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THE WILMINGTON JOURNAL.
ENGELHARD 6l PRICK, Proprietor, To whom aU Letters on Business must be addressed. TERMS OP ADVERTISLfO. - 1 square, of 10 lines or leaa, for each and every inser tion, $1. Special Notices will bo charged $2 00 per square for each and every insertion-. ' All Obituaries and private publications of every char ac tor, are charged as advertisements. 3No advertisement, reflecting upon private charac ter, can, under any ctectmstances, bo admitted. XT i iii Terms of Subscription. Weekly Paper, one year, invariably in advance, $3 00 Do. Six months, " " " ....2 00 DaLv Paper, one year, invariably in advance, $10 00 six months, " " 5 00 " three months, " " 3 00 one month, " " 1 00 From the Dublin Nation. Cleburne. VOL. 22. WILMINGTON, N. C, THURSDAY MORNING. APRIL a. 186G. NO. 9. How far and fast the autumn blast Bears the dead leaves o'er the ground : As fast and far has the hand of war Strewed our country's brave around ! And their nameless graves are the ocean's caves, The forest and mountain Glen, Where the vulture screams as the angry streams Are hiding the bones of men ! And what anguished cries From the South arise. For the brave ones fallen in vain ? While the victor North Itinga pfeans forth, And exults in her broad domain ! As fire suppressed in Versuvius' breast, The latent tires of crime In the human frame pulse on the same, 'Till fanned by the storms of time ; As the lava fold swept uncontrolled, Where Pompeii's glories shone, So the awakened rage r,f a Vandal sage When freedom is o'erthrowu ! And we'll look in tears, Through long years, For the brightness shrouded o'er, But the golden rays Of her halcyon days Shall return to the land no more ! Then fling the horde their base award Their chief his triumphal crown; riaee vile deceit in the judgment seat, AVhere honor is trampled down; Give a paltry bribe to the hired scribe, To the venal bard his fee; But him who draws in a righteous cause A freeman's sword give me ! I Though his bones should bleech i On the sea-washed beach, Though his grave be the lowly mound, His name shall chime Through the halls of time, And swell through the deep profound ! Ye brave en masse, who fall and pass To the leaden hall of death, Thrre are palms for the dew, but alas for you, Not a leaf from the victor's WTeath ! But I sing of one whose glory shone Like a meteor, bright and grand, Who gave his name to the trump of fame, And his blood to a generous land! The festive toast, The Soulier's boaat, The type of a martial age ! The foe of wrong, The soul of song, And the light of a future page ! The base grow bold for power and gold, The vain through fear and scorn ; The good wax strong in their hate of wrong ; But he was a warrior born. From his eagle glance, and stern "Advance!" And his action, swift as thought, The rank and file from his own fair Use Their courage electric caught, As the whirlwind's path Shows its fiercest wrath Through the lordliest forest pines, So the deepest wave Of the fallen brave Told where Cleburne crossed their lines. On Richmond's plain his captive train Outnumbered the host he led, . And he won his stars on that field of Mars Where the glorious Johnston bled ! 'Twas his to cope, while a ray of hope Illum'd his flag and then 'Twas his to die, while that "flag flew high" In the van of chivalric men ! Nor a braver host Could Erin boast, Nor than he a more gallant Knight, Since the peerless Hugh Crossed.the Avon dhu, And Bagnal's host aflight. There were eyes afar that watched your star, As it rose with the " Southern Cross," There were hearts that bled when its course was sped, And Old Ireland felt your loss ! While her flowers shall blow or her waters flow Through Shannon, Suir and Lee, The patriot's song shall roll along, Their winding waves for thee ! And they'll tell with pride, How Cleburne died, In the land of the "free and the brave," How his sword of might Was a beam of light, Though it led to an exile's grave. D. The name of Patrick Cleburne, Lieutenant General in the Confederate army, is one which should not be forgot ten in the military annals of our race. He was the hero of over thirty pitched battles, and he number of minor ac tions in which he participated is beyond precedent. He was distinguished for decision and intrepidity, and almost every movement committed to his Division was success ful. He received the incessant congratulations of the Southern press, and was several times complimented by the Confederate Congress. After the death of Jackson, he got the soubriquet of "The. Stonewall of the South," for he was to the Army of the Tennessee, what Jackson M as to that of Virginia ; but most of all, he was tender and generous to the vanquished, and, as Ferguson says : " Kindly Irish of the Irish." He lies in a lonely grave in the village of Columbia, Tennessee, whither he was borne after the battle of Franklin by one of his officers. I know I have not dono justice to his memory, but history will not consign his name to oblivion. Biding her considera tion, let the foregoing be a leaf let to his memory. NEWS SUMMARY. Fire in Danville. Danville, Va., March 28. About 11 o'clock last night the planing mills of Messrs. Linn k Co, on the east side of the canal, were discovered to be on fire, which communica ted to the Danville woolen factory adjoining, thence to the stores of Messrs. Brown & Jetter, Pairo : Co., Yates, William Robinson, Hickson fc Brother, and several small buildings on main street, all of which were consumed. Loss very heavy. Total amount of insurance supposed to be from sixty thousand to seventy-five thousand dollars. Loss estimated at from one hundied and fifty to two hundred thousand dollars. Danville, March 27. The factory was insured lor thirty thousand dollars. Most of the losses covered by insurance. Loss one hundred and fifty thousand dollars. All business houses. XI Public Lands in the Southern States. The following statement shows the total amount of va cant United States public lands in the late Con federate States : Alabama 6,732,058 08 acres. Mississippi 4,760,736 03 " Louisiana 6,228,102 45 " Arkansas 9,298,012 70 ' Florida 19,379,635 61 " Novel Mode op Smuggling. One of the Gov ernment revenue detectives on the Canadian fron tier writes to the Commissioner of Customs that the smugglers have laid pipes across the St. Law rence river, and are engaged in pumping whisky from Canada into the United States. The Texas Convention The Southern Pacific Railroad. The Texas Convention has adopted a substitute for the majority report, declaring the ordinance of secession null and void, acknowledg ing the supremacy of the Constitution of the United States, and renouncing the right to secede. It is reported that an ordinance has been adopted permitting the Legislature to pass a stay law in judgment for debts for four years ; conditions interest and quarter principal to be paid each year. The Judiciary Committee has reported an ordinance protecting Confederate civil and mili tary officers from criminal and civil process for imprisonment or injury of personal property. The Southern Pacific Railroad directors have concluded to contract with a French company to extend the road west of Marshall, Texas, and have concluded an arrangement to complete the con nections between Shreveport and Marshall in 'time to ship the present crop. The Legislature has taken measures to provide payment on accrued and that to accrue in the State. Philadelphia, March 26. In the Supreme Court to-day, Judge Woodward delivered his de cision in the case of Maltsby vs. Reading and Co lumbia Railroad Company, that bonds held by non-residents are liable to State taxation. The Georgia Legislature has passed the stay law over the Governor's veto, and a law punish ing horse stealing and burglary with death. THE CIVIL RIGHTS BILL. Veto Message of the President To the Senate of the United Slates : I regret that the bill which has passed both houses of Congress, entitled "An act to protect all persons in the United States in their civil rights, and furnish the means for their vindication," contains provisions which I cannot approve, consistently with my Bense of duty to the whole people, and my obligations to the constitution of the Uni ted States. I am therefore constrained to return it to the Senate, the house in which it originated, with my objec tions to its becoming a law. By the first section of the bill, all persons born in the United States and not subject to any foreign power, ex cluding Indians not taxed, are declared to be citizens of the united btates. This provision comprehends the Chi nese of the Pacific States, Indians subject to taxation, the people called Gipsies, as well as the entire race designa te! as blacks, people of color, negroes, mulattoes, and fersons of African blood. Every individual of these races, orn in the United States, is by the bill made a citizen of the United States. It does not purport to declare or con ier any other right of citizenship than federal citizenship. It does not purport to give these classes of persons any stat is as citizens of States, except that which may result from their status as citizens of the United States. The power to confer the right of State citizenship is just as ex clusively with the several States as the power to confer the right of federal citizenship is with Congress. The right of federal citizenship thus to be conferred on the several excepted races before mentioned is now, for the first time, proposed to be given by law. If, as is claim ed by many, all persons who are native-born, already are, by virtue of the constitution, citizens of the United States, the passage of the pending bill cannot be necessary to make them such. If, on the other hand, such persons are not citizens, as m&y be assumed from the proposed legislation to make them such, the grave question pre sents itself whether, when eleven of the thirty-six States are unpresented in Congress, at this time it is sound poli cy to make our entire colored population and all other ex cepted classes citizens of the United States ? Four mil lions of them have just emerged from slavery into free dom. Can it be reasonably supposed that they possess the requisite qualifications "to entitle them to all the priv ileges and immunities of citizens of the United States ? Have the people of the several States expressed such a conviction ? It may also be asked whether it is necessary that they should be declared citizens in order that they may be se cured in the enjoyment of civil rights? Those rights pro posed to bo conferred by the bill are, by federal as well as State laws, secured to all domiciled aliens and foreigners, even be fore the completion of the process of naturalization ; and it may safely be assumed that the same enactments are sutticient to give like protection -nd benrits to those for whom this bill provides special legislation. Besides, the policy of the government, from its origin to the present time, seems to have been that persons who are strangers to and unfamiliar with our institutions and our laws should pass through a certain probation, at the end of which, before attaining the coveted prize, they must give evi dence of their fitness to receive and to exercise the rights of citizens, as contemplated by the constitution of the United States. The bill, in effect, proposes a discrimination against large numbers of intelligent, worthy and patriotic foreign ers, and in favor of the negro, to whom, after long years of bondage, the avenues to freedom and intelligence have now been suddenly opened. He must of necessity, from his previous unfortunato condition of servitude, be less informed as to thenaturo and character of our institutions than he, who coming from abroad, has, to some extent, at least, familiarized himself with the principles of a gov ernment to which he voluntarily entrusts "life, libertvand j the pursuit of happiness." let it is now proposed by a I single legislative enactment, to confer the right of citizen j ship upon all persons of African descent born within the ! extended limits of the United States, while persons of ! foreign birth, who make our land their home, must under j go a probation of five years, and can only then become j,. citizens upon proof that they are of "good, moral charac ter, attached to the principles of the Constitution of the United States, and well disposed to the good order and i happiness of the same." j The first section of the bill also contains an enumera i tion of the rights to be enjoyed by these classes, so made 1 citizens, " in every State and Territory of the United j States." These rights are " To make and enforce con ! tracts, to sue, be parties, and give evidence, to inherit, purchase, lease, sell, hold and convey real and personal uronertv." and to have "full and equal benefit of all laws and proceedings for the sucurity of persons and property as is enjoyed by white citizens." So, too, they are made subject to the same punishment, pains and penalties in com- i moil with white citizens, and t o none others. Thus a per- ' A'. . A Ami V 4-1. s- irl-vitn Anrl 1 1 o sr fn ooq iu o ffomnforl r be fixed by the federal law, in every State of the Union, over the vast field of State jurisdiction covered by these enumerated rights. In no one of these can any State ever exercise any power of discrimination between the different races. In the exercise of State policy over matters exclusively affecting the people of each State, it has frequently been thought expedient to discriminate between the two races. By the statutes of some of the States, Northern as well as Southern, it is enacted, for instance, that no white person shall intermarry with a negro or mulatto. Chancellor Kent says, 3peaking of blacks, that " marriages between them and the whites are forbidden in some of the States wnere slavery does not exist, and tney are prohibited in all the slaveholding States, and when not absolutely con trary to law, they are revolting and regarded as an offense aginst public decorum." I do not say this bill repeals State laws on the subject of marriage between the two races, for as the whites are forbidden to intermarry with the blacks, the blacks can only make such contracts as the whites themselves are allowed to make, and therefore cannot, under this bill, enter into the marriage contract with the whites. I cite this discrimination, however, as an instance of the State policy as to discrimination, and to inquire whether, if Congress can abrogate all State laws of discrimination between the two races, in the matter of real estate, of suits, and of contracts generally, Congress may not also repeal the State laws as to the contract of mar riage between the two races ? Hitherto every subject em braced in the enumeration of rights contained in this bill has been considered as exclusively belonging to the States. They all relate to the internal policy and economy of the respective States. They aro matters which, in each State, concern the domestic condition of its people, varying in each according to its own peculiar circumstances, ana the safety and well-being of its own citizens. I do not mean to say that -upon all these subjects there are not federal restraints; as, for instance, in the State power of legisla tion over contracts, there is a federal limitation that no State shall pass a law impairing the obligations of con tract; and as to crimes, that no State shall pass an ex post facto law; and as to money, that no State shall make any thing but gold ana snver a iegai ieuuer. But where can we find a federal prohibition against the Eower of any State to discriminate, as do most of them, etween aliens and citizens, between artificial persons call ed corporaitons, and natural persons, in the right to hold If it be granted that Congress can repeal all State laws discriminating between whited and blacks in the subjects covered by this Bili, why, it may be asked, may not Con gress repeal in the same way all State laws discriminating between the two races on the subjects of suffrage and office ? If Congress can declare by law who shajl hold lands, who shall testify, who shall have capacity to make a contract in a State, then Congress can by law also de-f larn who. W ithout recard to color or race, shall have the ritrht. to sit as a iuror or judge, to hold any office, and, finally, to vote "in every State and Territory in the TT;Trf Ktnfes" As resnects the Territories, they come within the power of Congress, for as to them, the law miiinrr nower is the federal power: but as to the States no similar provision exists vesting in Congress the power " to make rules and regulations" for tbem. The object of the second section of the bill is to afford discriminating protection to colored persons in the full enjoyment of all the rights secured to them by the preced iog section. It declares "that any person who, undercolor of any law, statute, ordinance, regulation or custom, 6hall subject or cause to be subjected any inhabitant of any State or Territory to the deprivation of any right secured or protected by this act, or to different punishment, pains or penalties on account of such person having at any time been held in a condition of slavery or involuntary servitude, except as a punisment for crime whereof the partv shall have been duly convicted, or by reason of his color or race, than is prescribed for the nrmiuimiont f wliUe Dfii'sons. shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and, on conviction, shall bo punished by fine not exceeding one thousand dollars, or imprisonment not exceeding one year, or both, in the discretion oi tne fnnrt " Tins Bpetinn Renins to be desicmed to applv to unnin ex is tin? or future law of a State or Territory which may conflict with the provisions of the bill now under con sideration, it provides ior counteracting such iwuiuutu lArinlfl.t-irn. bv imposinsr fine and imprisonment upon the legislators who may pass such conflicting laws, or upon the officers or agents who shall put, or attempt to put them into execution. It means an official offense, not a com- mnn rimn rimmittcd asrainsc law upon the persons or Eroperty of the black race. Such an act may deprive the lack man of his property, but not of the right to hold property. It means a deprivation of the right itself, eith er by the State judiciary or the State Legislature. It is therefore assumed that under this section members of State Legislatures who should vote for laws conflicting with the provisions of the bill; that Judges of tho State courts who should render judgments in antagonism with its terms: and that Marshals and Sheriffs who should, as ministerial officers, execute processes, sanctioned by State laws and issued by State iudges, in execution of their judgments, could be brought before other tribunal and there subjected to fine and imprisonment for the performance of the duties which such State laws might impoga. . . The legislation thus proposed invades the judicial pow er of the State. It says to every State court or judge, if von decide that this act is unconstitutional ; if you refuse, under tho prohibition of a State law, to allow a negro to testify ; if you hold that over such a subject-matter, the State'law is paramount, and 'hinder color" of a State law refuse tho exercise of the right to tho negro, your error of judgment, however conscientious, shall subject you to fine and imprisonment ! I do not apprehend that the con flicting legislation whieh the bill seems to contemplate is so likely to occuf as to render jt necessary at this time to adopt a measure of such doubtful constitutionality: In the next place, this provision of the bill seems to be unnecessary, as adequate judicial remedies could be adop ted to secure the desired end. without invading the immu nities of legislators, always important to be preserved in the interest of public liberty, without assailing the inde pendence of the judiciary ; always essential to the preser vation of individual rights, and without impairing t.ic effi ciency of ministerial officers ; always necessary for the maintenance of public peace and order. The remedy pro posed by this section seems to be, in this respect, not only anomalous but unconstitutional ; for the constitution guarantees nothing with certainty, if it does not insure to the several States the right of making and executing laws in regard to all matters arising within their jurisdic tion, subject only to the restriction that in cases of conflict with the constitution and constitutional laws of the United States, the latter should be held to be the supreme law of the land. The third section gives the district courts of the United States exclusive "cognizance of all crimes and offences committed against the provisions of this act," and con cturent jurisdiction with the circuit courts of the United states or ail civil ana criminal cases - aneciing persons who are denied or cannot enforce in the courts or judicial tribunals of the State or locality where they may be any of tne nents securea to tnem Dy tne nrst section. xne con struction which I have given the second section is strength ened by this third section, for it makes clear what kind of denial or deprivation of the rights secured by the first sec tion was in contemplation. It is a denial or deprivation of such rights "in the courts or judicial tribunals of the State." It stands, therefore, clear of doubt, that the offence and the penalties provided in the second section are intended for tne State judge who, in the clear exercise of his func tions as a judge, not acting ministerially, but judicially, shall decide contrary to this federal law. In other words, when a State judge, acting upon a question involving a coniiict between a State law and federal law, and bound, according to his own judgment and responsibility, to give an impartial decision between the two, conies to the conclusion that the State law is valid and the fed eral law is invalid, he must not follow the dictates of his own judgment at the peril of fine and imprisonment. Tho legislative department of the government of I he United States thus takes from the judicial department of the States the sacred and exclusive duty of judicial decision, and converts the State judge into a mere ministerial offi cer bound to decide according to the will of Congress. It is clear that in btates which deny to persons whose rights are secured by the first section of the bill any one of those rights, all criminal and civil cases affecting them, will, by the provisions of the third section, come under the exclusive cognizance of the federal tribunals. It follows that if, in any State which denies to a colored person any one of all those rights, that person should commit a crime against the laws of the State, murder, arson, rape, or any other crime, all protection and punishment through the courts of the State are taken away, and ho can only be tried and punished in the federal courts. How is the crim inal to be tried ? If the offence is provided for and pun ished by federal law, that law, and not the State law, is to govern. It is only when tho offence does not happen to bo with in the purview of federal law that the federal courts arc to try and punish him under any other law. Then resort is to be had to the common law, as modified and changed" by State legislation, "so far as the same is not inconsis tent with the constitution and laws of the United States." So that over this va.vt domain of criminal jurisprudence provided by each State for the protection of its own citi zens, and for the punishment of all persons who violate its criminal laws, federal law, wherever it can be made to apply, displaces State law. The question here naturally arises from what source Congress derives the power to transfer to federal tribu nals certain classes of cases embraced in this section ? Tho constitution expressly declares that the judicial pow er of the United States "shall extend to all cases in law and eauitv arisimr under this constitution, tho laws of the United States, and treaties made, or which shall be made under their authority ; to all cases attecting ambassadors, other public ministers and consuls, to all cases ot admi ralty and maritime jurisdiction ; to controversies to which the United States shall be a party ; to controversies be tween two or more States ; between a State and citizens of another State ; between citizens of different States ; be tween citizens of the same State claiming land under grants of different States, and between a State or the citi zens thereof, and foreign btates, citizens or subjects. Here the judicial power of the united btates is expressly set forth and defined ; and the act of September 2i, 178U, establishing the judicial courts of the United States, in conferring upon the federal courts jurisdiction over cases originating in State tribunals, is careful to confine them to the class enumerated in above recited clause oi tne constitution. This sectirm of the bill undoubtedly com prehends cases and authorizes the exercise of powers that are not, by the constitution within the jurisdiction of the courts of the United States. To transfer them to those courts would be an exercise of authority well calculated to excite distrust and alarm on the part of all the States, for tho bill applies alike to all of them, as well to those that have as to those that have not been en lion. ;aged in rebel- It may be assumed that this authority is incident to the power granted to Congress by the constitution, as recently amended, to enforce, by appropriate legislation, the article declaring that "neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as punishment for crime whereof the part' shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States, or anv place subiect to their jurisdiction." It can not, however, be justly claimed that, with a view to the enforcement of this article of the constitution, there is at present any necessity for the exercise of all the powers which this bill comers. Slavery has been abolished, and at present nowhere ex its within the jurisdiction ot tne united btates, nor lias there lieen. nor is it likely there will be, any attempt to re vive it, by the people or the States. If, however, any such attempt be made, it will then become the duty ot the gen eral government to exercise any and all incidental powers necessary and proper to maintain inviolate tnis great con stitutional law of freedom. The fourth section of the bill provides that officers and agents of the Freedmen's Bureau shall be empowered to make arrests, and also that other officers shall be special ly commissioned for that purpose by the President of the United States. It also authorizes the circuit courts of the United States and the superior courts of the Territories to appoint without limitation commissioners, who ai 9 to be charged with the performance of quasi judi cial duties. The fifth section empowers the commistion ers so to be selected by the courts to appoint in writing, under their hands, one or more suitable persons from time to time to execute warrants and other processes described by the bill. These numerous official agents aro made to constitute a sort of police, in addition to the military, and are authorized to summon a posse comUalus, and even to call to their aid such portion of the land and naval forces of the United States, or of the militia, " as may be neces sary to the performance oi the duty with which they are charged." This extraordinary power is to be conferred upon agents irresponsible to the government aud to the people, to whose number the discretion of the comissioners is tho only limit, and in whose hands such authority might be made a terrible engine of wrong, oppression and fraud. The general statutes regulating the land and naval forces of the United States and militia, and the execution of the laws, are believed to be adequate lor every emergency which can occur m time of peaco. If it should prove oth erwise. Congress can at any time amend those laws in such mariner as, while Bubsevrtmg the public welfare, not to ieor.ard the riehts. interests and liberties of the people, Tne seventh section provides that a fee of ten dollars shall be paid to each commissioner in every case brought before him, and a fee of five dollars to his deputy or de puties " for each person he or they may arrest and take before any such commissioner," "with such other fees as mav bo deemed reasonable by such commissioner," "in general for performing such other duties as may be re quired in the premises." All these fees are to be "paid out of the Treasury of the United States," whether there is a conviction or not ; but in case of conviction they are to be recoverable from the defendant. It seems to me that under the influence of such temptations bad men might convert any law, however benificent, into an in strument of persecution and fraud. By the eighth section of the bill the United States courts, which sit only in one place for wliite citizens, must migrate with the Marshal and District Attorney, (and necessarily with the Clerk, although he is not men tioned,) to ny part of the district, upon the order of the President, and there hold a court "for tho purpose of the more speedy arrest and trial of persons charged with a violation of this act ; " and there the judge and the officers of the court must remain, upon theorder of the President; "for the time therein designated." The ninth section authorizes the President, or such per son as he may empower for that purpose, " to employ such part of the land and naval tones ot the United States, or of the militia, as shall be necessary to prevent the violation and enforce the due execution of tins act." This language seems to imply a permanent military force, that is to be always at hand, and whose only business is to be the enforcement of this measure over the vast region where it is intended to operate. I do not propose to consider the policy of this bill. To me tho details of the bill seem fraught with evil. The white race and black race of the South have hitherto lived together under tho relation of master and slave capital ovviiing labor. Now, suddenly, that relation is changed; and, as to ownership, capital and labor are divorced. They stand now each master of itself. In riiis new rela tion, one being necessary to the other, there will be a new adjustment, which both are deeply interested in making harmonious. Each has equal power in settling tho terms, and if left to the laws that regulate capital and labor, it is confidently believed that they will satifactorily work out the problem. Capital, it is true, has more intelligence ; but labor is never so ignorant as not to nnderstand its own interests, not to know its own value, and not to see that capital must pay that value. This bill frustrates this adjustment. It intervenes between capital and labor, ami attempts to settle questions of pohthcal eoouomy through the agency of numerous officials, whose interest, it will be to foment discord between the two raoes; for as the breach widens their employment will continue, and when it i closed their occupation will terminate. In all our history, in all our experience as a people liv ing under Federal and State law, no such system as that contemplated bv the details of this bdl has ever before been orowsed or adopted. They establish, for the secu rity of the colored race, safeguards which go infinitely be yond anv that the genera) government has ever provided for the white race. Ia act, the distinction of race and color is, by the bill, made to operate in favor of the color- I ed, and against the white race. They interfere with the I municipal legislatioh of the States, with the relations ex isting exclusively between a State and its citizens, or be tween inhabitants of the same State an absorption and assumption of power by the general government which, if acquiesceu in, must sap and destroy our lederative svstem or limited powers, and break down the barriers which pre serve the rights of the States. It is another step, or rath er stride towards centralization, and the concentration of all legislative powers in the national government. The tendency of the bill must be to resuscitate tho spirit cf reDenion, ana to arrest the progress or those influences which are more closely drawing around the States tlu bonds of union and peace. My lamented predecessor, in his proclamation of tho first of January, 186;, ordered and declared that all ptr- sons beld as slaves withm certain States and partu of btates therein designated were and thenceforward sho&ld be lreo; and further, that the executive government of the United States, including the military and naval authori ties thereof, would recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons. Ihis guaranty has been rendered especial ly obligatory and sacred by the amendment of the consti tution abolishing slavery throughout tho United States. J therefore fully recognize the obligation to protect and do lend that class ot our people, whenever aad wherever it shall become necessary, and to the full extent compatible mm me constitution oi me unnea btates. .uiiLeiiiuiim tneee sentiments, it omv remains lor me to say that I will cheerfully co-operate with Congress in any measure that may be necessary for the protection of the civil rights of the freedmen, as well as those of all other classes of persons throughout the United States, by jucuciai process unacr equal ana impartial laws, in eon- iormity with the provisions of the federal constitution. T L Jl 1 -11 lit i . x now reiuin tne um to tne senate, ana regret tnat in considering the bills and joint resolutions forty-two in number which have been thus far submitted for my ap proval, I am compelled to withhold my assent from a se cond measure that has received the sanction of both Houses of Congress. ANDBEW JOHNSON. March 27, 18uU ' Washington, D. C. An Honest Iludieul AV'Hiitss. A correspondent of the Cincinnati Commercial, who is vouched for by that paper as an " old-fashioned Abolitionist, who does not extenuate any thing, or set down aught in malice," writing from Southern Arkansas, says : "During a month's travel in this country con versing with scores daily I have heard less com plaint and less denunciation of the Government than can be heard around the various comers of Vine and Fourth streets, in your citv. in thirty minutes, by day-light particularly of a Sunday morning. That there is an anxiety to know when, if ever, they are again to take their places in the Union as reconstructed States, i3 evident enough, but there is a modesty about this that does not ill become a high-toned conquered enemy. . From all that I have been able to discover, I am satisfied that if the State of Arkansas was admit ted into the Union to-day, with all the rights and privileges she ever enjoyed in it, except as to slavery, she would be much better governed in the year to come than she has been during the year which is past. It matters not to me now that her people have been in rebellion against the Government; they have been punished for that. Whether that punishment has been adequate to the crime committed, cannot be a question with any noble-minded victor, for she has cried "Enough!" If we are a magnanimous victor, really as powerful as we talk, wo will not only let this fallen enemy " get up," but by brushing the dust from her soiled garment, try and make of her a fast friend. Her poeple, like other human beings, can and will appreciate words and acts of kindness. As a proof of this Henry Ward Beech er's sayings upon the subject of reconstruction have made him decidedly popular here. There is no living man who would be more cordially re ceived and listened to with more respectful atten tion than he. This may be charged to selfish in terested motives; but such suspicions, just now, when there are wounds to be healed, arc far more dangerous to the good of the country than the helpless objects of them. This is very different testimony from that given by the pack of political hacks, who, for partisan ends, are employed to slander the South and everything . connected with her people. Of the condition of the free people, he says : If some Christian effort is not soon put forth upon a gigantic scale, they will soon go the way of the North American Indians. One of their most ruinous vices is licentiousness. Who, that has been at all acquainted with the negroes under the slave system, does not know that it has been the practice among slaveholders to keep a strong plantation police, for the express purpose of pre venting a corrupt, indiscriminate mingling of the sexes, that they might profit by the increase. This barrier, created for such an ignoble end, is now removed, and the results are obvious You will hardly see a negro infant in a day's .-journey. There seems to be little or no care by th& moth ers for such off-spring as they do have. At one poin 1 1 passed on the Ouachita, I was told that three negro infants had been found in the liver within one week. What an account will our Ai lanthrophists be able to give, if they fail to accom plish as much for the sake of humanity as t he slaveholder did, with the same material, for the sake of dollars and cents. Bui the most noteworthy part of his letter is the following giving the lie, as it does, to the radical stories of Southern lawlessness : Beside, you are not shut out from them now. You are as safe there as here. You will not be lieve in the bugbear stories of persecution and danger in the South. Such things are only true to those who hunt for them. You can find bug bears here, as there, if you are so disposed. Memphis Apfteal. Romance of the Var-Tl rilling Adventurers of a. Young and Beautiful Woman. Among the many thrilling events of the late war none can exceed the adventures of Mrs. Loretta Do Camp,, the subject of this sketch. Mrs. De Camp, whose maiden name was lioach, was born in the West Indies in 1838, and is now about twenty-eight yearsjof age. At an early period her parents moved to the united States and settled in the parish of St. James, Louisiana. The current of her life ran smoothly on, untiljthe outbreak of the war tor Southern independenoe, when, fired by enthusiasm in, as she thought, the cause of liberty, she donned4the male attire and was among the first to rush to arms, liaising a company ot cavalry and equipping it at her own expense, she proceeded to Virginia and there served for eight months on the Peninsula, under the command of the celebrated Col. Dreux, before her sex was dis covered. When this occurred she was at once mustered out and ordered home. Instead of obeying the order she proceeded to Columbus, Kentucky, and was serving with General Polk at the evacuation of that place. She proceeded to Island No. 10, but not Vicing satisfied with the manner in which affairs were conducted there, she left and went to Fort Pillow, where she was elected first Lieuten ant in Captain Phillips' Company of Independent Tennessee Cavalry. With her company she pro ceeded to Corinth, and reported to General A. S. Johnston. At the battle of Shiloh Captain Phil lips fell mortally wounded, and the command then devolved on her. While gallantly leading her company in a charge, she was twice wounded and carried from the field. After the retreat to Cor inth she was taken to New Orleans for surgical treatment, and when Lhe city fell into the Federal hands she was amongst those taken prisoner. After a confinement of several months she was paroled and soon after exchanged. Proceeilingat once to Richmond, the disguised female soldier was commissioned 1st Lieutenant in the Adjutant General's department, and order ed to report to Gen. Marcus J. Wright, command ing the district of Atlanta, Upon reporting she was assigned to duty with the Provost Marshal, as chief of detectiveandmilitaryconductor. Serving for several months in this capacity, she met Maj. DeCamp, of the 3d Arkansas Cavalry, to " whom she was encrasred to be married nrfivioiisi in the war. The ceremony was then performed at Atlan ta, and from the dashing Lieut. Koach she was transformed into to the sober Mrs. Mai. DeCamn. From this time her services ceased as an officer in the field and she was engaged in secret service sometimes in the Confederacy, again in England, and then in Canada. In 1864 she spent several months traveling in the United States, and even went so far as the Sioux country in Minnesota. Iler husband, who was taken prisoner in the fall of 1863, while serving with his regiment in Geor gia, was carried to New York. After a long and arduous seige she at length succeded in getting him paroled in January, 1865, but he lived only eight days after his release from prison. Subse quent to the death of her husband (in January, 1865,) she proceeded to Columbus, Ohio, to watch over the interests of the Confederate prisoners confined at Camp Chase. After the final collapse of the Confederacy, Mrs. De Camp remained in the North until January, when she'returned to her home in Louisiana; but remaining there only a few days she proceeded to Memphis, and purchased a stock of goods which were shipped on the ill-fated steamer Miami, which was blown up on the Arkansas in February. She was one of the two ladies who were saved, but with the sacrifice of all her baggage and goods. liy an unfortuato oversight . on the part of her 1 A . 1 1 , . . uiuiciiLMiis, iier goous were not insured, and, con sequently, she lost her all. , . . . : ' Mrs. De Camp is now in this city, and sojourn ing at the Southern Hotel. Many who served in the Confederate army, will remember the dashing .LieuT. ixoacn, oi whom so much was said in Mo bile and Selma, in 1863. Our space will not per mit a full recital of her adventures. St. Louis Republican. From the Sun and Times. In Memory of the Confederate Dead. Columbus, Ga., March 10, 1866. Messrs. Editors: The ladies are now, and have been for several days, engaged in the sad but pleasant duty of ornamenting and improving that portion oi tue city cemetery, sacred to the memo ry of our gallant Confederate dead, but we feel it an unfinished work unless a day be set apart an nually for its especial attention. We cannot raise monumental shafts, and inscribe thereon their many deeds of heroism, but we can keep alive the memory of the debt we owe them, by at least dedicating one day in each year to embellishing theirhumble graves with flowers. lherefore, we beg the assistance of the press and the ladies throughout the South, to aid us in our efforts to set apart a certain day, to be observ ed from the Potomac to the Rio Grande, and be handed down through time, as a religious custom of the country, to wreathe the graves of our mar tyred dead with flowers. We would propose the day of April, as at that time our land may be truly called the "land of flowers." Let every city, town and village join in the pleasant duty: let all be alike remembered, from the heroes of Manassas to those who expired amid the death throes of our hallowed cause. We'll crown alike the honored resting places of the immortal Jack son, in Virginia, Johnson, of Shiloh, Cleburne, in Tennessee, and the host of gallant privates who adorned our ranks all did their duty, and to all we owe our gratitude. Let the soldier's grave, for that day at least, be the Southern Mecca, to whose shrine her sorrow ing women, like pilgrims, may annually bring their grateful hearts and floral offerings. And when we remember the thousands who were buried with " their martial cloaks around them," without christian ceremony of interment for their beloved bodies, we would invoke the aid of the most thrill ing eloquence throughout the land, to inaugurate this custom, by delivering on the appointed day this year, an eulogy on the unburied dead of our glorious Southern army. They died for their country. Wliether their country had, or had not, the right to demand the sacrifice, is no longer a question of discussion with us. We leave that for the future nation to decide. That it was demanded, that they nobly responded, and fell holy sacrifices upon their country's altar, and an? thereby entitled to their country's gratitude, none will deny. The proud banner under which they rallied in defanse of the noblest cause for which our heroes fought, or trusting woman prayed, has been furled forever. Tho country for which they suffered and died has no name or place among the nations of the earth. Legislative enactments may not now be made to do honor to their memories but the veriest radical that ever traced his geneology back to the deck of the May Flower, could not deny us the simple privilege of paying honor to those who died defending the life, honor and hap piness of the Southern Women. From the llichmond Enquirer. The A'atlon." If straws show which way the wind blows, words aro equally indicative of the way that oligarchy tends. The Northern Press and people have many expressions born of these latter days, when ancient principles have become defunct. Among the words of almost universal prevalence this word "Nation" is the more conspicuous. John C. Calhoun, than whom no man is more unjustly maligned or so strangely misunderstood, as far back as 1819, detected the outcropping of centrali zation, as foreshadowed by this very word in its application to the Federal Union. Since his day, the whole North has joined in the chorus, and made it the slogan of "strong government." We never were so firmly pursuaded of the great Carolinian's patriotism and prophetic genius as in this very day and generation. He was a true lover of his country, and a true Republican a very zealot, if you will, in maintaining its honor, faith and freedom. He knew that the only danger of a disruption of the Union came from those who, formerly Abolitionists, are now termed Radicals. All honest men can see for themselves how little love for the Union ever existed among them, and the sad conviction which forced Lt. Gov. Cowper, of Virginia, to contrast, the Southern love for the Constitution with the Radical hate of that instru ment, is beginning to work wonders with many of the same stamp. Mr. Calhoun observed in 1819 that as far as the word " Nation " was concerned, that neither truth nor real meaning lurked in it. He declared that such perversion of language tended to consolidate the Government and produce a wrong impression. WThen the Constitution was formed the word "na tional " was not employed, and it was diligently eschewed by Washington and the founders. They speak, said Mr, Calhoun, they speak of the "Gen eral Government of the Federal Union" but struck out ' nation in all places ; and the preamble to the Constitution reads: "We, the People of the Un ited btates. V e are not a nation, and the word was never heard until the Abolition frenzy be gan. s Mild V inters. The Gazette du Midi, a French journal, publishes some facts respecting winters remaiKable lor their mildness. In 1172, 1289, 1421 and 1527, the trees in January were already in leaf, and the birds had begun to build their nests in the branches. In 1538 the gardens were failed with flowers on the 1st of February, and in Paris swimming parties were organized. llie winter of 1703 was very rigorous throughout France, but this remarkable fact was observed, that at the town of Sables d'Olonne (Vendee), and six leagues around, the months of December, 1862 and January, 1763, were exempt from cold, while elsewhere the weather was very severe, and .the mouth of the Loire frozen. That occurrence was remarked by the learned Le Condamine,;who:w'as then at Sable d Olonne ; he called the attention; of men of science to the fact, but the reasons could never be ascertained. The mild winters of : 1807, 1822 and 1853 had no pernicious effect on the crops! ' - ' 1 ' Mr. Stephens and the Georgia Sjesatorship.- A Washington correspondent .oi ".the Philadelphia Ledger asserts that Mr. Stephens'--final -accept-' ance of the Georgia SenatorsKip was Iir:aonseU quence of an assurance from.high officials-in Uiatj city that he would be admitted to Ins seat, and the President is determined to do hits test to se cure that admission. His case is not an isolated one, STATE KEWS. Maj. Gee. The trial of this gentleman is still going on in Raleigh. Tho Sentinel speaks very highly of the ability and zeal of Col. Holland, the counsel of Maj. Gee, and aLso of tho Judge Ad vocate. That paper seems to think that when tho witnesses for the defence are heard, their testimony will exculpate Maj. Gee from all blame. Miltojt and the Freedmen. A correspondent of tho National Intelligencer says that in Milton there is no ill will existing between tho whites and blacks. The mails are carried by a freedman (tho only colored contractor in tho Union) appointed upon the recommendation of the citiz6ii8. Two Schools, taught by two freo negroes, aro in suc cessful operation, whoso father was a citizen of the State by legislative act, and was formerlv a slave owner, and has now tho most extensive cab inet shops in the place. All this, too, in a town mat teas never had a Bureau office in it (except one Sunday,) nor any troops stationed there N. C. Bonds. Wo are glad to find that North Carolina old sixes are on'the advance. Thev had run down below 75, when tho Legislature came to the rescue. After tho passage of tho funding bill they began to rise. They now command in New York 83 to 84. U. S. sixes in New 1'oik are mio ted at 104 H'. Sentinel. Ve see it stated in the Washington papers, that the Hon. Weldon N. Edwards, of this State, has been pardoned by tho President within the past week. Mr. W. was President of tho State Conven tion in 1861. Mails foe the West. Thero is no mail be tween Morganton and Asheville. All mail matter designed for tho tran: -mountain country, should bo sent via Lincolnton, N. C, or Greenville, S. C. We learn from tho Sentinel tl vounc ladies of Raleisrh contemplate, at an enrlv hitp. giving a concert, for the purpose of assisting tho patriotic designs of their sisters of Winchester. The Tarboro' Southerner is enthusiastic over an amateur Theatrical exhibition sit. Tti irkx Mm-nit. It speaks in high terms of the display of native talent. Only seventeen miles now remain uncompleted on the Charlotte and South Carolina Railroad. Gov. Vance. This centleman havino- settled in Charlotte, has formed a copartnership for the prac tice of law, under the style of Vance, Dowd and J ohnston Gen. Bradley T.' Johnson, late of the Confederato Army, was arrested in Baltimore on Thursday, on a bench warrant issued by Chief Justice Chase, U. to. foupremo Court. Charge, treason. He was on his return from Milwaukio, to bring to Raleigh his invalid wife. Gen. J. was ths Col. of the noted First Regiment, " Maryland Line." Ho is a son-in-law of Judge R. M. Saunders, of Raleigh, where he has resided since the war. Another "Party Effect" Whopper Nailed. Gov. Worth has received the following letter from one of the most intelligent and reliable gentlemen connected with the Society of Friends, in reference to tne late canard, put out by certain papers for party purposes," in regard to allecred persecu tions of the Quakers : Busn nn.L, Randolph Co., the 27th of 3rd month, 1866. Gov. Jonathan Worth : Dear Friend : I am acquainted with nearly all the Friends residing in Guilford, Randolph and Davidson counties, and I have heard of no persecution or ill-treatment whatever, and thero have but very few removed since the close of tho war, and none Irom oppression that I know of. There have some two or three companies of peo ple removed out of the above said counties, but there was but very few. if anv. Friends amon c them. I am, with much respect, A. M. TOMLINSON. Distressing Casualty. A son of J. J. Wallace of Harnett county, was caught under a falling tree, felled by his father, last week, by which his skull was broken so that it is thought he cannot live. Standard. Aid for the Dismal Swamp Canal. Washing ton, March 28. Tho Secretary of the Treasury sent a communication to tho House to-day, re commending that aid bo given to tho Dismal Swamp Canal, as tho Government owns two-fifths of tho stock, and calls attention to tho memorial of tho President and Directors who estimate $200,000 as the amount necessary for the repair of the canal. Referred ' to tho Committee on Com merce. The Dan River Coal Fields. Tho Coal Fields lying in part, in Stokes and Rockingham Counties, give evidence of being very valuable. There is batteau communication immediately from tho Coal seam to Danville, down the Dan River, a distance of twenty-five miles. Mr. Murphy, one of the members from Samp son county, who has been qnito ill, publishes tho following card in the Raleigh papers : Exchange Hotel, ) Raleigh, N, C, March 27th, 18M. j To the ladies of llaleigh, my physicians, landlord and numerous friends, and especially to those youn gentle men who so assiduously watched over mo" at night, my thanks are due and hereby tendered, for their attention, kindness and favors so lavishly, kindly and generoiiHly he- ' stowed during my recent, severe and critical illness in this plaec. p. M UK 111 Y. Edgar Ballard, of North Carolina, got on a frolie in Baltimore, and had four hundred dollars stolen from him. Crowder Allen was mortally wounded by a ne gro, stabbing him at Elizabeth City, North Caro lina, last Monday. The negro was shot and badly wounded in trying to escape. Rascality. On Sunday afternoon, as the train on the Petersburg and Weldon Railroad was pass ing, about twelve miles north of Weldon, towards Petersburg, a heavy piece of railroal iron was thrown from a wood pile on side of road by two negroes. Forntunately no one was sitting near the window at which the niis.sile was thrown, and the only damage was that of the smashing of tho window. Two passengers who were riding on tho platform of ones of the cars witnessed the villian ous act, and jumping off, (the train was not going very fast,) pursued the negroes. They succeeded in catching one of them. The train backed and took them on. The negro was taken into the bag gage car, and well thrashed by several I'ederal soldiers and citizens. He was then turned loose. He will hardly attempt the like again. Progress. Special Dispatch to the New York Tribune Washington, March 23. Lieutenant-General Grant is shortly to sail for Europe, and the Navy Department are now looking up a vessel for his ac commodation. Captain Ammen, an old schoolmas ter of the General's, and now of the iron-clad Mian tonomo, is to be transferred to the man-of-war that conveys the military chieftain across the ocean. The Miantonoma is ordered off for a shoit but im portant cruise in adjacent waters. iA;paTty residing here has commenced suit against General'Terry in tlio United States Court for this District, claiming damages for loss and injury caused .bjr the Geirai", as Commander of the De partment, of Virginia.' v ' - So many Federal-applnioes at tho South aro Bwallowinir the iron-clad oath with such easy avid ity, that a bill will bo prepared and probably pass ed, by Congress, requiring District Attorneys and Grand Juries In the. reD&IMtfs "States to return all cases of known perjury,' for indictment beforo their respective District Courts.