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In conjunction with the Bee, the mana
gers fe&re established a News Bureau of the
Colored Press. We are prepared to furniBh
biographies, special correspondence and news
items at a reasonable price. The object of the
bureau is to famish colored joarnals vritfa
special Washington letters when they have no
special correspondents. We have Bome of the
best writers in the country connected with the
bureau, which will enable us to furnish truth
ful, npicy and concise correspondence. Give
the News Bureau & call.
SPEAKLXG OUT IX
The hue and cry that is coining up
tfrom the colored press, protesting
against the outrageous and unjust con
duct of the present managers of the
'republican party towards the colored
voter, is having its reward. We have
never yet gained any ground by omin
ous silence, and it is not profitable to
ibe too silent.
We were quite instrumental in saving
Uncle Sam's bacon in 1863. 1861 and
1865. "We absolutely saved the repub
lican party in 1868, and we were there
iin 1872. What did we do in 1876?
Ask the returning board. In 1S80
what could have been done without us?
We think that our allegiance and worth
to the party calls for a degree of re
cognition, and we mean to demand
this before the election in 1884.
Ear be it from the important ele
ment, now known as the colored vote,
heretofore carried about in the pockets
of a few managers, to swallow salt and
swear it was sugar. The new United
States Marshal for this District says:
"that the proper place for colored
voters, after they come away from the
'ballot box is a menial position," cer
tainly he v ill not tolerate him officially.
Never mind, Colonel, this is your day
go on, eat your white bread. We will
see you later, and when -we call, you
won't be able to beat fours, but don't
iplay a bob-tail flush on us.
We want more justice and less pity.
Wc have piled up quite five thousand
dead men of the colored race, during
the past fourteen years, on the sacrifi
cial alter for the republican party's
sake, "'tis pity, 'tis true." That's all
over now. Wo want justice and re
cognition from those we made and
Col. McMichael was announced, when
ihe came on here to assume the duties
of Marshal, of the District, as the re
presentative of the Pennsylvania stal
wart republicans. The colored vote in
Pennsylvania has been given to the
stalwart's in that state just as freely
and as patriotically as the colored
soldier give his service during the war.
By the thousands did colored men, con
trabands, freedmen and northern free
state men enlist in the Colored regi
ments organized in the "Keystone"
state. Xow what is the result of Col.
Clayton McMichaels official doings
here? Why, he has driven out of the
United States building that he is in
charge of three colored men, and put
white men, (two of the latter bourbon
democrats) in their place. He has
said in substance, that this is not the
place for a colored man officially, and
that the time has not yet arrived for
black men to be thrown officially with
"court white people." Col. McMichael
tells our race, that we belong in the
category of servants and menials. The
question is will we stand this insult?
"Life, liberty and property will find
a safe guard in him wherever I am
they may come also. He meant that
had he the power, the poor dwellers in
the cabins of the south should no longer
be driven in terror from their homes,
and the graves of their murdered
dead." Hon. Moscoe Conkling's SjtcecJi
in National Convention 1S80.
Yes, true, Grant meant that. But
-what does General Grant and Mr.
Conkling and President Arthur think
of the course of Col. McMichael who
says by his action, "away with the
negro, bring on the democrats!
Gentlemen who manage the repub
lican party, you may make light of it
as you choose, but we tell you that Col.
McMichael has thrown down the
gauntlet, and we accept the challenge.
The letter of Mr. Lee Xance will ex
plain itself. We did not intend in our
editorial of last week to make any un
just criticism relative to Mr. Lee
Xance's merits or demerits. While
Hon. W. S. Rosecran's letter speaks of
the gentleman in flattering terms, we
are lead to believe that men, at times,
will manufacture matter let it not be
inferred, however, that this is the case
with Mr. Lee Xance. Mr. Lee Xance
(can reason well, at times, and we be
lieve him to be a .gentleman of some
imerit. His letter to the Bee will
The manifest discrimnation against
the colored people by the heads of De
partments here and elsewhere is pro
ducing its natural effect the develop
ment of a feeling of political indepen
dence among this unfortunate race of
people, who have so long and faith
fully promoted the interests of the
Republican party. The treatment they-
are now receiving from a Republican
Administration is as bad as that which
they imagine they would receive from
the Democrats were they in power;
and this fact very naturally makes them
feel indifferent as to which king they
will continu3 to serve under as hewers
of wood and drawers of water. If the
ownership of the colored people has
been merely transferred from the slave
holders to tin Republican managers,
then it is quite natural for the colored
people to leel an! think that emanci
pation has been delusive, and that the
professed love of the Rspublican party
for the negro is a transparent frau J.
Waaliinyton Daily Critic, April 14.
Do you hear Slogan 'rX The Critic is
on the ground and speaks from what
can be observed dav bv daw We beg
that our exchanges will take notice of
this article. Mind you, this is from a
newspaper owned and managed entirely
by white people. True to her motto,
the Critic holds the scales proper and
remains steadfast to the course of right
POOR BLIXD PH1LI P THOMPSOX.
Philip Thompson was a member of
the police force, but he lost his eyesight
in the discharge of his duty, had he
bean in the army he would be pen
sioned and put above want by a gener
ous government that cares for her
maimed and wounded. But how dif
ferent is the case of poor Thompson.
While this good officer, Thompson was
endeavoring to arrest a ruffian, brute,
scoundrel, he received a blow from him
that has caused absolute blindness.
He cannot see, but thanks be to God
he can yet feel, and that powerful sense
is still his. and how happy and glad
can his sad condition b2 made if friends
will take such steps as they should to
assist the maimed hero. We suggest
that a concert and entertainment be
given, and we call upon those truly
generous friends to all good works to
lead off in the matter.
1 hear that Mahone expects to make
the tariff the issue in the fall campaign
in Virginia. He will, of course, take
the protective Bide. He expects, with
the aid of the iron masters and of the
Administration, to carry the State
again. Then they say he will expect
to have the Virginia delegation to the
Republican convention of 1884. In
that event the Virginia delegation in
that convention will be expected to
present the name of William Mahone,
of Virginia, when nominations for the
Vice-President are in order Sub Rosa,
For (he Bee.
BY MHS. MAKT K. .KAIL.
Sound aloud the trump of freedom,
Let the answering echo ring,
Whilo -with liberty Commanding,
Wc our heartfelt tribute bring:
As we gather round Columbia
Let us scatter on the way
Flowers of love and flowers of trusting,
For Emancipation Day.
Let us pray for benedictions
Wliile we bow in reverence low
At the shrine of noble heroes
As they charged upon the foe.
And we gladly hear our welcome,
To this feast of Liberty.
Lo, the car of progress moving,
Over all Columbia's land:
Gifted men are proudly coming,
And we take them by the hand
Men of different race and color,
Yet our peers in soul and brain.
And their names aro grandly sculptured
On the towering dome of fame.
Float aloft the stars of glory,
For we love to tell the story,
That is written on the pages
Of Columbia's rocord true:
How amid the cannon's rattle,
And the shot and shell of battle,
Chains of living death were broken
By our gallant boys in blue!
Ah! our soldiers never faltered:
Never heeded they the gloom;
Quailed not when the shook of battle
Seemed the, eternal knell of doom;
But with comrades pale and bleeding
Only hoard Columbia pleading
Wipe away from my escutcheon
Every trace of human woe.
Let my rightful sons and daughters
Of whatever race they be,
Hear the clarion voice of heroes.
Making way for liberty.
Let no cloud of dark oppression,
Linger in Columbia's sky,
Let the joyful shOat of freedom
Rise aloft to God on high!
Days were dark and fierce the straggle
Can it be the day is lost?
Came from many an anguished mother,
As she reckoned np the cost,
Of the blood and of the treasure,
Given freely without measure,
As the price of liberty.
But amid the desolation,
Spreading o'er our glorious land
Came the news Emancipation,
Has been reached the proclamation,"
Far above the cannon's roar
Sounded loud o'er hill and valley.
I Bells were ringing, hearts were singing
As they never sung before.
For the shackels had been broken,
And four million eouIs were free,
That 'till then had never tasted
Of the joys of liberty!
And to-day we gladly greet them,
As we gather 'round to meet them,
And to take them by the hand
Men whose throbbing souls ignited
At the watch-fires freedom lighted
Freedom's altar fires still burning,
Flash and sparkle at each turning
As the car of progress moving,
Rolls them on to nobler fame.
Washington, April 13th, 1883.
A poor little bride nearly cried her
eyes out the other day because her
bridal veil did not originally belong to
1 her grandmother.
A PEIEXDLY VOICE.
MRrLEErXAXCE'S LETTER., i
Tn-TCASTTTtv!?DrcPAREENTal 1 .
r t- IJTKI tb
Office of Comptroller of Currency V
p Washington, April?l7 leof )
JH& W. Qha$e,g2ditoro tlilBee,
WasJiington, J). C., dear cir; Tn
your paper of last week there appeared
an article relating f o those of the sev
eral southern young gentlemen in the
governmental service here whose
course in life here has been and is es
pecially commendable and to one from
Mississippi, or New Jersey, who has
riot pursued such a course
the time he has been here.
Recognizing in the latter person,
though not named, . myself or
at least understanding that yoii meant
to make such a reference to me, I have
deemed it proper to write, you in. .re
gard there to. J K
To begin, your conclusion that be
cause a young man even a true gentle
man such as I claim to be, though I
might be troubled to establish the
claim, may not happen to be as fortu
nate as some other young man of a
class he should not at all criticise
what he may honestly consider an un
fair allusion to a public man whose
standing as such is unquestionably ex
cellent, is far from being a correct
one. Surely it is not arrived at from
the study of any fact or from any rea
soning based upon universally recog
nized principles of equity it is -ji
mischieviousand pernicious conclusion.
In an age in which public opinion is
highly enlightened and the transmis
sion of intelligence quite rapid, one
would hardly expect a pretty success
ful, and somewhat bold and aggress
ive journalist of longstanding to inex
cusably fall into a grievous error, yet
such is your case when you inferen
tially say that the. public utterances
and actions of a man should be criti
cised only by those whom everybody
knows are assiduously laboring to ad
vance the race to which they belong
while advancing themselves. You
render yourself liable to be laughed at.
I will now leave this point upon
which I have already needlessly dwelt
too long by giving you some words
recently littered by two deservedly
eminent men, and whose names now
appear conspicuously before the whole
civilized world Fred Douglass and
B. K. Bruce. One says: When we
stand in your midst as gentlemen and
scholars, and presume, as such, to pass
,an honest criticism upon your public
conduct, you should not tell us that
we are out of our places.
The other says: Be just and fear
not,freedom is not, nor u to be, denied
to Americans by Americans.
Seemingly you have doubts as to
whether I hail from Mississippi or New
Jersey which I need not disturb, ex
cepting to say that I have interests in
Again, have I done anything of
account in the interest of the people
of the minority race? Perhaps 1 have
and perhaps I have not. Whether I
have or not, I emphatically declare that
I wanted to and have sincerely tried
to. To prove this 1 would need only to
submit here a few letters which I have
lately written to and received from men
of high character arid large capacity in
every part of the Union but 1 submit
only one of such:
House of Represent atives,U.S.,
Washington, March 24, 1883.
Mk. Lee Nance, Washington, D. C.
My youny friend: Besides hearing
read I have read your paper on the
industrial and political position of our
citizens of African descent.
It shows throughout careful thought
and study and its earnestness gives
promise of your future usefulness
which I hope to see realized.
I especially commend your linn and
correct statements that your people are
now a very important and honorable
part of the working people of
our country; that they must con
tinue to be so for all time to come and
ought, therefore, to have great respect
among the great producing reuses
whence comes our wealth, and that fair
share of the prolits of production to
which their honest and law abiding
character and their work entitle them.
There are strong points great
truths which must be understood and
acted upon in order to give this merit
orious minority political independence,
and the fraternal standing among
their brethren of the producing classes
of the majoritv race.
Let them organize for this purpose
and learn most effectively to do their
duty as voters and they will advance
rapidly and surely.
If you can dedicate yourself to this
work you will deserve well of your
race and country.
All your people are now learn
ing to do their duty as voters,
and if they adopt these prin
ciples, and organize to act inde
pendently upon them, they will soon
command the confidence and respect of
the whole people of the United States.
United with brethren of the pro
ducing classes, they will help soon to
secure diminished taxation and in
creased economy in the government.
Yours truly, W. S. Roseoran.
A few words more .necessary to ex
plain some things, and I am done.
The paper referred to in the fore
going submitted letter, was read on the
night of December 30, 1S83, before
several of the prominent members of
the then existing Congress. I hoped
to have them forcibly understand,
these facte among others, that the
fast growing population of the United
States is a composition of two princi
pally distinct races of people ; one of
these two races (styled, respectively,
the majority and minority) is less for
tunate than the other in most every
observable and mentionablc instance
of American life in which both figure;
there were laws upon the statutes
which viciously snd monstriously dis
criminated against the minority race of
people in favor of certain elements of
the majority race, and that the dictates
of every semblance of reason, of right
and of truth demanded their entire
repeal, if not revision on something of
"a satisfactory basis, at once. Such
was a venture of mine, December 20,
1882. Now, If I succeeded even in it
alone. Have 1 not, since I have been in
Washington, "done something of ac
count in the interest of the minority
race of people?"
Yours, very obediently, &c,
;"" - .!?..
Continuedtfro'm Fourth Page.
wield a -lash and'no slave would clank
a chain in the United States.
Who at th at- tim e dreamBfcfcat negroes
would ever be seen, as ve have seen
them to-day, marching through the
streets of this superb city, the capital
of this great nation, with eagles on
their buttons, muskets on their should
ers and swords by fheir sides, timing
their high footsteps to the Star Span
gled Banner, and the red, white and
blue. Who at tiiri dreamed that Col
ored men w.ouiu ever sic in- tne jpluusb
of Representative .and in the Senate
of the United States?
With a knowledge of the events of
the lastiscore of years, with a knowl
edge of cthe. sudden and startling
changes which have already come to
pass. I am not prepared to say what
the future will be..
But I will say that 1 do not look for
colonization either in or out of the
United States. Africa is too far off,
even if we desired to go there, which
we do not. The navy of all the world
would not be sufficient to remove our
natural increase to that far-off coun
try. Removal to any of the territories
is out of the question.
We have no business to put ourselves
before the bayonets of the white race,
We have seen the fate of the Indian.
As to extinction, the prospect in that
direction has been greatly clouded by
the census just taken, in which it is
seen that our increase is ten per cent,
greater than, that of the white people
of the South.
There is but omTdestiny it seems to
me left for us, and that is to make our
selves, and be made by others, a part
of the American people in every sense
of the word. Assimilation not issola
tion is our true policy and our natural
destiny. Uniforcation for us is life;
separation is death. We cannot afford
to set up for ourselves a separate politi
cal party or adopt for ourselves a po
litical creed apart from the rest of our
fellow citizens. Our own interests will
be best subserved by a generous care
for the interests of, the. nation at
large. All the political, social and
literary forces around us tend to unifi
cation. I am the more inclined to accept this
solution because 1 have seen the steps
already taken in that direction. The
American people have their prejudices,
but they have their other qualities as
well. They easily adapt themselves to
inevitable conditions, and all their ten
dency is to progress, enlightpient and
to the universal.
"Its comin' yet for a' that,
That man to man the world o'er,
Shall brothers be for a' that."
SPEECH OF REV. S. LAWS, D. J).
Delivered before one of the Largest Gather
ings of Representatives of the Colored
American Race that ever assembled in
Washington, at the Congregational Church
in honor oi the Twenty-first (21) Anniver
sary of the Emancipation Celebration, on
the KUhday of April, 188&
Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen and
Fetlotc Citizens: Another year's recollection
of the greatest, grandest and most commem
orable blessing for which any people should
be grateful, has brought us to the closing
hours of our twenty-first anniversary cele
bration of the emancipation of the great
colored race of the American nation com
prising about one-sixth or 8,000,000 of the
whole, whose oppression was of unequaled
suffering for more than two hundred and
fifty yearSi The history we celebrate to-day
covers a period of twenty one years of free
dom, comprising the emancipation, the
civil and political, educational, religious and
social liberties for which we owe unbound
All nations have maintained statues of
honor mouldened into human form, and
days of commemoration from fond recollec
tions of some good deeds done.
Therefore, general customs of mankind
have furnished all ages with the best author
ity for benefits derived by others from dem
onstrations similar to ours of to-day, expres
sive of their appreciations for their greatest
The Jews have always followed this cus
tom; they hold to-day in memory the recol
lection of the hand that saved them. They
hold in sacred memory the celebration of
passing signals of heavenly angels who indi
cated by signs their liberty; and the endura
ble acts of Queen Esther to the King for the
return of the Jewish life.
A NEW WOBLD.
In the closing hours of these ceremonies
we have one nation, but a part of all races;
different complexions, but one people.
Is it not strange to say that as many of
this race as are dead from oppression that
so many should still live to acknowledge the
blessing of liberty and of God. Is it not
strange that as many years and schemes as
have gone into legislative enactment to keep
these people apart as enemies to friends as
blacks to whites, as servants to masters, as
slaves to freo men and as monkeys to human
beings, that such wonderful a change should
take place as tocouvert enemies into friends,
blacks into whites, servants into masters,
slaves into free men, and monkeys into
human beingsj so that one country, one
nation, one cttizenship.one constitution, one
law and one house can accommodate us to
unite in the celebration of one grand princi
Is it not strange that as indescribable as
the ruins of slavery with its cruelties, afflic
tions and hard bondage of this race, so much
so tfiat one portion of them had to refuse to
marry the affections cf their youth from the
other, because the one was declared to be
goods and chattels and the other to have had
no rights, which the white man was bound
to respect, should now enjoy these rights of
marriage not only between the severed fac-
tions of the same race but between men and
women of the different races?
And. is it not also strange tha. as many
European women as were enslavedfor nearly
fifty years for life to the husband's owners by
one law and others during .the lives of their
husbands by another, and their children by
colored men to be enslaved for thirty years
by another, and all who marry colored men
(now in many states) should be imprisoned
for a term of years or leave the state of their
birth, that so many of them should still con
tinue to marry colored men in defiance.
Prudence requires that I should answer
yes, very strange. So strange that we, like
i t'je earlier settlers of this country from the
I Kingdom of Great Britain, may call not
merely a new world but a new order of
i Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen and
fellow citizens, let me say right here that it
never was the intention of the white men
that any other race (the Mongolian) should
remain here or come here (the African) a
I free nice, but the Europeans; yet they Hke
tne man wno signs away nis rignts in maKing
a bad contract, they said more in the decla
ration of independence than they meant to
say, they inserted the words ''their reator"
in connection with the word "all men."
On this occasion the great question of
equal justice and not sectional favors should
be concedes. .
The North, from Massachusetts, including
Maine, is as guilty of this infamous crime as
the South is to Louisiana, including Texas.
For the North with her gra manufactories
to-day are as rich on the money for which
they old this race when they found that they
could not use them to an advantage, as the
outh is impoverished for the want of the
money with which we men were purchased.
I have my scruples about me as to whether
we can regard the sale of human beings by
the white citizens of this district on the 16th
day, 1862, and their purchase by the general
government nt 3.00 apiece, which a mount
they would have had to pay for each individ
ual had not the fourteenth article of the con
stitution freed them and for which some of
the District cranks among the whites even
now sometimes claimed pay under that
promised obligation, Emancipation or not,
or did the thirteenth wfoartwwth artaggr
If'io, it certainly coiJd not accreajhpa
to tho Nnrth"as fredonfcto the skve as ilw
claim, because that st was on thtqfBje J
principle of injustice aR buying; ana ecu!
as that with which tlies charged south.
Well, I suppose that; that is the reason
they claim the rightto tak& away our suffer
ago at thB suggestion and consent of the
whites because the one sold ns and claimed
the money" and the other bought ns and
promised to pay it.
And it was to the experience of this historic
fact that the great Western statesman,
Senator J. P. Jones, addressed himself when
he descended far below hia senatorial dig
nity to make his vicious assault upon the
great colored American race for which his
God will never forgive him nor this race will
This sin, has gone to record and will follow
him to the chambers of infernal regions
below where he will wearat on the exhibition
of tie enveloped flames of effigy.
In that assault he used these words which
will verify'the truth of equal justice.
"Look said he, "at the dearth in our patent
office of names from the Southern states.
Why was it? Because a servile race was
performing the labor of those states, making
it dishonorable there, and because few
or none of the laborers of that
region belonged to this great creative race,
who alone could have given the stimulus to
this material-development of the southern
states which they have given to that of the
The colored race in this country is like the
white and yellow races: is a mere faction of
the unnumbered millions of Africa, and
brought here mysteriously by the invisible
power of God, just like the other two for
purposes yet undeveloped.
For we have no foreign immigration: for
our only immigration comts from the mix
ture of the races by amalgamation.
For we have such a mixture of the races
now, that they aro like the, armies of war,
have gone so far into each others ranks, that
they will have to submit in order to conquer.
Indeed, the only immigration we have ever
had, were the issues of wlite women and
men in alliance with the colored, against the
will of the white race, and io the disgrace of
And this, too, the Senator saw when he
said: "It is no fault of oars that they are
here; it is no fault of theirs; it is the fault of
a nass neneration "
I should say so too, and. a very great pass;
u puss uiuir wus ui juiiuiui existence wnen tno
world was spoken into baing.
The men of the north claim a credit, which
the women alone of the white race, north
and-south are entitled to if human beings at
all must be sharers of the glory of our free,
For the first free colored persons who ever
stepped on the western continent were issues
of white women and colored men by amalga
mation, who were enslaved by white men to
prevent the affinity of the race, or the ex
istence of colored freedom: and as it has al
ready been said, that this state of things was
sustained for a period of from fifty to seventy
until they found that the best half and the
best stock of white women would have to be
enslaved, if they enslaved all who would
amalgamate with colored men, until they
found that the naxt best thing would bo to
leave them to remain free and to enslave
their children for thirty years.
That thing did not work well, because it
made no stoppage; so they finally concluded
to give them endurable freedom from in
fancy to the grave by statue of limitation.
Here, we get our first freedom of a part of
the race, until in the midst of slavery it out
grew it, until it has grown with the freedom
of tho whole.
increased bt immigration.
I say this but I do not mean to indicato an
insinuation as to any low morals of the col
ored race, which would render them conve
nient to tho use of tho whites, but, on the
contrary, I refer to tho brutality of the
whites, which has been curried on by that
race, in order that they might render the
morals of tho colored race inferior to those
of their own.
And yet, as baneful as these crimes look, it
is through the alliances and issnes of the two
races by amalgamation, tliat the two can live
so much better together than the whites and
VOR IT wab
this kind of mother and fatherhood which
have so completely mixed colored and white
races, that many of the one may marry many
of tho other before they know that they are
light colored or dark white lovers.
Thereforo if through the freedom of some
colored children by white women prevent the
further enslavement of their mothers, that
all the colored to-day are free.
True Freedom is the freedom oi'the nation.
For the freedom of one class of tho colored
race brought freedom to the other: and the
freedom of the whole of the colored race
brought freedom to nations.
In that, that freedom of the "bodies of one
race, was freedom to the conscience of the
Yet, we have men and women too, within
the race who will say, that they have no in
terest in the celebration of the freedom of
the race because they were born free: others
say that the war did not free -them they were
free beforo the war; yet another says, that
we are all free, let tho whole thing die out,
and the white say, yes, it is only agitation,
let it die.
But I stand here in the presence of The
Almighty God, before whom we all must ap
pear, and in your presence, on behalf of the
freedom and liberty of the colored Axnerirnn
I citizenship of the United Stales whose great
cause j. uhvb mo nunor in part to represent
in the Twenty-First Anniversary Celebration
of their Emancipation from Oppression.
And make this declaration, that there was
not a single free colored man in America be
fore the war.
For freedom of citizenship-is national and
indiscriminate liberty of privileges and im
munities, with their equality of uses and
benefits -which are inseparable for which we
mustf pay these annual eulogies, that are
dedicated to the memory of its birth.
The assertion that there was not a free
colored man. in America must be sustained
by reference to legal customs.
For all had to receive a pass, and none
could go without it; one from tho court of
white men and the other from individual
white men; the one called free papers, the
other pass or permission. And with this
lawfuliy regulated licenses, both could go,
like a bear, to the length of his chain; and
without these both alike wore captured, im
prisoned, advertised and. sold.
None could vote, none could testify, but
all could be whipped: for "tho colored man
had no rights which the white man was bound
Now all can go, none need a paper or
pass; all can testify: all can vote, and none
are whipped except in common with the
We are here to-day, to leave on record by
transmission to all coming generations, that
the Institution- of Slavery in the United
States was a lawful institution universally
acknowledged and inhumanly prosecuted by
the same people, who at that time were seek
ing liberty from British oppiession; and
whose griefs are strongly set forth in the
Declaration of Independence.
There, they made their sufferings as in
describable then as their crimes have been
The Institution of Slavery has a history
which makes the living shudder to recall the
sufferings of the dead.
It includes all the horrible crimes of the
whites and all the indescribable sufferings
of the colored.
This they may caU. agitationr and this in
that light, you may accept it, but that will
one more fully verify the fact that their
meanness is our weakness and always has
Agitation otBritish crimes in their oppres
sion of the American colonies, has been
America vanguard for one hundred and
seven years, and will so continue throughout
every passing generation.
The agitation of the declaration of human
rights, declared on the Fourth of July, 1776
has been the only thing -which transmits
agility to all ages of the American nation,
and engenders that power which makes
England afraid to invade our waters.
Great characters of men and measures for
We will admit that great characters of
men and ureasures for the race are highly
assential, necessary and must be discussed,
that the nation walking encyclopedia and
the world book of references in the persons
of onr American Father' of the race.- Hon.
Frederick Douglass, Judge J. M. Langston,
:? BGeiwials, Hon- K. B. F. Elliot and
. BSbert J5mali. The self-sacriflcing
vafrriorlgw: human rights, Col. P. N. Cason.
Tne Afnfftn explorator of undeveloped re
EOUrces,Maior M. K. Delany, M. D. and the
matchlesshess man for race defence and
human rights. Our city organ editor, Wil
liam. Calvin Chase. This paper, tho Bee,
and the Washington Press of the colored
race of the District of Columbia, so declared
by the Emancipation Representative Con
ventionlor 18SJ of 265 delegates, has- resus
citated our every interest ana so coniiuuu
them to be, if wo contiue to support it a
we have said by votes. You call the colored
press a negro paper which can never live,
and neither would the Republican, the Post,
the Sfar orthe Critic, if they did not get all
of the white patronage and one-half of the
colored. It will not only warn -yon. when
danger is coming' but defend you in danger
as in the case of the Hirth murder trial and
numerous other things. But acts which
made a race of men, good and chattel, and
then. made them citizens of the great Ameri
can nation, are living recollections which
must be commemorated throughout life' ex
istence by every man, woman and child of
tne race, inciuaing inose wno are iubhuubu,
with us by marriages from the other two
races. Isaythi3 because this principle of
amalgamation of the races was among the
.first trouble the early settlers of the
'European race, had with the European
daughters and African sons and with
European sons and African daughters.
And now tney are trying to keep separate .
what has been mixed for 250 years.
These have been the repeated enactments
from 16201883, beginning with Virginia
and Massachusetts where slavery existed, (in
Massachusetts)" for one .hundred and forty
seven years, and completed its sanction with
Nevada, from the lips of Senator J. P. Jones,
whose baneful expressions force me io the:
conclusion that resistence in some cases is
better than obedience.
Rhode. Island, Pennsylvania and New
York against Delaware, Missouri and Texas.
In this great and unreasonable opposition to
social equality, Rhode Island, Pennsylvania
and New York stands shoulder to shoulder
with Delaware, Missouri and Texas.
I am not here to discuss the issues of poli
tical parties, because it is my aim to make a
different impression upon your mind.
For party liberty, implies the colored man
permission, and what one party grants
another may refuse.
But I am here to speak of constitutional
i hich is a nation's highest right
constitutional liberty of the American
nation, is the hichest. best and most indis
criminate that the world ever witnessed.
The three last articles of our constitution
fully sustained the assertion just made.
Tne thirteenth abolishes for every slavery
and oppression, the fourteenth declares all
citizens, and the fifteenth guarantees indis
criminate rights, the ballot without reference
to race, color or previous conditions.
This instrument of constitutional liberty
is the most indisputable, unimpeach
able and grandest charter that was ever
transmitted to mankind.
It secures the rights of individuals as citi
zen of States as members of this Union and
of the United States, as a great nation com
prising all of its citizens as one common
We have but one form of government al
ways, but some times have as many as five
political parties to one election a year, and
that party that succeeds is always the party
of power and becomes the exponents of the
(The power of the general government).
Therefore, I shall not discuss these duties
as party obligations, but as the obligations
of the general goverment, be that govern
ment a State or the National Government.
For when touching the rights of citizenship
with its equality of privileges and immuni
ties, the constitution of the United States
places these rights beyond the control of a
State, discresion and makes them too sacred
for a State, to discriminate against when it
declares in article fourth, section 2nd, clause
first, that the citizens of each State, shall be
entitled to all the privileges and immunities
of citizens in the several Spates. In article
fourteenth, section first, it is declared that
all persons born or naturalized in the United
States, and subject to the jurisdiction there
of, are citizens of the United States and of
the State wherein they reside.
No State shall make or enforce any law
which shall abridge the privilege or immuni
ties of the citizens of the United States; nor
shall any State deprive any person of life,
liberty or property without due process of
law; nor deny to any person within its juris
diction the equal protection of the land.
I find that Louisiana adheres to as much
to these laws from obedience as Massachu
setts does from necessity, and South Caro
lina as much for its love as Nevada does for
So you can see that after all the rights
which we are short of, the general govern
ment isxesponsible and not the local govern
ment of the several States.
For when the government said so, all were
freed, when the government said so, all
fought'in the war when tho government said
so, all commenced voting; when the govern
ment so, all enjoyed equal privileges of the
city street cars of the local corporation, and
when tho government said so, all continued
voting except the SO,00J citizens of the Dis
trict of Columbia, whose rights are con
trolled by three citizens, subject at a'l times
to a majority vote of two, very often they
are in part, men not identified with the com
mon interest of the District of people.
APrEAl, TO THE CITIZENS OF THK SEVERAL
But this adjustment and redress will be
settled by an appeal to the citizens of the
several States, whose descendants we are;
we shall tell them of our grievances, and ask
them for no man for Congress, who will not
consent to protect the rights of the colored
citizen here by restoring to them their rights
To us, politics have been only the means
of ruin so far.
They have filled the capital city full of our
best society, young men and women from
their homes, following Congressmen here
upon their mere promise of governmental
employment: they have destroyed well
formed plans at home for flattering promises
of great things at Washington, by which
some of our best families have been scattered
from the different states, and made paupers
here in the streets of Washington, and drag
ged off to reform school, work house, jail or
the Denitentiary, with not a single word of
sympathy or cent of assistance, from the
misconduct of these men, we are to suffer
these disgraces throngh years of manhood
from youths neglect and misfortune or per
form two persons labor for one person,s
wages. Tliis has to be done in many cases,
in a semile way by the persons employed for
those through whose inflnence they were ap
pointed, in addition to the duties of govern
mental employers in order to save their
places of employment and house servants
wages in the pockets of their employers.
We have been impoverished to the end,
that many of our young men and women
have fallen into ruins from the unfaithful
ness of the whites by making our yonng
men the aggressors of their great evil in the
seduction of our young girls; they have
neglected to provide for us separate, mechan
ical workshops while they have always re
fused U3 the privilege of learning trades
with the whites, they have filled our city
with foreign contractors, in that they have
let out all of our city labor to foreign help
of a few men brought here for that pur
pose. They have compelled young men and
women of this race of equal educational
qualities with the white race, to be private
servants, waiters, nurses, chanbermaids,
messengers, laborers and gen-jral house
servants, while those of the whit i race are
provided for, allowed to learn trades of in
dustry and to perform duties of clerks in
the various branches of the government,
both of State and National; they have used
us in the army of the general r-overnment
against the common enemy and taen refuse
us the right of military fitness at West Point,
and Annapolis Academies, by mejins of in
timudation, persecution, and other unac
counted for hardships unknown to the
worlds history, practiced by the white cadets
against the colored, and sustained by the
courts of inquiry by unjust acruital from
We are charged with a constant howl for
office: were we guilty, we would only be obey
ing the teaching of our American white
people, for they will remain with any party
so long as there is an office, and leave it
when there is none, but that is not our howl,
our howl is for equal privileges and immuni
ties, known as constitutional liberty, which
guarantees to every American citizen that
equality of rights which 13 the first of rights
withoutout regard to race, color or previous
condition of servitude. If the constitution
means anything it means that both 7TT
great Amencnn homines Ire oSh.of e
one citizenship and one nation f r fe,
any interference to be drawn from ,m r? is
meaning, the constrner oniv ...," "'hed
upon the statesmenship of r il , . reflect
framers cf that mstraineni J hlmle"an
of duplicity and prolific gat evil-Wty
unjust acquittal from time to tim lr
guilty white cadets for crime bv U,L the
nutted; yet because of an itiviolmLi cm
of tno white race that the colored iff?
rise to stations of eminence a.j ,i;."au ?ot
m this country they are wcoTrS?1
conspy together for tliu i-(,u ,.,..,.. "r to
crimes and permitted to i
- . . -w. aj-
punished, while the l-eraem ii Ti nn
cadet, must be inflicted with "u un rtd
able conviction of self murder or inntu?Wr
at tho hands of a merciless court !
selected, prejudiced and prepared ,n
decisions fpr which they cun never a&?
ward recall ana account for, or rde;vp a .
selves of their conscience aiult eUethe!n
Ibis day teaches you that you nei
IWtti. .. 1
. flattering smiles and lnuduble liniS?
; dunhcity with the LTeatt b. . i:r,.f
continue tho prosecution of any wefl 3
plan for the general good of the ieoLle wiS
Plan. iuv d oiiciui guuu ur xne I'eoble tnii.
the greatest firmness, even when it co t h
individual inconveniences and duwer
who Hi-fi Tint hnnirht ntf livnm,:.. r' men
off by threats, men who will n0t m 1 Tf
it i ii --t,-- -" "j I'luiiuceor i
le political faith for mere rerJn.T
gams, ana leave tne people whom thev T
present to die on the starvation? of its V
To-day's victory, is a bridge of the colored
honv- nvw which nil Amonr-u,.,- .."'"'cu
and his great service, jndefence of the!
in this nty, can onlyiHe rewarded w t,J
in this a,ty, can online rewarded by the
bossomed recollections of cominir vpncZ
tions. who will read from mottnr
( meats of the present, erected to his memorv
of an eternal future; that futaie that W.Z
to every man the right to say, -my conjl!!
tis of thee, sweet land of liberty; of thee ni
sing; land where my father dictl, and of tV
Pilgrim's pride, from every mountain. id
let freedom ring."
LETTEES OP REGRET.
April 3, lt&3.
Dear Sir : The President has re.
ceived your note of the 2nd inst., but
is unable to accept the invitation it
conveys, to be present at the Emana
tion Celebration, on the 16th inst., as
he expects to be absent from Wash
ington at that time. Expressing hk
thanks for the courtesy of the invita
tion, I am, Very respectfully,
Fred. J. Phillips
Mr. W. Calvin Chase,
Washington, D. C.
DEPARTMENT OF JCSTI'E.
April 9th, 183.
TV. Calvin Chase, Esq..
Secretary, 1109 1 btreet,
Sir : Thank you for your polite in
vitation of the 2nd of April: hut lean
not accept. I shall be absent on the
16th of April. I should be too happy
to hear Mr. Douglass, but 1 cannot.
He is an old friend 1 value and reipwt
very much. Very truly yours.
Benj. Harris Bkewtek,
P. S. Your request on behalf of the
colored employees of the department
will be granted. B. II. I.
OFFICE OF PUBLIC PlilSIEH.
Washington, J). C. Af-it 3, .
W. Calvin Chase, Esq.,
1109 1 Street, tf. W.,
Washington, D. C.
Dear Sir : I have the honor to ac
knowledge the receipts of your kind
invitation to attend the 21t Anniver
sary of the Emancipation-of theare?.
and I sincerely regret to say that as 1
shall be absent in New York at that
time, it will be impossible for me to
attend. 1 may truly add that no one
more sincerely rejoice at the downfall
of slavery in our land than I do, and 1
am aiwayaglad to do any thing I can
to improve the condition of the colored
citizens of the country.
Very truly yours,
S. P. K01-NTJ-.
DEPARTMENT OFAGRICl'L TIKE,
April 10, 13.
Mr Dear Sir :--If my engagements
will allow, I shall accept with pleasure
your kind invitation to be present at
the Emancipation exercises on April
16th. I am always glad to listen to
Mr. Douglass. 1 would give a more
definate answer, but I have an engage
ment for Saturday or Monday evening,
not yet decided. Truly yours,
W. Calvin Chase, Esq.,
Secretary, Washington, D. C.
PETERSBURG, VA., April 5, i
Dear Sir : Thanks for the con
sideration. It will be quite imposiM
for me to attend your celebration.
Civilization will not be content until
the human race are everywhere tolera
ted, and God's people are permitted to
enjoy the fruits of their own labor.
Yours truly, Mahone.
W. C. Chase, Esq ,
1109 1 Street,
Washington, D. C.
WASHINGTON, D. G., April &
TV. Calvin Chase. Esq.,
Dear Sir : Please convey to the
friends my regrets that I shall V un
able to attend the exercises to he given
on the "Twent-first Anniversary of
the Emancipation of the Slaves" in thi?
district, as I leave the city to-morrow.
Kespectfully, Jno. A. Loo a v.
The Misses Maggie and Lama Niiith
of Baltimore accompanied ly M'5
jSannie Eoss arrived in the city last
Saturday to witness the emancipation
celebration and remained until Wed
nesday night when they left -n the
10.20 train P. M. they received many
calls during their sojourn here.
Mr. and Mrs. Thomas Lewis of Bal
timore attended the exercises at the
Congregational Church Monday
Hon. J. a Wears, of PhiladclipHa.
attended the Emancipation exer- irf
I at the Congregational Church Jfonwy
Hev. Dr. Stephenson will preach m
Baltimore Sunday at the Brinei
Messrs. W. H. Brown and' John 11
Smith of Baltimore are making a brief
visit to our city.
Bev. M. Draper, of Baltimore de
livered a sermon at the Flyman
Church Sunday evening.
Miss Nannie Ross of Baltimore a
irvedin thecitv Monday.
James J). Kennedy TteqP fe ft town.
Why lawyers like muCtoi Because.
It k so full of suet.