are not now se riously entertained by any human being; yet they are precisely the ob jections urged against the acquisi tion of the Philippines at this very moment. We are making no new de parture. We are not taking a single step which in any way affects our institutions or our traditional poli cies. From the beginning we have given widely varying degrees of self government to the different territor ies, according to their needs. ImpcrtaliHm \«>t Involved. "The simple truth is that there is nothing even remotely resembling 'imperialism' or 'militarism' involved in the present development of that policy of expansion which has been part of the history of America from the day when she became a nation. The words mean absolutely nothing, as applied to our present policy in the Philippines; for the policy is only imperialistic in the sense that Jefferson's policy was imperialistic; only military in the sense that Jack son's policy toward the Seminoles, or Custer's toward the Sioux, embodied militarism; and there is no more danger of its producing evil results at home now than there was of its interfering with freedom under Jef ferson or Jackson, or in the days of the Indian wars on the plains. Our army is relatively not as large as it was in the days of Wayne; we have not one regular for every thousand inhabitants. There is no more dan ger of a draft than there is of the reintroduction of slavery." A general strike, it is said, among the coal mines all along the Pacific coast, is being talked of among the union coal miners. At the wages the miners are now getting for dig ging coal, and the pressing demand tor coal, which means steady work for all who will work for two years or more, there can be no other con struction put on the proposition than a piece of most outrageous idocy on the part of the proposed strikers. Men who work are entitled to fair and liberal wages for their T ..,i-- „„,! „.!.„.. xi. • ... — that, 'as are the men who are digging 'coal in the Northwest at ; present, then they had better let"well enough alone. General strikes always mean untold loss to the la/boring men even when they win their point of conten tion. There is always more or less danger and often loss of life, and generally months of idleness, in whicxi time the striker l.isos more thau the increase of wages for which he is coiUi'ndmg will amount to in o;io >i im'o y^ar*' steady work. There is no denying the fact that the min ers on this cioast are getting excel lent wages at present, and any move on their part to inaugurate a general strike means financial suicide to themselves. Professional agitatorj should be run cut of the camps by the contented miners. MTS FOR BRYANITES. Some historic facts, which will be nuts for the Bryanites to crack, are to be found in the following quota tions from men whose memory the citizens of this republic always love to honor and revere: Hamilton said: "We ought to look to the possession of Florida and Louisiann." Jefferson said: "Give us extensive empire and self-government and the acquisition of Cuba." Jackson said: "Never cede any land or boundary of the republic, but always add to it, thus extending freedom." Buchanan said: "Expansion is the future policy of our country, and only cowards fear and oppose it." Douglas said: "As fast as our in terests and destiny require additional territory, I am for it." . Benjamin Franklin said: "The United States should seize and hold Canada at any cost." William McKinley said: "Wher ever the stars and stripes have been raised, there shall they remain, if it takes every drop of American blood to do so." William Jennings Bryan says: "Disgrace the nation; pull down the flag over ceded territory and do any other old thing, if you will only elect ME to the presidency of this repub lic." Now, as patriotic American citi zens, we ask of you, who are right in the list. President McKinley agrees with all of the rest except Mr. Bryan. Are all the others wrong and Bryan right? Well, perhaps, but the American people do not think so and will so express themselves at the polls next November. Tears and Laughter. (By Susie Revels Cayton.) They were both country folk, and had lived on neighboring ranches all their lives. She was 18 and he 20, and it was a year now since they had plighted their troths and made theii plans concerning the new home the) PRICE FiVE CENTS - were going to start in the near fu ; ture. But her parents' financial , means being rather limited she came i to the city to secure quicker-paying i work, and thus hasten the happy day. It did not take the young men i whom she met there long to see that 1 her modest airs were not assumed, ; and so the little country girl lacked not for admirers. Soon she began • to compare their "manners" with those of her intended, and gradually the fact crept over her that he was rough, uncouth, and "nothing like the city boys." "But, he's more handsome," she consoled herself, and was still true to her first love until she went one evening to the theater with another. She pictured herself there with her absent lover, the result was not pleasing to her. Then and there she decided he was not "her fate" and that she must and would be released from her promise to him. How to do it was what per plexed her most. The letters which she had so cheerfully written back when she first left for the city became things of the past only. And so one day, when busied with her work, a shad ow fell before her, and looking up she saw the man to whom her troth was plighted. She stood speechless. "You don't seem much proud to see me," she said. "Oh, 1 don't knW; I am always glad to see any one from home," she answered, and then the silence that reigned for some time was absolutely painful. He spoke again. "Look a-here, girl; ain't you going to kiss me?" Then, as she did not even raise her head, he suddenly grasped the solution of the trouble. "'1 know; you have some other fel low running with you." His words and manner offended her. She did not see how she could ever have cared for such a man. "What if I have," she retorted. "You own it!" he cried, "the great jealousy whcih was consuming him shining so forc ibly from his dark eyes that she stepped, instinctively, nearer the door. Silence again, which was at last broken by him asking slowly, aa. if each word deeply pierced his heart: "Is it—off—then?" "Yes," she answered, in a voice that did not tremble in the least, and yet she avoided his eyes as if she felt that she was not doing just the right thing by him. His heavy breathing was the only sound to be heard, save the rubbing of the tinware by her busy hands, which seemed, now, to fairly fly. He MIM fa^iflyfriWiirnJiii wtilv puHing Dae*. - : llle L'uTCa.m, look : a iuok .. out at the scenery, though, •in l act, '", he did not see one thing outside of the " window. '■ He : was looking > into his own life, at what she had been to him; trying to peer still deeper into the future to see how he could live without her. The sight astounded him, his head sank, his gaze became centered upon . the great buckskin boots that he wore, and after turning his broad )rim hat around and around in his hands for some time, he walked over to where she stood and hoarsely ask-, ■ ed: "Where are my letters?" In my trunk," was the answer. "Get them," he commanded. She left the room and in a few moments returned and handed him a package of letters as unconcernedly as she would have given a letter to a postman. It was too much for him. He burst into tears, and the unoffending letters were scattered at his feet. But tears did not move her. She returned to her work, and rubbed the tin top with much energy, quite regardless of the fact that it was now so bright that she could see her own image re flected therein. Stooping, he picked up his letters, walked over to the stove and lifting a lid put each one in, after carefully reading it. When they were all read and burned, he looked at her for a long time, cleared his throat and said: "Where is that one I wrote to you about the house I'm building a mile up the road from ma's—that what was to be ourn?" "In my trunk," she replied. "Get it," he said, and this one he put into his pocket, walked to the door, came back to her, burst into tears, made one grand rush for the door again-, and was gone. Down went the tin and into a chair the girl sat and laughed and laughed until her sides fairly ached. What a baby to cry!" she said. "He ought to leave that for girls to do." And placing both hands over her eyes she laughed loud and long. When she removed them, she saw that he had returned and was stand ing over her. The hot blood rushed to her face. She could not, dared not, speak. There was no need; he - was speaking. "I just come back to: tell you that I'm going to take 'pi zen' tonight, and I want you to an swer me one thing before I die: What turned you against me, girl?" "Nothing," was her rather laconic answer. "And you will not take me back?" "No." "Well, all right; I-| will leave my address with my brother, and after you have gone around with the other fellows and gotten tired of them, write to him that you wants me back and I'll come yes, I'll come," and again he was gone. This time the girl sat long in silent thought, then grabbing up her apron she buried her head in it, and amid the sobs which shook her from head to foot, she blurted out: "Poison! Just think of it! And all r forme!"