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Gazette of the United States and daily evening advertiser. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1794-1795, January 29, 1795, Image 2

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Tucfd ly, Jailinry z7lhv
Tlie bill fupplemefttary to an aft ref
pe£ling invalids was read a third time
and pad.
The bill for collecling the duty on
goods, wares anO merchandize, was read
a third time and pad.
The house then went into a commit
tee Mr. Cobb in the chair, on the mo
tion of Mr. Clairbourne for reducing
the salaries of officeigof government
and members of Congress. Mr. Clair
bourne introduced his motion by a vari
ety of remaikj on the propriety and tie
ceflity of econpmy, with regard to pub
lie piortey. He profeflcd not to aflert
that the present salaries were two high ;
his motion wer.t only to the appoi t
rr.ent of a committee for enquiring into
the state of faffs.
Mr. Nicholas declared that he would
be very willing to vote for the appoint
ment of such a committee, if he could
fee any good purpose to be derived ftom
it, or if the gentleman who laid the re
solution on the table could give him any
new information that tend«d to preve
its expediency. For his own part he
had but a fmallfamily, and of that he
had left one half behind him ih Virginia ■,
yet he found that his allowance, as a j
member of the legislature, was barely '
fufficient for supporting this half of his
family, though he lived with as much
iconoray as he ever had done in his life.
He was certain that he should not take
one (hilling of public moßey home with
him to Virginia. He requested gentle
men to remember that it was not the
present Congress who had given fix dol
lars per day to themselves, but that it
had been fixed bytheir predeceffots, and
fixed at a time when living was fifty per
cent cheaper than it was now.
Mr. Boudinot said that he could
speak with the gr.eateft impartiality on
this fubje£t,becaufe after the present ses
sion he had not the fmallett idea of tou
ching a farthing of public money in his
lite. He was onr ut those who had ori
ginally objected to the allowance of fix
dollars per day as two high. He had
kept an exact account of his expenses,
during three feflionsat New-York,and
there was a balance of forty-three fhil
lingß and four pence that he had either
gained cfr loft, he could not fay which
in these three sessions. He could alfurc
the House, upon his honor, that this
statement was exa&ly true. Yet, at
that very time, he lived 15 or ao per
cent cheaper than perhaps any other
member of Congress. He resided with
a nephew of bis own, and though he
paid him the ordinary rate of board wa
ges, yet living with a family where he
was entirely at home, and being in rea
lity only sixteen miles distant from his
own house in Jersey» he had many op
portunities of saving expence, which
mot other members had not. Mrs.
Boudinot was with him during two of
. these three feflions, in the third he was
by himfelf. The resolution on the ta
ble went to the mod fatal confequtnees
and is directly oppefite to the allcdged
ebjedt of the gentleman who made it, for
it would end thus, that if the wages
were 1 educed, none but pcrfons of the
mod independent fortunes could afford
to tome to the House, and thus- the
whole power of the government would
be thrown into the ha: ds o f the rich.
Mr. Boudinot alked where is the offi
cer in the service of governmsnt at this
moment, that is making a fortune by his
lalary ? Where is the profeflional man
in the public ftrwee, who could not
make more out of iU It is said that
the people complain. He didjnot know
what people did so, hot they must be ig
norant. For himfelf he was convin
ced that at the end of this faffion he
(hould not have in his pocket a (hilling
«f public money. He would desire
gentlemen to come forward and fay if
they had favtd money. He would not
have wifiied this motion to be negatived
with a filcnt vote.
Mi. Claibourne begged leave to remind
the he had never afierted the
falaiiee to be too high. His motion
went only to appointing a committee
for an enquiry whether the salaries were
too high or rot ! He never had made
any such affcrtion.
Mr. W. Smith said, that the resolu
tion Vva3< in its present shape, fp ex
treniely vagoe, that one did not know
how to give it a definition or a vote.
Different objedts were lumped together.
If, by an enqui/y, the gentleman meant
to examine into the wages of members
t>f this House, it was quite needlcfs to
appoint a committee, bccaufe every
member can at this moment speak for
himfelf. But Mr. Smith did not confi
ier the present time as the most proper
for beginning to reduce salaries, when
within tVie last twelve tronth#, there had tl
been three resignations, viz.. the fecreta- v
,y of (late, tire secretary at war, and tl
secretary of the treasury, and chief- »
ly for one reason, the fmallnefs of the ©
salary. " I have no doubt," said Mr.
Smitir, "of there being complaints, w
" and if the salary was reduced to three d
" dollars per day, there would be ft ill p
" complaints as we fee is tlft cafe with e
" the members of the legislature of h
" Pennsylvania!" He only wished that t!
the committee would rife, and he should f;
then vote in the House, that they might
not have leave to fit again. The mov. g
er of this resolution had mentioned the 1
danger of meeting with reproaches from a
the people who thought their salaries
too high. Mr. Smith saw very little tl
in this matter, bccaufe the people who tl
railed at the salary of fix dollars per t:
day, were only anxious to get in them
selves, and embraced this topic as an n
expedient of ousting thsfe members tl
whom they wanted to-fucceed. si
Mr. Goodhue wished to ask Mr. Clai- n
bourne one question—whether he found r
himfelf grow rich t v
Mr. Sedgwick saw no occasion for c
rising bccaufe the committee were per
fectly competent at this moment, to c
determine *he question. a
Mr. Rutherford was for reducing the C
salaries by one dollar per day, and one r
dollar every twenty-five miles that the
members had to travel. This would be e
a reduAion ef one hundred dollars per I
day, which would be much better be- d
(lowed upon the innocent Widow of f<
the Veteran who had fallen in the fer- t
vice of his country c
Mr. Gillefpie proposed an amend- k
ment, the scape of which was, that a t
committee should be appointed to exa- 1
mine and report whether any and what r
alterations were neceflary, in the aft ap- 4
pointing salaries to the officers under c
government. He suggested this amend- c
ment from no motive whatever, but c
what was fair. There had been, and f
there still was, a degree of clamour up
on the fubjeft, and it was the duty of
the House to pay attention to the voice
of the public, whether right or wrong. J
If upon investigation, H should appear
that the salaries were not higher than
they ought to be, then the report of
the committee would be the best me
thod for (lopping the public clamour.
Mr. Claibourne hoped that the com
mittee would not rife, but decide the
point. He trusted that no gentleman
would.agatn poim. at Inn', —J U 7
the motion came out of his brain. There
was not one officer under government,
whom he would point out and fay, that
such an officer had too high a salary.
He had eVpe&ations that this discussion
by bringing ferward the cbfervations
of several goutlemen, would, in some
degree, fatisfy the people; and that
there would be no more pointing out
witlf*a finger, and faying, there goes a
fix dtllars a day man.
Another member observed, that it
was the duty of the House to attend
to the voice of their, conflituents, and
for this reason, he should vote for a
committee. He would mention, what
he had always confideied as a most odi
ous dillinftion, the additional dollar
per day, which is to be paid to the Se- '
nate from and after the fourth of March '
next, (the deader will observe, that by
the a£t, members of the Senate were
JO have seven dollars per day, but the
additional dollar waf'irot ta commence
till the lapse of fix years, when all the •
Senators of the firlt Congress had gone
out.) There was another thing, for
which he could never fee any reason,
and that the giving of twelve dol
lars per day to the speaker.
Mr. Giles was perfedtly convinced,
that the allowance to the members is
small enough already. The saving of
a dollar per day, suggested by Mr. Ru /
therfoid, would be but little ; and it j
was beginning at the word of resources.
The pay ought to be such as would 1
bring persons of middling circumstances
into the House ; perlons neither too
high in life nor toj low. If the pay
was greatly reduced, none but very rich i
people could afford to give their atten- I
dance ; and if too high, a feat in the 1
House m ght be an obje& to persons of 1
an uppofite description. Formerly, the ]
state of Virginia allowed eight dollars
per day to the members of its ;
ture. This sum had since been reduc
ed to fix dollais. Mr. Giles mentioned
this to show, that in the practice of in
dividual states there might be found .a
precedent for the allowance to members
of Congress. He was for voting di»
reflly. Mi. Giles said, that there was
a country from which America had co
pied a great deal, and very often too
much j a country which still had a very
pernicious influence in the United
States. The members of the British
House of Commons received no wages,
while the officers of state had immense
salaries. It was however, understood

that the Britift House »f Commons
weie tcty well paid for the trouble of
their attendance. Mr. Giles did not
wi(h to fee scene* of that kind in this
Mr; Hillhoufe hoped that the "House
Would have done with this thing imme
diately, as it had now answered all the
purposes expeCted from it ; and he trad
ed that all motions of that fort, which
had an eye to certain operations oqt of
the House, would meet with the fame
The motion was negatived by a very
great majority. The committee toft.
The chairman reported, and the House'
agreed to the report.
Mr. Gillefpie then made a motion of
the fame tenor with his amendment to
that of Mr. Claibourne. It was nega
The House next went into a com
mittee, Mr. Cobb in the chair, i.pon
the amendments to the Poll-Office bill,
suggested by the fcled committee. They
made some progress. The chairman
rose and reported, and the amendmentu
were referied back again, by the felett
committee, to the House.
A report was then read from a seleCt
committee, on the propriety of ereCting
a light house at Georgetown, in South-
Carolina. The House agreed to the
Before adjourning, the Speaker begg
ed leave to make a few observations.
He said that several membeis had this
day complained to him, that they could
scarcely get room to come forward to
the chair upon business, from the great
crowd of strangers on the out fide of the
bar. If gen leinen wilhed to bring
their acquaintances to the House to
hear the proceedings, there was a very
refpeCt*ble place reserved for them un
der the gallery, on the left hand of the
chair. The vacancy on the right hand
of the chair, was exclusively appropriat
ed for the accommodation of the Se
nate, and of diplomatic character*.
The House then adjovrned.
From the American Daily Adter
To the Citizens of the United States.
If it be true, as the second objection
insinuates, that " the rights of societies,
" (organized in the manner described,)
" toajrirye, speak and publish, cannot
" be proft rated, wttneut innictmg a
" vital wound on the similar rights of
" individualsl (hauld with frank
nefs concede, that the latter eircumt
fiance would be an evil, too great to be
campc nfated by the former. It is there
fore incumbent on me, so to distinguish
the one from the other, as that the soci
eties may be annihilated, while the im
munities of individuals may remain, un
disturbed by fheir fate.
It cannot be denied, that if such so
cieties had never existed, the liberty of
individuals in the United States would
hive been, what it now is, fuperiorto
the fraud of ambition and the aflauhs of
tyranny. In the primitive wilderness
of our country, it sustained and impel
led our hardy forefathers:—it has since
demonstrated to the old world, that,
under its guidance, a triumphant rival
in the production of human happiness
has been raised in the new ; and yet
frem the eastern to the southern extre
mity of the Union, we have
this day, seen societies like these, ex
cept when a (hock to the government
was meditated. A(k the historian of
every state, if his researches have des
cried a single example of them, in the
hour of public tranquility ? If an ex
ample be attempted, myadverfary must
not content himfelf with the name of
feeiety only ; but he must produce a
society with the properties, which have
been defined. Until Great Britain
compelled us to renounce her authori
ty, and to inculcate a general horror of
her dominion, such societies were aliens
in our land. To insist therefore, that
individual liberty is dependant upon
such societies, during the season of good I
humour with the prevailing government,
does not correspond with" the pall ex
perience of America.
The danger then, if any is to be ap- '
prehended, from the deftruftion of the I
societies, must be in the establishment ;
of a precedent, by which the transition
will be easy from their grave to the
tomb of individual liberty. One of the
fubjcAs which render individuals more
particularly solicitous for the freedom
of meeting, and of promulging their
sentiments by writing or speaking, is
The interest, which our citizens pos
sess, in the prefer.ation of the gpvern
tnent, is the basis, upon which their
right t« interfere in its affairs is found
It is an interest, flowing from hence,
that a majority of individuals are the
fountain of every just constitution ; and
that for their benefit and protection the
generalgovernment was ordained. There
is a probable security too against tin
efforts of wicked individuals, from the
counteraction of other individuals, who
are better disposed. Ye fclf-created
iocieties ! whose principle it is to con
demn conflitutional laws, or sap the
confidence of the people ill the govern
ment ; was it for your benefit or pro
tection, that the government was or
dained ? Is there a pi obable security,
that the efforts of one wicked membfr
of your body, will be counteracted by
the labours of some other member, bet
ter disposed ; when, if report docs not
millead us, one or more instances have
occurred, of those, who were formerly
most zealous, being charged with apo
ftacy, because they would not go every
length of fury b Is it not a faCt, that
this has caused some of your members
to quit your corps ? You then might
be call into utter oblivion, and indivi
duals would still retain their i ights with- i
out diminution. :
I anticipate in part your answer. It
will be contended, that you are identi- j
fied with the people : that societies, (
whioji consist of five, ten or twenty in- .
dividuals, are clothed with all the rights (
of those individuals ; and that no ope- <
ration towards the improvement of otir I
affairs, which depends upon the gene- '
ral movement of the people, can be pro- '
moted, unless it be commences in final
ler ciicles. j
The fallacy of this excuse (hall em- j
ploy the next number. <
....... j
From the MINERVA.
To the Democratic, and Republican '
Societies throughout the United States : <
and all other affectations of a political !
nature by whatever name dijlinguijhed. i

I believe it is almost as difficult for a ,
party man, to be an boneft-man, as for a (
Camel to go through the eye of a needle.
Of this I hive not only had a little expe- '
• rience, but the most unbounded evidence, '
from fiiftory and observation upon others !
—'Tis true indeed, that freedom of en- l
quiry, with temperance, is as neceflary
to the health, and preservation, of the ' ,
body politic, as motion to the salubrity of ;
water and air. But party-spirit, which j
moltly degenerates into Failitn, is the !
ueS S—-jyi-enever this pre- 1
vails, reason and honesty, are f" —|«ii~j ■
the back ground; Irritation, takes place |
of conciliation : Intrigue of candor, and ,
enthusiasm of reflection : The iguorant are ;
imposed upon —the indolent are uninform- i
ed—those who can bed deceive, obtain
confidence —specious, or hurtful talents, 1
take the reward due to real merit—bad 1
men, bear sway ; a»d the arts of a focie- ;
ty, or club, are only he machinations of j
one or a few, artful, interested, insidious
or ambitions demagogues.
The people, however uninformed, have
always good intentions-they fi.ppofe, they , '
are right, and are so far honell—but the i
people, are subjeCt to the grofieft impofi- •
tions—they are the mere weather cocks ■
of deception—they are every thing, they 1
are any thing—they are nothing at all— 1
This day they are philosophers—the next
day maniacs—one day rcligionifts—the
next day Deists, ASlfifts, Mzterialifts—
one day royalists ; another day democrat*.;
and the next day aristocrats—To day they • '
deftroythe Baftile, relieve the miserable, ;
and execrate tyranny. To-morrow being ,
themselves the tyrants, they impiifcn, and .
cut off the heads of thu ulanc;, only for
thinking, as yeflcruay t'nty theuilHyes
did think. The man they idolize and de- '
ify in the morning ; in the evening they '
deprive of life. On Wednesday they are '
federalifls—on Thursday they are antife- I
deralifts—on Friday they are Clintonians (
on Saturday Anti-clintonians. In (bort
they are honest as the as
fire—fickle as the winds—cruel and un
diftinguifhing, as the Grave.
Read fiiftory ancient and modern— nay> 1
examine every city, town and diftritf, in '
the United States. I'll (land or fall by the !
result of the inveltigation. x i
I lielire Ijm fafe in asserting, that re- .
publican, or democratic governments have i
generally been deltroyed by the operation
of party-spirit—because pirty mostly ter
| minates in faflion, and in all factions, !
one or a few men, govern the 1
inconsiderate multitude. Such has been 1
the fate of the Grecian Republics—Sucl. 1
. of Geneva—and i'uch the democrats of
j France. Beware then my fellow-citizens
; of party men, especially if they are what
;is called thorough-pact d, for they will
j certaiily pace you down—The cloak ot
patriotism itfelf, has often covered fediti
ous paricides—Liften to the still voice of
Reason—at the fame time, watch wivb
care, your conftitutioiial guardians—te',4
them their errors—applaud thc r . grcd a
tion'—but in u'ge a rar|-, betaufeto err
is human—chastize them as you would
your child or servant—to amend, but ri t
to destroy—and treat those who would of
firioufly take from you, and jlTume tt.
themfeives this important privilege as they
are often treated whou, nceflarily
bttwten man and »ife.
In Oiort tho' it is certain that the p*r.j»|<
have in some inftancet deposed tyrw.*,
and cftablillied upon tlieii ruin, the rights
of trien—it is equally true, that they t:'ve
in many instances, been the machines in
,he hands of the, seditious for subverting
good government & fubttitut.ng in its place
the most hateful despotism ; for they are al
vjys either unable or unwilling, to draw
that impervious line between the power of
government, ard the liberty of the citi
zen—a line which forms the only solid
>arrier of an uniform, confident, and ra
tional freedom.
We have fecn for iriltapce, the-French
nation, impelled by the glorious manialm
of liberty , destroy the most ane.ent mo
narchy in Europe, and we have seen them
in the course o't a few months, dif rafted
by paijty, and influenced by pretended pa
triots, exercise or support the moll bloody
tyranny recorded in the anr.ajs ot mar
kind. And although by the numbers and
valor of their troops, they have iuc»
cefsfullyoppofed their foreign enemies, it it
yet altogether problematical, what will be
tte event, of their intriguing revolution
ary spirit.
We have beheld them already upon the
brink of an ariftocratical triumvirate in the
persons of Kobefpiei re, Couthon, and St.
Just —and it would not be unprecedented
if tbey Ihould yet nice: with, a Caesar, or
a Cromwell.
It is even poflib'e this may he the result
of theconteft forcontroul now subsisting,
between the society of Jacobins, and
constitutional representatives of the nation
—(hould the latter prevail, against these
deluded patriots, then perhaps, the dawn
of reason and moderation, which has late
ly appeared in the Convention, may avert
their impend ng calamities, and restore
them to a rational system of government.
At the fame time therefore, that the ex
ample of ancirnt and modern nations, as- _
fords a lesion of wisdom lo ArikrTcans".
And if they really believe they enjoy un
der the present conflitutions, as great a
share of civil liberty, and public, and pri
vate prosperity, as can be rcalonably be ex
pected, in human affairs they ought cer
tainly to avoid & dilcountenance any man,
or set of men, and meafurts, that have a
tendency to rob them of felicity so lingu
lar and invaluable—for it is an ASTO
NISHING TRUTH, that of all the nati
ons of the earth, the United Stated of A
merica, only, poflefs a eonflitution founded
in wisdom, and predicated upon the equal
rights of man.
Having diawn so deplorable a picture
of the nature and confequeitces of par
! ty spirit, and fadtion, and of the good-
I ness and badness of the people, it may
be erpe&ed, I (hould point out some
■ remedy. This I can do. There are
: three remedies, or rather one in three.
! First—The diffufion of knowledge, by
the erc&ion of public free-fchools thro'
; out the United States.
| Secondly. A good example frotr
our State Legislatures, and Federal gt
i-raaemar. AuJ tl.li dly- A.*- j. j
ble adhercnee to frequent cle&i.>us, <
. qua), free and fair. 1
Reading begets knowledge, know
ledge relief! iun, reflection independ
ence—and these are ar.tidotcs to taftinn,
and the devices of parricidioiis incendi
In Scotland, 'tis said, parish fchooh
are almost every where cftatlilhed—and
at (o cheap a rate, that a teachcr re
' ceives but two and fix pence a quarter,
i We all know the confcquence of this.
1 Howcomesit thenthat the Scotch
j fubmk to the yoke of cefpotiftn ?
There pre two reasons, the fir It is, —■
i That the feudal ivftem is ltill too pre
valent in Scotland—and the second is,
—That what they, have not 101 l in that
wav, they have loft, by their aTliance
I with theEnglifb ; the policy of whose
j adminiftvations, has uniformly been to
i quench the flame of pa'iiotifmby offici
al and pecuniary corruption.
Our Eastern Slates have likewifehad
a regai'4 to l-hi: of public frec
fchools. No feudalism, or governmen
tal bribery .prevailing there, they are
the most enlightened —the moll tenaci
ous of their civil rights—and at the
ikme time of peace and good order of
any people upon earth.
Fashions in dress are not more conta
gious, than the c<ndu£t of c.ur Legisla
tures whilst in session.—When the peo
ple observe that they aginited by
the bitterness of party spirit, ot faction,
a flailing each other with personal invec
tives and abnfe.
When instead of di fcufiing the great
concerns of the nation with dignity, de
iiberation, and candor, they walte whole
days about the propriety ot a monofyl
labie, or quarrel like boys about a dii
tinftion, without a difference. —govern-
ment and magistracy itfelf are degrad
ed—designing men are furnifhed wi
Weapons—and the people not of
nith matter and precedent, but a <
cedt ftiraulus to follow their pernicio
i. Sample.
Ha ving been carried f-rther in th'
reflections thaji was expe&ed, 1 Hi
proceed to the main object, which ts
fhtw, First, That our Domccraticfo i;
eties are unnectjfiirf.
Secondly. That they are dan; e
And Thirdly. That if thevare not
itera r f\ incontinent with the conftitu'
~n—That the ate vtrtualif Hi —bei

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