Wilmington journal. [volume], September 27, 1844, Image 2

About Wilmington journal. [volume] (Wilmington, N.C.) 1844-1895

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From the New York Plebeian.
BRING OUT THE LARGEST GUN.
A large meeting in the Old Wigwam; larg
er in the Park ; larger in front of the
Register's t)ffice; larger in front of Tam many
Hall; larger opposite Beekman St..
Vestry Building. Altogether the largest
meeting ever held in this City.
POLK AND DALLAS FOREVER.
Last evening, Tammany Hall by 6
-o'clock was filled, crammed, packed by a
more numerous assemblage than had ever
before, even in the palmiest days of Jock
son, been witnessed within its walls. It
is impossible for us to describe it. So in-
1 of their domestic administration, and of accus
toming them to hold themselves the stipen
diaries of a great central government at Wash
ington; rather than in their high and true alti
tude oT co-equal sovereignties, bound to scru
tinize, and, if need be to hold in check, the
Government of the Union.
Resolved, That while we yield to none in
our solicitude for the interests of American
Industry, we believe that no tariff can be effec
tual for its protection, in the face of an inflated
state of the general currency ; that such infla
tion is sure to attend the establishment of a
Bank of Mie United States, the dearest expe
rience has taught ns; we, therefore, oppose the
establishment of such a bank, as a measure
full of injury to the interests of American In
dustry and protective labor. We should con
demn it on this ground alone, even if there
were not other and conclusive objections con
tense was rne enmuspsm mat the loud j nected with lhe pur;ly and very stability of
cneers oi me peopic wouiu arown me torce : oar institutions.
of the resolutions when reading and the! Resolved, That we are in favor of the annex-
eloquent speeches of the eloquent gentle
ii , when speaking. Tammany Hall,
which can conveniently hold five thousand
ra not large enough to hold a tithe of
?!iojh who assembled. In front of the City
Hall was a meeting. In front of the Re
gister s office was another. In front of
Tammany Hall was another. Next to
neighbor Greeley's office was another.
The vacancy in the rear" of Dr. Spring's
xceed the point of greatast produc-it the laborer, it should do what ha never
s of revenue, and the end of suchlyet been done, discriminate in favor of the
laborer, by levying the heaviest taxes on
articles of luxury. (Tremendous cheer
ing and loud cries of "that's the American
doctrine.") In like manner in the arrange
ment of the tariff, the interests of agricul
ture must be consulted ; and for the manu
facturer, we insist, that the great design
tievei exc
tiveness
protection must be to sustain the manufac
turer, so that he may rise above the narrow
thought of a monopoly of the market at
home and seek by honorable competition
to win the market of the world ; and, final
ly, there should be discrimination to avoid
the unreasonable taxation of labor. This
ation of Texas at the earliest practicable pe
Tiod, having regard to the interests of our com
mon country; and that, according to all the
precedents which have governed the acquisi
tion of territory in the two Americas, priority
of discovery gives the right of soil and juris
diction : and that the territory of Oregon, by
(right of such priority, belongs to the United
Mates, and will never be relinquished vutn
the consent of the Democracy of this nation.
Resolved, That Thomas W. Dorr, late go
vernor of Rhode Island, is a heritor of the prin
ciples, if not of the success, of the patriots of
UnU j i x ' iH'ea, u noi oi me success,
V,,U,U1 "m rfuwvut-r. AHU ueru was) 177U He has been tried in the fires of perse
an assemblage, listening to a Polk and Dal- icution, but the sufferings of the martyrs are
and here another listening to a! the salvation of truth.
The interminable masses were addressed
las song ;
'Texas speech ; and there another laugh
ing at an exhibition of the Polka Dance.
It is impossible to give anything like a dis
cription of this great demonstration. We
give without much order the notes of our
reportorial corps. Suffice it to say, it was
the largest political assemblage ever con
vened in this City, and it told the certain
-election of J AS. K. POLK and GEORGE
M. DALLAS.
The meeting at Tammany was organ
ized by the appointment, on motion of Jas.
JB. Nicholson, of JOHN TARGEE, Pre
sident. On motion of J. S. Carpenter, Esq.,
fifty-four Vice Presidents, and on motion
of R. B. Connoly, Esq., twenty-two Se
cretaries, were eiected to preside over the
meeting.
Mr. Wm. A. Walker offered the follow
ing resolutions, which were adopted with
he most enthusiastic approbation :
Resolved, That in the impending contest be
tween the two great parties of the country, we
ongratdate the Democracy upon the union
nd harmony resulting from an abiding faith
n the same great fundamental principles.
Differences with respect to men and in relation
:to measures not fundamentally essential by be
ing laid aside, the friends of all candidates,
meeting on the broad, eoh.mon and equal
ground of Democratic principle, stand in an
unbroken phalanx, now, as always, ready to
do battle, and confident of victory in the great
cause of equal rights and popular progress.
Resolved, That whatever may have been our
original prepossessions, we recognise in the
nominations, .of James K. Polk and George M.
Dallas, for President and Vice President of the
United States, a faithful exponent of the true
t ie and principles of the party and the pe
d. In support of these nominations we cor
dly and enthusiastically unite, and we mu
v.iilly pledge to each other and to the Demo
cracy of Ihejaation, our undivided and untiring
ertions for their success.
Resolved, That in the roll of grent names
.presented to the Democracy for their choice
of a candidate for President of the United
States, in the selection of one, no disparage
ment was done to the other statesmen and pa
triots of the illustrious catalogue. The names
of Van Buren, Calhoun, Cass, Johnson, Bu
'chanaa, and Stuarteminent in council or
glorious in the field ami on the wave stand
inscribed in undying light in the honorable
memory and deep attachment of the Democra
cy of the United States, second only to the il
lustrious and venerable name Andrew Jack
son. Resolved, That wejiighly appreciate the res
pect due to Mr. Tyler, for his firm and patriot
ic resistance and suppression of the Federal
measures of a Distribution of the Proceeds of
the Public Lands, and the re-establishment of
a Bank of the United States ; for his agency
and zeal in doing justice to the war-worn vet
eran Andrew Jackson, by the return of the
fine unjustly imposed upon him at New Or
leans; and for the additional and conclusive
evidence of his earnest and patriotic desire to
secure a triumph ot Democratic principles and
measures, exhibited by his determination to
sustain the regularly nominated candidates
tor the Republican party, James K. Polk and
George M. Dallas.
Resolved, That in their nominations for Go
vernor and Lieut. Governor, the- Democracy
of the .Stale of New York has done its duty
and its whole duty. To doubt that a name so
high, so pure, so illustrious as that of Silas
Wright, is a guarantee of popular support and
success : that of Addison Gardiner, clear, un
sullied, and dear to honest hearts, can, in con
junction with his, arouse the common soul of
tbe community ; would be indeed to believe
that the old glory of our country is departing,
and she is waxing ripe to be laid, corrupt and
in bonds, at the feet of the reptile representa
tive of Federalism
Resolved, That we tender our high approba
tion to the honorable Wm. C. Bouck, for his
able and prudent administration of the go
vernment of this State; for his instrumentali
ty in effecting the suppression of mechanical
labor in the State prison ; and for the magna
nimity shown in his withdrawal from the can
vass, for the promotion of union and harmony
in the Democratic party and the Hon. Dan
iel S. Dickinson, we offer the same expression
of high respect for the able and faithful man
ner in which he has discharged the duties of
Lieutenant Governor ot the State.
Resolved That the qualified Veto in the
hands of the Executive of the United States,
is a power inserted in the Constitution of the
United States, on great deliberation and for
most important purposes; that through the
whole history of our Government it has de
monstrated its high value as an element of our
institutions ; and that more especially in the
bands of President Jackson and Tyler, it has
yet more strongly recommended itself to the
approbation of the country, by arresting some
last point, more than any other, is of deep- should not be to give sudden profits, the
est interest o the community. One of the j results of hazard, bnt to ensure steady and
Whig banners that waves in your city, J equal protection, and thus lead him to corn
bears as its motto Protection to Amer- pete for the great neutral markets of the
ican Labor the Nation's Wealth, the Poor world, (Cheers.) To this end the manu
Man's Right' We are glad the appeal facturer needs more than indiscriminating
on this subject is made to the forum of the revenue tariff. He needs for his best al
laborer. Mr. Bancroft here proceeded to lies a sound currency and well regulated
trace the relation of the high tariff policy exchanges, (Loud applause.) Good ex
in the protection of the American labor. changes are secured, not by a Bank of the
Ouropponents, said he, propose protection United States, but the regular action of
to American labor by subjecting American commercial industry. The merchants are
labor to grievous taxation. Their philan- the great regulators of exchanges ; let them
thropy has made the astonishing discovery, never abdicate their office. Very enthu
that labor should sue for the privilege of siastic cheering. For the security of the
being grievously taxed. For cotton jacco- currency, there is no resource but a steady
nets for the clothing of his children, the regard to the metallic basis,
laborer must pay 60 per cent, duty ; if A fluctuating currency, as it expands,
his friend dies, he must pay for the cam- raises prices, invites foreigners to evces
bric for his shroud GO to 80 per cent, tax ; sive competition for our own markets,
for the mourning crape or silk, more than drives us from neutral to foreign maikets;
... . . ym m
ixty-four per cent. And this is protec- and then the vast balance lor importations
tion to labor ; our opponents proprose no- must be paid in money, and the export of
thing better than to secure " The Nation's specie takes away the support of the arti
Wealth and the Poor Man's Right," than ficial currency which totters and crumbles
to tax him heavily from the cradle to the for the want of a solid foundation. Then
grave. The system for the laborer fails follows depression. The paper currency
utterly of its effect. It does not enhance j in its excessive contractions and expansions
the wages of labor. The prices of labor is luinous to the manufacturer; it is to him
in our manufacturing establishments are like a bad mill-stream, swollen by every
but about ten per cent, higher than those storm, and summer-dried in the time of
paid in Lancashire; and that superiority j need. (Applause.) A close adherence to
of wages is made up to the manufacturer ; the metallic standard can alone secure a
by a prooortionate increase of production steady flow of credit and of money- The
through the greater ingenuity and activity j measure of value must not have merely an
of the American laborer. Further, all tax-jodorof nationality; it mustbear an impress
es enter into the cost of production, and so j that shall be its passport through the civil
into the price of the article produced. As ized world. It is in this connection that I
a
taxes increase, prices must increase ; and
every increase in price narrows to the man
ufacturer his market. Thus the neutral
market is Jost, and the demand for labor is
consequently diminished. Further, the
system imposes duties in such a manner as
to diminish the power of labor to employ
itself necessarily in rflany branches. Wit
ness the shipping interest. It has been
said that the first petition for protection
came from shipwrights of Charleston, S.
Carolina; probably from sojourners there.
But if the first petition for special protec
tion did come from shipwrights, dearly do
they rue it. A hundred and twenty years
ago the ship-yards for English merchants
the firmness of Van Buren it enabled the! the importer lay his profit as well upon the
country to weather the storm in the season ( duty as the original cost ? Don't he la, it
of greatest financial difficulty. Young j open the whole sum 1 Does not the Jobber
men of the Empire State yon wiH not be j and the country merchant do the same thing
wanting. The kindling enthusiasm in thej down, till it reaches you, the farmer of N.C
many thousands around me, promises a: olina who, after all, and at last, have to
victory of unexampled splendor. All eyes pay the original cost, the duty, the pro.
are upon you. Fill up the measure of the fits upon that duty, and often the pro.
glory of your State by your present action, i fits upon those very profits, so that under the
All eyes are on you. The world observes present system, the Tariff of '42, Tou are of.
you. The country watches you. One j ten compelled to pay twice, and sometimei
old man leans with interest towards the . thrice the amount for an article you wVsh to
East, to hear the swelling tide of determin-j purchase, which the producer originally,
ed zeal. His eyes are failing, but he hasjeeived for it. And now that we have seet
a light within. The fires of earthly exis- , that it is you, the farmers, and the working
tence are burning very low in their sock- men of the country, who have, sooner or later,
ets, but in his breast patriotism is a fire to pay this duty; and when we have also seen
unquenchable. Send gladdening messages by what kind of a compound interest operation
to the old man of the Hermitage. His t keeps accumulating, as it works its Wav
tame must not b impaired oy tne election
of men that will abandon and subvert.
His country has covered him with its
highest honors the last Congress has af
faced the aspersion of the craven Judge of
Louisiana. One thing more is wanting.
Perfect your triumph in November it will
fill his cup of happiness to the brim.
(Tremendous cheering.)
by Mr. Bancroft, of Massachusetts, Robert
Tyler, of Philadelphia, Mr. MacAlister, of
Georgia, &c.
The following is the speech delivered "by
MrBancroft :
Citizens of the Empire State :
The kindness of the reception which
you have extended towards me this even
ing, entirely overwhelms me. My heart
leaps to my lips, and feelingly seeks to out
pour itself in expressions of gratitude.
My fellow-citizens, we meet to-night, in
the bonds of a common union, in the bonds
of a common brotherhood, and, I believe,
with one common object. That object is
to trample under foot the verdict rendered
against us in 1840, and standing before the
country to denounce it as a libel most gross
on the republican institutions, derogatory
to the great office of a republic, and reflect
ing disgrace on those who have, by impro
per means, brought about the result. I am
persuaded that we all feel convinced of the
infinite importance of the issue which is be
fore us in the coming contest ; that we all
know the election depends, as far as its
success is concerned, on the integrity and
consistency of the Democracy ofthecoun
try. (Ceeers.) On the preservation of
the sacred principle of free suffrage, on the were very much in New York and New
preservation of the right of our adopted
citizens, and the hope of liberty through
out the world. And above all. the solving
of the great question whether that develop
ment which proceeds from the laws of God,
such as he himself has beneficently ordain
ed and regulated, shall continue to evolve,
or whether we are stiH to continue in a
hopeless conflict with those laws of nature
which never can be eradicated. The re
strictive principle belongs to a darker age.
It has overshadowed in its time the world.
From that arose colonial vassalage which
has characterized our own history, and so
banefu'ly and perniciously affected our
prosperity and happiness. Democracy !
Democracy ! my fellow-citizens, embraces
in a common brotherhood the whole human
family. (Cheers.)
It was a son of vour own State of New
mf
York that first promulgated our title to the
freedom of the seas, the great doctrine that
the American flag should cover the whole
of the ship and every thing which it con
tains; that it is the frank pledge of securi
ty to the mariner, and protection to the pro
perty which, it covers. America contends
for the wide extension of its commerce,
that its influences and effects shall extend
to the whole brotherhood of humanity, that
we will bring in our own ships spices from
the antipodes onr cettons to the looms of
Germany and Russia ; that we will supply
the celestial empire with tea chest linings
from the lead mines of Wisconsin, and a
perfect equality with the merchants of ev
ery other nation upon earth. (Great cheer
ing.) The Democratic party have ever
contended for that extended trade, which
should make all intelligence the common
property of the whole world; should com
pensate the inequalities of climate, soil and
THE JOURNAL.
FOR PRESIDENT
JAMES K. POLK,
OF TENNESSEE. ;
FOR VICE PRESIDENT
GEORGE M. DALLAS
OF PENNSYLVANIA.
Democratic Electors.
1st District, THOMAS BRAGG, Jr.
England ; America built a large part of
British shipping, and furnished supplies of
shipping successfully to the French and
Spanish Islands. Now the duties on cor
dage, sail-cloth, chains, chain-cables, cop
per and iron bolts, make shipping dearer
here than in Europe ; our shipwrights are
utterly excluded from the supply of for
eigners, and our own ships are often sent
to foreign ports to be refitted, and thus our
legislation, far from truly protecting Amer
ican labor, condemns our riggers, sailma
kers and caulkers to no inconsiderable loss
of employment. The old fashioned re
strictive system also, of which the remains
still linger with us, levied and slill levies
taxes on consumption, on articles of food,
articles necessary to every family. All
such taxes operate like poll-taxes, to be
levied daily ; they are injurious to the man
ufacturer ; and to the laborer they are most
unjust, as they virtually lay a burden on
persons, and not on property. Nor is this
all. We have corrected much in the worst
features of the restrictive system. But
much remains to be done. The discrimi
nation of duties, as it now exists, favors ar
ticles of luxury, is grievously and most
unequally severe on the laborer. The coar
pronounce the name of Silas Wright as
the benefactor of the manufacturers. Si
las Wright, the statesman and the friend
ever to be relied upon having an unpre-
tended modesty, surpassed only by his
merit; never aspiring to high station, and
worthy o( the highest. (Demonstrations
of enthusiasm which altogether baffle des
cription.) It was he, who in May, 1838,
met Henry Clay face to face on the floor
of the Senate, and achieved, perhaps, the
most signal and momentous victory ever
won in that body. (Great cheering.)
The chief provision of Clay's resolution,
as he himself expressed it, was, that " the
notes of sound and specie-paying banks
shall be received and paid out in the re
ceipts and expenditures of the government."
In a moment Wright discerned the latent
evils couched in the proposition, and re
commended its reference to the Committee
on Finance. Clay objected, but in vain,
(Cheers.) Meantime, in the course of the
debate thai ensued, Clay exclaimed in re
ply to the Senator from South Carolina,
" I am for a Bank of the United States, and
wish it so pronounced and so understood,
that every man, woman and child, should
know it." 41 The capital," he afterwards
added, 44 not to be extravagantly large
about Fifty Million would answer." On
the 16th of May Silas Wright came for
ward with his report, calm, well digested
and conclusive ; having not a waste word,
and leaving not a word to be added.
(Cheers.) Such was the irresistible force
of his logic, that Clav turned from his
own position, and to avoid a worse de
feat on his own motion, the worst part
of his resolution was rejected by a vote ot
forty-four to one. Great applause.3 AH
that remained that was objectionable was,
on motion of Silas Wright, stricken out,
by a vote of twenty-eight to nineteen.
Terrific cheers. Such was his great ser
vice to the best interests of the country.
2nd.
3rd.
4 th.
5th.
Gth.
7th.
8th.
9th.
do.
do.
do.
do.
do.
do.
do.
do.
10th. do.
11th. do.
HENRY I. TOOLE,
AB. W. VENABLE,
GEORGE WHITFIELD,
WILLIAM S. ASHE,
DAVID REID.
JOSEPH ALLISON,
DANIEL W. COURTS,
WILL. J. ALEXANDER,
GEORGE BOWER,
efofvo fivr clnno until it Lnr.rL'C at viu J..
Obttv J O Mll'il sww u j vut UvUi In
the shape of high prices, is it not your inter
est to have these duties reduced to the very
lowest point, which will afford a sufficient
amount of revenue to defray the expenses of
the General Government, economically ad
ministered ? WTe feel assured your answer
will be yes. Is, then, ocTr present Tariff con
structed on revenue principles? No, for the
duties as laid by it, vary from forty to one
hundred and fifty per cent. If, then, you are
desirous to see this political millstone firmly
and permanently fastened arotind the neck of
the Southern farmer, vote for Henry Clav,
for he has recently declared himself, thu
he is utterly opposed to the modification,
in any shape or form, of the Tariff of '42, the
highest Protective Tariff in most of its fea
tures we have ever had. But, if on the other
hand, you are desirous to see all classes of the
community protected alike; if you are oppt3.
ed to the principle of he General Governmem
granting a bounty to one particular species of
industry to the detriment of all other employ,
ments. thereby creating a privileged class
then vote for James K Polk, who has ever
been, and now is, the uncompromising ene
my of monopolies in every shape.
ser carpets for example, pay sixty per cent. 1 1 commend his report and the accompany
duty ; the finer but twenty-five per cent.
The coarser, and heavier, and more uni
versally used silks pay nearly four time?
as much on their cost as the finer and more
delicate. And this holds true of many oth
er articles of very geueral use. The dis
crimination now favors the luxurious, aud
burdens the poor. This should be rever
sed. Are our opponents sincere ? And
will they agree to such reversal ? (Loud
applause.) One word more to our oppo
nents. They proless to ioin us in regard
.mm. W
mineral wealth, and interchange all pro- for labor. But the relief and elevation of
ducts of peculiar skill. But foreign trade
without the exaction of duties, has never
the laboring class must be achieved by their
own intelligence. (Loud cheers.) They
been asked by a single statesman. The demand the opportunity for instruction and
regulation of the tariff has, indeed, been intellectual culture. By means of mental
1 .1.1
the subject of earnest discussion but nev
er was there a moment so favorable to its
sdjustment as the present. The country
is tranquil, aud refuses to be perpetually
cultuie, the humblest mechanic may stand
among the wisest, as well as among the
best of mankind. (Cries of 4 That's the
truth 1") His is a large heart, capable of
To our Town Subscribers
Should any of our Town patrons not be
served with the 44 Journal" to-day, 01
should anv have been overlooked last week,
0
they will please report the same at our of
fice. Our Carrier is not yet familiar with
all of their residences, consequently, he
may not serve them all.
W ould it be convenient for a 44 Well Wisher"
to honor us with a call at our office 1
excited on the subject. In 1828, when ani love lor child, wile, triends, freedom and
exorbitant tariff was vainly resisted, an at- country. His is a keen eye, suited to grow
tempt to defeat it by making it intolerably ! familiar with the beauties of that creation
had failed entirely. In 1832, apprehen-
which God has made so lovelv and so ob-
sion of disunion mingled with the discus- servable. (Loud and loug continued cheer
sion. The country now contemplates the 1 ng.) To vindicate the rights of America
tariff without fear, and discusses it without!" the first duty of America, and for that
mi .1 .. 1.1 1.1 Ann. 4 , il.nm !, .-..'
passion, it must oe seiueu wun regaru to c"1 w ww if icui me muc ior improve
the interests of the whole country, and by
the equal protection of all classes of indus
try. The manufacturer himself is in eve-
' - ) f
ing report to the democratic press, and the
Young Democracy of New York. ("Loud
and long continued cheering."! For the
i
vindication of our territory in its full ex
tent, the merchants, and manufacturers and
agriculturists, equally interested.
The harbors of Oregon are for American
ships; its markets for American labor; its
soil for the American ploughs ; its wide
domain for American Institutions and A me
rican Independence. Terrific cheering,
and shouts of 44 Oregon is ours and -must
be ours." 44 Yes, and Texas too," and
so on. Mr. Bancroft proceeded to discuss
the re-annexation of Texas ; contending
that Texas is independent as a consequence
of its existence; as having been but a tem
porary member of a confederacy, which
military despotism has dissolved. He de
veloped concisely the relations on the sub
ject towards England and towards Mexico.
He contended that the federative system
was strengthened by its extension ; that
that system was destined, like the doctrine
of Democratic equality, to make the tour
of the Globe. His remarks on this topic
were received with indiscribable enthusi
asm. In conclusion, Mr. Bancroft appeal
ed to the immense assembly for the elec
tion of the Democratic candidates. New
York, said he, has rarely been found want
DEMAGOGUE ISM.
Of all the arguments in favor of a Protective
Tariff, the most egregionsly foolish, as well
as the most deceptive and demagogical, which
we have yet heard advanced by the Federal
orators, is the one that the ertect ot our pres
ent Tariff Act is to impose the burden of the
duty upon the English maker of the imported
article, and so far exonerate our own citizens
from the necessary calls upon their purses to
supply the wants of the National Treasury.
Now we had supposed that no man, nor hoy
either, who had ever glanced over, even the
title page of Adam Smith, would be either so
ignorant or so wanting in regard to his repu
tation for common sense, as to arguej in this day
of light & knowledge, that the producer of an
article in a foreign country pays the duty which
may be imposed upon it on its arrival on our
shoi es;& yet we have repeatedly , within the last
month, heard Whigs, both in private conversa
tion and in public assembly, advance this long
since exploded doctrine.
In a leading article in the last 44 Chronicle,"
the Editor takes occasion to say, that he has
some time ago exposed 44 the fallacy of the ar
gument that the amount of duty imposfd up
on every article is added to the price
charged the purchaser for the article." For
our own part we have not seen the exposition
to which the "Chronicle" alludes, but we will
take the liberty of saying, that it is no "falla
cy" that the duty becomes part of the price of
the article, but, that, on the other hand, it is ut
terly fallacious to deny that such is the case.
And though we don't think there can be many
persons who would be deceived by such shal-
Fcdcral " Patriotism."
Perhaps there is not a word in the English lan
guage which has been more viley misrepresented,
or which has suffered more at the hands of Federal
demagogues than the noun substantive, patriotism.
We don't know, howevei, that we recollect of its
being so far out of place, or so foully misused on
any occasion before, as it is nowadays by the
Federal Whig party, when they urge it as an ar
gument for, and in connexion with, a Protective
Tariff. Why, say they, in their appeals to the
passions and the prejudices of the people, Would
you not much sooner, when you go to lay ouf
your money for manufactured goods, purchase of
your own countrymen than of British paupers!
Patriotism, say they, calls upon you to aid and
protect your own fellow-citizens against the com
petition of foreign pauper labor. Now, although
we are aware that the leaders of the Federal par
know better than to believe that true patriotism
has any thing to do with taxing on;; portion of
the community for the aggrandizement of another,
yet they know that, when they appeal to our love
of country and our well founded dislike to Eng
land and English interests, they strike upon two
of the most deep toned and easily touched chords
in the American bosom. When the question is
asked of the good citizens of North Carolina,
What ! are you not willing to extend the arm of
protection to your own countrymen against the
labor of English paupers, we know that the genc
roa response, dictated by the spirit of patriotism,
and made without reflection, will sometimes be in
the affirmative ; hence can't listen to a sin
gle Whig speech, nowaday, in which the orator
don't make "British pauper labor," and its com4
ing in competition with the industrial pursuits of
our own free sons, the staple of his discourse.
Thus it is, that, in all ages, the- insidious advan
ces of the demagogue, who aims at the subversion
of what is really the interest of the " many," and
who wishes to see the "few" made rich and power
ful at their expense, have ever been covered under
the hallowed and sacred name of Patriotism.
Now, for our own part, we have taken up what
may appear to our Federal neighbors rather
an antiquated idea of the word Patriotism. We
had thought it meant a love of each and every
portion of our country, and of each and every in
terest which exists in tbe Union ; and we had ta
ken up the idea that patriotism did not demand of
one class of ouf citizens, and that class infinitely
the largest, to make a sacrifice of their best inter
ests for the purpose of unnecessarily enriching an
other, and in point of numbers a comparatively in
significant one. And we would appeal to the pw
pie of North Carolina, who, we are conviaed,
as patriotic and union loving a people as aej
meat. (Uheers.)
Will our opponents, who are so zealous
for the poor man's rights, join the Democ- ine. Bv the honor of Livinirstnn is
ry quarter listened to with respect ; and no : racy in paying homage to one of the great- ed the rights of neutral ftaffs. and iravp in
one harbors a tho't of impairing his right-j est ideas that sway the age, to one which the adhesion of America to the great prin
ful property. All agree there must be a , Van Buren, as President, in 4he name .of ciDles of modern mnritimp. lnr Ti n.o,
. 1 - ' . r v-j 1 . - - i. . " . 1 - t . . .... . ...
01 tne most aesirucims measures 01 r roerm . tarin ; au agree tnereraust oe uiscnnnna-: me American people, held up to the world elected Jefferson. It was throuah onP nf
JJOllUy. TOO pJOMgU UUIOCIToai insicivH.) w
sustain it ia its original foree and operation
Resolved That in their relation to the Go-
tfnrnmont Trio XnK1 1 A T nnQ ATA A nlpflcTPf?
v l 1 u 1 1 v 9m f wmm w , uviiv M-smm4 w r n j
fund for national revenue by their original ti-Mhe tariff a parent their party weapons, are
tie ; that there is no rightful nower in the Go-j exCepted, there is in the public mind much
vefnmentto dissipate these resources; ndi, difference than has been preteniJed.
that, least of all, shouta they be made the j 1
means, by the distribution of their proceeds 1 We may safely adopt the rolo that the
among the States, of endangering the purity discriminating duty , for protecuon must
1 t
tion. Ihe tarifl question at the present jas the appropriate system for freemen ? its sons, that the treaty for annexing Lou
time is simply what discrimination shall In a word, let our opponents join ns in as-, isiana was negotiated,
be made ! And if the nolitieinns who make sen inrr this otmi truth tfmtii at tho fmin. i ,u t u
1 o "-j o r " - 11 i r nit; ruitc u vrHorue , n nn it no.
datum of the ten hour rule. (Great sen-jgatived the renewal of the charter of the
oauwu. wuu dim uuuuuucu entering, anu tin uea states bantt. New-York set for
every jiuwiuu; uciiiuusirauon oi appiause.; , me states, the brilliant example of neace-
tt ,Ci,. , .0 p.. ,:, pre mat, so tuny transferring the sovereignty from the
ai ..o luiiu io wimri w in regaru ; tcrruory ot iew York lo its men. B
low sophistry as this, yet, as there may be
some of our readers who are not in the habit COuntry a who would go as far asany o&e
of thinking much about such things, we will
devote a few minutes, not only to prove that
it is no " fallacy," and to shew that the duty,
in truth and in fact, enters into and becomes
part and parcel of the tost of the article, but,
also to shew to our readers how much more
onerous, than, perhaps, they are aware of,1 it be
comes by the time the article, whatever it may
be, reaches the hands of the consumer. Take
for example, the article of Flannel, which is
used more or less in every family in N i Car
olina. Well. suDDOSe one of onr New York
merchants goes to England and purchases a
piece of that article for the American marker
at 20 cents a yard, and suppose the duty to be
50 per cent., who pays it 1 Does the English
producer 1 Surely not. Does the American
importer pay it? In the first instance, we ad
mit, he does : but what does he do hefore he
justice, to aid and assist their northern e&re
the manufacturers, and ask them if they ibu
are called upou to pay any class in the b"nte
States rai exwfbitaSU price for such articles v&t
want to purchase, merely because, they are feHw'
citizens 1 We think their answer will be, s9""
But, to illustrate this, we will put a case : supp08
two citizens in New Hanover County, were golB&
to commence business in the Mercantile line ;
suppose each of them had a relation in New li o&
whither they had gone to lay in their sU
goods, in the whole sale line there, who s S"
say 20 per cent, higher than they coaid be ?T"
chased at other places. Now, again, supp06
one of these men were lo purchase of his relaiin 6
paying 20 per cent, higher than market price,
the
ly because he was his relation, and suppo
other was to buy where he could get what he ,B''
ed cheapest, would not every man who beard
the transaction say that the one had acted IP
offers the article for sale in this country 1 and unjustly to himself; while the other bad pr
Why, he sits down and makes his calculation I sued th? wise and proper course. Such.
thus : There's 20 cents. th rnitrci Arm WA think
T -f-f CS fill Z 2 j IttXUiVU 3 W -
Lngland ; 2$ cents, say, per yard, costs and
charges for bringing it from Europe to New
York and lastlv. lhre' inonto , obtain what&ho wanb; cheaner elsewhere,
j ' v wi mj a niU) rj; rr I - j'nlie
percent.) duty paid at the Custom-House, t injustice to any class. Should she cont"
which, when added together, makes the sura to do so, the. Northern Manufacturer caunot W
of 32$ cents the amount, per yard, which he 1 "gh in his sleeve at our extreme-gulUWMJ
has already paid out. Well, now, does not excentric ideas about patriotism.
. ..nt
ly a parallel case to that of the 8ouh ' parent
at an exorbitant price of the North, when, she c0