Maryland free press. [volume], December 05, 1862, Image 3

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FREE PRESS.
UAQKIIHTOWN,
FRIDAY . . Dec. 4.
ANDREW 8. B3YO, ED'TOR AND PUII (NCR.
circulatiov more or less.
PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE.
"5 a
Ey Both branches of Congress having or
ganized on Monday, the Annnal Mcssago of
tho President was on that day transmitted
them. As is usual with documents of this
character, it is of considerable longth, and hav
ing no wish to inflict our readers with its pe
rusal in its original dimensions, we have taken
tho liberty of lopping off tho uninteresting
portions and assuming the responsibility of
such a course being deemod disloyal.
After alluding to the lapse of another year
of health and bountiful harvests, since tho last
meeting of Congress, and attributing to the
Almighty the continuance of tho war, the
President passes immediately to a consider
ation of our Foreign relations.
Of them, he appears to think that though
bad enough they are not as desperate as they
might be. Ho complains of the Foreign pow
ers having acknowledged the insurgents as a
belligerent, and thinks they would have backed
down from that position, hut for the exaggera
ted statements made by "disloyal citizens
abroad" of the "temporary reverses" which
befel our arms. In other respects our rela
tions with foreign powers are represented as
g (ting on swimingly, if wo except some
claims for violating nontral rights by tho
blockading squadron, which claims are most
ly in process of adjustment. Some, how
ever, it is proposed to refer to mutual conven
tions, which proposition, he says, has been
kindly received, hut not yet formally adopted.
Tlio "nigger, under the title of "Free Amer
icana of African descent" is the next subject
bronchcd and hero we feel disposed to give his
I.xccllcncy full length of tho rope, hoping,
however, that in his next he may find it con
venient to devote the same space and as much
sympathy to the welfare of "Free Americans,"
of the white species. He says :
Applications liavo been made to me by niany
free Americans of African descent to favor
theiremigration, with a view to such coloni
zation as wa3 contemplated by recent acts of
Congress. Other parties, at homo and abroad
—some from interested motives, others upon
patriotic considerations, and still ot lcrs in
fluenced by philanthropic sent ma us —havo
suggestod similar measures ; wi.i.o, on the
other hand, several of tho Spanish-American
republics have protested against tho sending
of such colonics to their respective territories.
Under theso circumstances, I havo declined
to movo any such colony to any stato, without
first obtaining the consont of its government,
with an agreement on its part to receive and
protect such emigrants in all tho- rights of
freemen ; and I have, at tho same time, otter
ed to the several states situated within tho
tropics, or having colonies there, to negotiate
with them, subject to tho advice and consent
of the Senate, to favor the voluntary emigra
tion of persons of that class to their respec
tive territories, upon conditions that shall be
equal, just and humane. Liberia and liayti
are, as yet, the only countries to which colo
nics of African descent from hore could go
with certainty of being received and adopted
as citizens ; and I regret to say such persons,
contemplating colonization, do uot seem so
willing to migrate to those countries as to
some others, nor so willing as I think their
intcrost demands. I believe, however, opin
ion among llicin, in this respect, is improving,
and that ore long there will be an augmented
and considerable migration to both these coun
tries from the United States."
A treaty of any description with the white j
people of the Southern States is a thing not j
to bo mentioned, but a commercial and contu- j
lar treaty with the negro governments of Li
beria and Hayti, he says has been negotiated,
from which beneficial result* to tho national
commerce is anticipated.
After saying that tho project for an Atlantic
•legraph connecting tho United States, with
Europe his been by him favored, he takes up
the subject of tho Territories, and says:—
I have favored the project for connecting
the United States with Europe by an Atlantic
telegvaph and a similar project to extend tho
tolcgraph from San Francisco, to connect by
a Pacific telegraph with the line which is be
ing extended across the Russian empire.
The Territories of the United States, with
an important exception, havo remained undis
turbed by the civil war; and they arc exhibit
lug such ovidcnco of prosperity as justifies an
expectation that some of them will soon be in
a condition to be organized as States and be
constitutionally admitted into the Federal
Union.
Tho immense mineral resources of seine of
those Territories ought to bo developed ns
rapidly as possible. Every step in that di
rection would have a tendency to improve the
revenues of tho Government and diminish the
burdens of tho people. It is worthy of your
serious consideration whether some extraordi
nary measures to promote that end cannot be
adopted. The means which suggosts itself as
most effective, is a scientific exploration of the
mineral regious of those Territories, with a
view to tho publication of its results at borne
and in foreign countries—results which can
not fnii to be auspicious.
Tift subject of the "almighty dollar," or
in other words the finances, is next taken up,
and the "dilligent consideration" of Congress
upon it urged. The "vast expenditures," he
says rendered necessary by the Rebellion have
"hitherto been "promptly" met, an assertion
which by the way, many of the nnpaid sol
dicrs in the army have reason to dispute. Of
the hereafter, however, he appears to enter
tain some uneasiness, and say a :
The continuance of the war, however, and
the increased disbursement! made necessary
by tho augmented forces now in the field, de
mand your best reflections as to the hast modes
of providing tho neeessary revenue, Without
injury to business, and with the least possible
burdens upon labor,
The large issue of "legal tenders" (redeem
able of pleatnre) he consider* was made una
voidable by the suspension of specie payment*
by the Banks. He deems the legislation
which brought them Into existence and gave
u a currency thirty per cent worse than that
wo had, as especially "judicious," and yet
With AI "universal currency, " which as he
assorts, has, saved to the people "immense
sums in discounts and exchanges," he thinks
"a return * specie payment." at an early
day, "ih<VMW*r be kept in view."
Aft ft for thii depreciated enrrenev
h. proposes thl novel moasurorf UsuingTstill
I***** hatch in other word*, of farDishinir the
*ll forma, $529,692,460 50. Tb* remainder,
92,257,061 80, was the balance from last yelr.
The disbursements during the same period
were for congressional, cqecutive and judicial
purposes, $3 ( 939i009 19[ for foreign inter
course, $1,336,710 35; for miscellaneous ex-
Sonsos, including the mints, loans, post office
eficienCies, collection of revenue and other
like charges, $14,129,771 68; for expenses
under the Interior Department, $3,102,084 52;
under the War.department, $394,368,307 36;
under the Navy Department, $42,671,509 69;
for interest on public debt, $13,190,324 45; and
for payment oJ public debt,including reim
bursements of temporary loan and redemp-
making an aggregate
$570,841,700 25, and leoving a balance in
$13,043 day ofsul y- of
be observed that the sum of $96,-
090,922 09, expended for reimbursements and
redemption of public debt, being included al
•o in the loans made, may be properly deduc
ted, both from receipts and expenditures, ma
king the actual receipts for the year $487,787,
324 97; and the expenditures $404,744,778 16.
It gives nie pleasure to report a decided im
provement in the financial condition of the
Post Office Department, as compared with—
scvoral preceding years. The receipis for the
fiscal year 1861 amounted to $8,549,256 40,
which embraced the revenue from all the States
of the Union for three quarters of that year.—
Notwithstanding tho cessation of revenue from
tho.so-callcd seceded States during the last
6scal year, the increase of the correspondence
of the loyal States has been sufficient to pro
duce a revenue during tho same year of SB,-
269,220 70, being only $50,000 loss than was
derived froin all the States of the Union during
the previous year. The expenditures show
a still more favorable result. The amount ex
pended in 1861 was $13,606,759 11. For the
Inst year the amount has been reduced to sl2-
125,364 13; showing a decrease of about $2,-
4oi,oooin the expenditures as compared with
tho preceding year, aud about $3,750,000 as
compared with tho fiscal year, 1860. Tho de
ficiency in the dopnriment for the previous
year was $4,551,966 98. For the last fiscal
year it was reduced to $2,112,814 87.
These favorablo results are in pact owing to
the cessation of mail service in the insurrec
tionary States, and in part to a careful review
of all expenditures in that department in the
interest of economy. Tho efficiency of tho
postal service, it is believed, lias also been
much improved. The Postmaster General has
also opened a correspondence, through tho De
partment of State, with foreign governments,
proposing a convention of postal rcpresenta
tatives for tho pnrposeof simplifying the rates j
of foreign postage, and to expedite the foreign
mails. This proposition, equally important
to our adopted citizens, and to the commercial
interests of this country, has been favorably
entertained, and agreed to, by all the govern
ments from whom replies have boon received.
The Sectetary of the Interior reports as fol
lows in regard to the public lands :
"Tho public lands have ceased to bo a source
of rcvenuo. From tho Ist ef J illy t 1861, to
the 30th of September, 1862, the entire cash
receipts from the sale of lands wore $136,-
470 20—a sum much less than tho oxponses of
our land system during the same period. Tho
homestead law, wnich will tako effect on tho
Ist of January ucxt, offers such inducements
to settlers, that sales for cash cannot be ex
pected to an extent sufficient to meet the ex
qenses of tho General Land Office, and the
cost of surveying and bringing the land Into
market."
Of the lesser Rebellion—that among the
Indian tribes in tbe West—of Internal Im
provements and of the Department of Agri
culture ho next treats, all of which wo give
in full
The Indian tribes upon our frontiers have,
during tho past year, manifested a spirit of
insubordination, and, at several points, linvc
engaged in open hostilities against the white
settlements in their vicinity. The tribes occu
pying the Indian country south of Kansas,
renounced their allegiance to the United States
and entered into treaties with the insurgents.
Those who remained loyal to tho United
States were driven from tho country. The
chief of the Clicrokces has visited this city for
tho purpose of restoring the former relations
of the tribe with the United Stales. lie alle
ges that they were constrained by superior
force, fo enter into treaties with the insurgents,
and that the United States neglected to furnish
the protection which their treaty stipulations
required.
In the month of August last, the Sioux In
dians, iu Minnesota, attacked the settlements
in their vicinity with extreme ferocity, killing,
indiscriminately, men, women and children.
This attack was wholly unexpected, and,
therefore, no means of defense had been pro
vided. It is estimated tliat not less than eight
hundred persons wore killed by tho Indians,
and a large amount of property was destroyed.
How this outbreak was induced is not definite
ly known, and suspicions, which may oc un
just, need not be stated. Information was re
ceived by the Indian from different
sources, about tho time hostilities were com
menced, that a simultaneous attack was to be
made upon the white settlements by all the
tribes between the Mississippi river and the
Rocky mountains. Tho State of Minnesota
ha 3 suffered great injury from this Indian war.
A large portion of her territory has been de
populated, and a serero loss has been sustain
ed by the destruclion of property! The pcoplo
of that State manifest much anxiety for the
removal of the tribes beyond the limits the
State as a guarantee against future hostilities.
The Commissioner of Indian Affairs will fur
nish full details. I submit for your cspecia
consideration whether our Indian system shall
not be remodelled. Many wise and good men
havo impressed mo with tho belief that this
can bo profitably done.
I submit a statement of the proceedings of
commissioners which shows tho progress that
has been made in the enterprise of construct
ing the Pacific railrtad. And this suggests
the earliest completion of this road, and also
the favorable action of Congress upon the pre
jects now pending before them of enlarging
the capacities of the great canals In New York
and Illinois, as being of vital and rapidly in
creasing importance to the whole nation, and
especially to the vact interior region hereinaf
ter to be noticed at greater length. I purpose
having prepared and laid before you at an
early day scone interesting and valuable stat
istical information upon thii subject. The
military and commercial importance of en
larging the' Illinois and Michigan canal, and
improving the IlUnoifl river, is presented in the
report of€ol. Webeter to the Secretary of War,
and now transmitted to Congress; I respect
fully ask atteiislon to ft.
To carry out the provisions of the act of
Congress of the 16th of May last, I have caus
ed the Department of Agriculture Of tho Uni
ted States to be organised.
The Commissioner informs mo fhit within
the period of a few months this department
has established an extensive system of corres
pondence aid exchanges, both at home and
abroad, which promises to effect highly bene
ficial results in the development of a correct
knowledge of recent improvement in agricul
ture, in the' introduction of new producja, and
in the collection of the statistics
of the different States.
Also, that it will soon be prepared to dis
tribute largely Berts; cereals, plants and Cfit
tings, and has already published, and liberal
ljrdiffused, much valuably information inan
r. mriiate° pf our
most valuable cithams, and I trust that the
liberal Basis ttpon which it has been organised
will not only meet your approbation, but thai
' it will realise ai.no dktaal day alHh* rondest
anticipations of its most sanguine friends, end
become the fruitful source of advantage to all
our people.'
The fevorite hoppy of Us Excellency
"compensated emancipation," is next taken
np aud discussed. Wo give this part of the
document in foil.
On the 22d of September last a proclama
tion was issued by the Executive, a copy of
which is herewith submitted:
In accordance with the purpose expressed
in the second paragraph of that paper, I now
respectfully call your attention to what may
be called "compensated emancipation."
A nation may be said to consist of its terri
tory, its people, and its laws. The territory
is the only part which is certain of durability.
"One generation passeth away, and another
cometli, but the earth abideth forevor." It is
of the first importance to duly consider and
estimate this ever-enduring part. That por
tion of the earth's surface which is owned and
inhabited by the people of the United States,
is well adapted to bo the home of one nation
al family, and it is not well adapted for two,
or more. Its vast extent, and its variety of
climate and productions, are of advantage, iu
this age, for ono people, whatever they may
have bceu in former ages.' Steam, telegraphs
and intelligence, have brought these to be an
advantageous combination for one united peo
ple.
In the inaugural address I briefly pointed
out. the total inadequacy of disunion as reme
dy for the differences between the people ol
the two sections. I did so in language which
I cannot improve, aud which, therefore, I beg
to repeat i
"One section of our country believes slaverj
is right, and ought to be extended, whilo the
other believes it is wrong, and ought not to be
extended. This is the only substantial dis
pute. The fugitivo slave clause of the Con
stitution, and the law for the suppression of
the foreign slave trade, are each as well en
forced, perhaps, as any law can ever bo in a
community where the moral sense of the peo
ple imperfectly support the law itself. Tho
great body of the people abide by the dry legal
obligation in both cases, and a few break over
in each. This, 1 think, cannot be perfectly
cured ; and it would be worse in both cases
after the separation of the sections, than be
fore. The foreign slave trade, now imperfect
ly suppressed, would be ultimately revived
without restriction in one section ; while fugi
tive slaves, now only partially surrendered,
would not be surrendered at all by tho other.
Physically speaking, we cannot separate.—
We cannot' remove our respective sections
from each other, nor build an impassable wall
between them. A husband and wife may be
divorced, and go out of the presence, and be
yond the reach of each other: but the differ
ent parts of our country cannot do this, They
cannot but remain face to face; and inter
course, cither amicable ot hostile, must con
tinue between them. Is it possible, then, to
make that intavenurso mora iMlr-uwgwua or
more satisfactory after separation than before?
Oftn aliens luuhc trcatioo oaoto* tkun friends
can make laws ? Can treaties bo more faith
fully enforced between aliens than laws can
among friends ? Suppose you go to war, you
cannot fight always ; and when, after much
loss on both sides, and no gain on either, you
cease fighting, the identical old questions as
to terms of intercourse are again upon you.
Thero is no lino, straight or crooked, suita
ble for a national boundary, upon which to di
vido. Trace through, from east to west, upon
the lino between tho free and slave country,
and wo shall find a little more than one third
of its length are rivers, easy to bo crossed, and
populated, or soon to be populated, thickly
upon both sides; whilo noarly all its remain
iug length are merely surveyors' lines, over
which people may walk back and forth without
any cousciousncss of their presonco. No part
of this line can bo made more difficult to pass,
by writing it down on paper or parchment, as
a national boundary. Tho fact of separation,
if it comes, gives up, on tho part of the suc
ceeding section, the fugitivo slave clauso,
along with all othor constitutional obligations
upon the section sccoded from, whilo I should
expect no treaty stipulation would ever be
made to take its place.
but thero is another difficulty. The groat
interior rogicn, bounded oast by the Allegho
nies, north by the British dominions, west by
the Rocky Mountains, and south by tho line
aloiig which tho culture of corn and cotton
moots, and which includes part of Virginia,
part of Tennessee, all of Kentucky, Ohio, In
diana, Michigan, Wisconsin, Illinois, Missou
ri, Kansas, lowa, Minnesota, and the Territo
ries of Dakota, Nebraska, and part of Colora
do, already has above ton millions of people,
and will have fifty millions within fifty years
ii not pfevb'ntctd by any politieal folly or mis
take. It contains moro than one-third of the
country owned by the United States—certain
ly more than one million of square miles.—
Once half as populous as Mass' already
is, it would have more.than seventy-five mil-,
lions of people. A glance 4t the map shows
that, territorially spbaking, it Is tho gbeat
body of the Republic. A glance at the map
shows that, territorially speaking, it it the
great body of the Republic The other parts
are but marginal border to it, the magnificent
region sloping west from the Rocky Moun
tains to the Pacific being the deepest and also
the richest in undeveloped resonrces. In the
prodnction of provisions, grains, grasses and
all which proceed from them, this groat interi
or region is naturally ohe of the most tmpor
tant in the world. Ascertain from the statis
tics the small proportion of the region which
has, Sa yet, been brought into cultivation, and
also the large and rapidly increasing amount
of its products, and we shall be overwhelmed
with the magnitude of the prospect presented.
As yet tbd region has no sea cOßat, tonches no
ocean anywhOnef. A part of tare nation, its
people now find, aud may forever find their,
way to Europe by New Ytorh; to South Ameri
ca and Africa by New Ortecais; turd to Asia by
San Francisco. But separate our common
eountry into two nations, ss designed by the
present rebellion, and svejy man of this great
interior region is thereby ctrf off from some one
or more of these outlets; hot, perhaps, by a
physical harrier, but bjr cmbarrising and on
erous regulations.
And this is trus. wherever a dividing; of
boundary line may be fixed. Place it between
the new free end *!*• country, or place ft
sdUth of Kentucky; Or north of Ohio, and still
' ft* truth remains, that none south of it sen
tradcwxay port or place north of it, and none
north of it can trade to any port or place soulh
of it, extapt on tortns dictated by a govern
ment foreign to them. These outlots, east,
west and south, are indispensable to the well
being of the poople inhibiting, and to inhabit,
lti| vast interior region. Which of the three
may bt the best, is no proper question. All
are better than either; and all, of right, belong
to the people, ind lo their successors forever.
True to themselves, thoy will not ask where
a line of a teparation shall be, but will vow,
rather, that thero shall be, no snch line. Nor
are the marginal regions less intersected in
these communications to, and through them to
the great outside world. They too, and each
of them, must have access to this Egypt of tho
West, withont passing toll at tho crossing of
any national boundary.
Our national strifo springs not from onr
permanent parts ; not foom the land we in
habit; not from our national homestead. —
Theie is no possible severing of this but would
multiply, and not migrate, evils among us.—
In ail its adaptions and aptitudes, it demands
uniin and abhors separation. In fact, it would
ere ong, force re-union, however much of blood
and treasure the separation might have cost.
Cur strife pertains to ourselves—to the pas
sind generations of men ; and it can, without
convulsion, be hushed forever with the pas
sing of one generation.
In this view, I recommend tho adoption of
the following resolution and articles araonda
tory to the Constitution of the United States:
"Resolved by the Senate and House of Rep
resentatives ol the United States of America
in Congress assembled, (two-thirds of both
houses concurring,) That the following arti
cles be proposed to the Legislatures (or con
ventions) of the several States as amendments
to the Constitution of the United States, all.
or any of which articles when ratified by three
fourths of the said Legislatures (or conven
tions) or to be valid as part or parts of the
said Constitution, viz:
"ARTICLE—.
"Every State, wherein slavery now exists,
which shall abolish the same therein at any
time or times before tho first day of January,
in tire year of our Lord one thousand aud nine
hundred, shall receive compensation from tho
United States as follows, to wit:
"The President of the United States shall
dciivor to every such State, bonds of tho Uni
ted States, bearing interest at the rate of
per cent, per annum, to an amonnt equal to
the aggregate sum of for eaeli slave
shown to have been therein, by the eighth cen
sus of tho United States, said bonds to be de
livered td such State by instalments, or in one
parcel, nt the completion of the abolishmortt,
accordingly as the same shall have been grad
ual, or at one time, within such State : and
interest shall begin to run upon any such bond
only from tho proper time of its delivery as
aforesaid. Any State having received bonds
as aforesaid, and afterwards reintroduciue or
tolerating slavery therein, shall refund to the
United States the bonds so received, or the
value thereof, and all interest paid thereon.
"ARTICLE——
"All slaves Who shall have enjoyed actual
freedom by the chances of war, at any time
before the end of the rehellion, shall be forev
er free ; but all owners of such, who shall
not have been disloyal, shall be compensated
for them, at tho same rrte as is provided for
States adopting abolishment of slavery, but in
such way that no slave shall bo twice accoun
ted-for.
"ARTICLE —.
"Congress may appropriate money, and
otherwiso provide, for colonizing free colored
persons, with their own consent, at any place
or places without the United States."
I bog indulgence to discuss these proposed
articles at some length. Without slavery the
rebellion could never have existed; without
slavery it could not continues
Among the friends of the Union thero is a
great diversity of sentiment and of policy in
regard to slavery and the African race amongst
usi Some would perpetuate slavery; eonre
would abolish it suddenly, and without com
pensation; some wopld abolish it gradually,
and with compensation ; some would remove
the freed poople fsom among us, and some
would retain them with us; and thero are yet
other minor diversities. Because of these di
versities, we waste much strength in struggles
aofong ourselves. By mutual concesssion we
should harmonizo and act together. This
would be compromise; but it would be Com
promise among the friends; and not with the
. enemies, of the Union. These articles sire in
tended to embody a plan of such mutual oon
i cessions. If the plan shall be adopted, it is
assumed that emancipation will follow—at
> least in sevesal of the States.
1 , As to the first article, the main points are:
' first, the emancipation; secondly, the length
of-time for consummating it—thirty-seven
" -Vfcrtij and thirdly, the compensation.
| The emancipation will be unsatisfactory to
| to the advocates of perpetual slavery, but the
, length of time should greatly mitigate their
t dissatisfaction. The time spares both races
t from the evils of sudden derangement—in fact,
from the necessity of any derangement—while
> most of those whose habitual course of thought
1 will be disturbed by the measure will have
1 ppssed away before its consummation, They
' Will never sea it. Another class will hail tho
prospect of emancipation, but wiH deprecate
j the length of time. They will feel that K gives
I too little to the now living slaves. But it re
t ally gives them muoh. R saves them from
I the vagrant destitution which must largely at
tend immediate emancipation in th* localities
> where their numbers are very great; and it
i gives the inspiring assurance that their poster
t By shall be free forever. The plan leaves to
• each Stat* choosing to not under ft, to abolish
r slavery now, or at the end of the century, or
1 at any iaterinediate time, or by degrees, ex
® tending over the whole o* any pert of the' pe
, riod, and it obliges no two* States to proceed
m alike. It also provides fw compensation, and
generally tho mode of it/ This, it
Would seem, must farther mitigate the diytis*
i faction of those who favor perpetual sfjftery,
a aWd especially of those' who are to receive the
t compensation. Doubtieee some of those who
1 ate to pay, and not to receive, will object. Yet
a the measure is both just aud economkal. In a
certain sense, the litfcration of slaves
destruction of property—property acquired y
descent, or by purchase, the same as other
property: ~
It is no less true for baring been often said,
that the beople of the South are not more res
ponsible for the original introduction of tins
property than are the North; and whbn it is
remembered how unhesitatingly we all use
cotton and sugar, and share thb profits of deal
ing in them, it may not be quite safo to say
that the South has been more responsible than
the North for its continuance. If, then, for a
common object, this property is to be sacrifi
ced, is it not just that it be done at a common
charge ?
And if, with less money, or money more eas
ily paid, we can preserve the benefits of the
Union by this means, than we can by the war
alone, is it not also economical to do it ? Let
us consider it then. Let us ascertain the sum
we have expended in the war since compensa
ted emancipation was proposed last March,
and consider whether, if that measure had been
promptly accepted by even somo of the slave
States, thosame sum would not have done
more to close the war than has been otherwise
done.
If so, the mcdsuro wpuld save money, and,
in that view, would b a prudent and econom
ical measnrc. Certainly it is not so easy to
pay something as it is to pay nothing; but it
is easier to pay a large sum than it is to pay a
larger one. And it is easier to pay any sum
when we are able, than it is to pay it before
we are able. Tho wfli 1 requires large sums,
and requires them at once. The aggregate
sum necessary for compensated emancipation,
of course, would be large.
But it would require no ready cash; nor the
bonds even, any faster than the emancipation
progresses. This might not, and probably
would not, close before the end of thirty-seven
years. At that time we sliatl probably have a
hundred millions of people to share the bur
den, instead of thirty-one millions, as no*.—
And not only so, but the increase of our pop
ulation may bo expected to continue for a long
time after that period, as rapidly as before;
because our territory will not have become full.
Ido not state this inconsiderately. At the
same ratio of increase which w b
talned, on an average, from our first national
census, in 1690, until that of 1860, we should,
in 1900, have a population of 103,208,415. —
Aud why may wo not continue that ratio far
beyond that period. Our abundant room—
our broad national homestead—is our atopic
resource. Were our territory as limited ais the
British Isles, very certainly our population
could not expand as stated. Instead of re
ceiving the foreign born, as now, we should be
compelled to send part of tho native born away.
But such is not our condition: We have two
millions nine hundred and sixty three thousand
square miles. Euronn boa i- — ;u; — —*
eight hundred thousand, with a population
averaging seventy-three to tho squaro mile.—
Why may not our country, at some time, av
erage as many? Is it less fertile? Has it more
waste surface by mountains, rivers, lakes; des
erts or other causes? Is it inferior to Europe
in any natural advantage,-
Tho plan is proposed as permanent consti
tutional law. It cannot become such without
tho fconctirrence of, first, two-thirds of Con
gress, and; afterwards, three-fourths of the
States. The ' requisite three-fourths of the
States will, necessarily; include seven of the
slave States. Their concurrence, if obtained,
will give assurance of their severally adopting
emancipation at no very distant day, upon the
new constitutional terms. This assurance
of their severally adopted emancipation, at no
very distaut day, upon the new constitutional
terms. This assurance would ond the struggle
now, and save the Union forfever:
I do not forgot the gravity which should
characterize a paper addressed to the Congress
of the nation, -by the Chief Magistrate of the
nation. Nor do I forgef that some Of you are
my seniors; nor that more of ycru have more
experience than I, in the conduct of publio af
faire. Yet I trust that in vinw of the great
responsibility resting upon me; you will per
ceive no want of respect to yourselves, in iny
undue eartlestncss I may seem to display.
Is it doubted, then; that tho plan I propose,
if adopted, would shorten the war, and thus
lessen its expenditure of money and of blood?
Is it doubted that it would restore the nation
al authority and national prosperity? Is it
doubted that wo here—Congress and Execu
tive—can secure its adoption? Will not the
good people resfcbnd to t united and earnest
appeal from us? Can we, can they, by any
other means, so certainly, or so speedily, as
sure these vital objects? We can succeed only
by concert. It is not, "con any of us imagine
better?" but, "can we all do batter?" The
dogmas of the quiet pasi are inadequate to the
stofxiiy present. The Occasion is pi|ed high
with difficulty, and we must rise with the o&
casion. As oQr case is new, so we must think
anew and act anew; Wo must disenthrall our
selves. and thai we shall save our country.
If then we are, at some time, to be as-pop
ulous as Europe, how Sootf? As to when this
may be we can judge by the past and the pres
ent; as to when it wiH be, or even, depends
much on whether we maintain the Union.—
Several of our States are already above the
average of Europe—seventy-three and a third
to the square mile. Massachusetts has. 107;
Rhode Island, 188; Connecticut! 90; New York,
and New Jersoy, each 80. Also two other
great States, Pennsylvania and Ohio, are not
far below, the former having 68 and the latter
69. The States already above the European
average, except New York, have increased in
as rapid a ratio since passing that point aa
evkr before; while no one of them is equal to
some other parts of our country in natural ca
pacity for sustaining a denso population.
Taking the nation in the aggregate mid we
find its population and ratio of mcfoasd for the
several decennial periods to boas follows:
1790 3,929,827
1800 6,306,987 85.03 pr.'ct. ratio's? increase
1810 V,2Bfl,Btf 86.46 -
1820 0,688,181 69.16 A ,f|
1880 12,866,020 88.49 ' ..
1840 17,069,458 82.67
1860 28,191,867 86,87 •<
1860 81,448,790 86.69 "
This shows ad avenge decennial increase of
84.60 per oent: in population through the sev
enty years from our firit to odr last census
yet taken. It is eeen that thb ration of in
crease, at no one of these seven periods, is ei
ther 2 per cent, below or 2 percent; above the
average, thus showing how inflexible and,
consequently, how reliable the law of increase
in our caso is. Assuming that it will contin
ue, gives the following results:
1870. " <2,828,841
1880; 66,967,216
1890. 76,677,872
1900. 108,208,416
1910. 138,918,626
1930. 188,984,336
1930. 261,680,914
These figures show that ohr country may
be as populous aB Europe now is, at some point
between 1920 and 1980 —say about 1926—0ur
territory, at seventy-three and a third persons
to the square mile, being a capacity to contain
217,168,000.
And we will reach this, too, if we do not
ourselves relinquish the chance, by the folly
and evils of dis'Union, or by long and exhaust
ing war springing from the only great element
of national discord among us. While it can
not be foreseen exactly how much one huge ex
ample of secession, breeding lesser dhfes indefi
nitely, would retard. population, civilisation',
and prosperity, no one can doubt that the ex
tent of it would be very great and injurious;
The proposed emancipation Would shorten
the war, perpetuate peace, insane this increase
of population, and proportionally the wealth
of the country. With these, we should pay
all the emancipation would cost, together
with our other debt without it. If we had
allowed our old national debt to run at six per
cent, per annum, simple interest, from tho end
of our revolutionary struggle until to-day,
without paying anything ou either principle
or interest, each man of us would owe less up
on that debt now than each man owed upon
it then; and this because our increase of men,
through the wholo pfcriod, has been greater
than six per cent., and has run faster than the
interest upon tho dept. Thus, time alone re
lieves a debtor nation, so long as its population
increases faster than unpaid interest accumu
lates ou its debt.
Aud, notwithstanding this plan, therecom-'
mcndation that Congress provide by law for
compensating any State which may KfiOf >i
emancipation, before this plan shall have been
acted upon, is hereby earnestly renewed.—
Such would be only au advance part of the
plan, and the came argument apply to both.
This plan is recommended as a means, not
in exclusion of, but in addition to, all others
for restoring and preserving the national au
thority throughout the Union. The subject
is presented exclusively in its economical as
pect. This plan would, lam confident, securo
peace more speedily, and maintain it moro
permanently, than can be done by force alone;
while all it would cost considering amounts,
and manner of payment, and times of pay
trtSiU "■ 1 f %!•••* • Wtl©
additional cost of the war, if we rely solely on
force. It is much better; very much, that it
would cost no, blood at all.
This fact would be no excuse for delaying
payment of what is justly due; but it shows
the great importance of. time in this connexion
—the great advantage of a policy by which
wc shall not have to pay until wo number a
hundred millions, what by a different policy
We shall have to pay now, when we number
but thirty-one millions. Ih a word, it shows
that a dollar will be much harder to pay for
the war than will be a dollar for emancipation
on the proposed plan. And then the latter
will cost no blood, no pfCciottt life. It will b
a saving to,both.
As to the second article, I thik it would be
impracticable to return to bondage tho class of
S croons therein contemplated. Borne of them
oubtless, in tho property sense, belong to loyal
owners; and hence, provision is made in this
article for compensating auch.
The third article relates to the future of the
freed people. It does not oblige, but merely
authorizes, Congress to aid in colonizing such
as may consent. This ought not to be regar
ded as objectionable, on Ore one hand, or on
the other, in so much as it comes to nothing,
unless by the mutual consent qf the people to
be deported, and the American voters, through
their representatives in Congress.
I cannot make it better known than it al
ready is, that I strongly favor colonization.—
And yet I wish to say there is an objection
urged against free colored persons remaining
in tho couutry, which is largely imaginary, if
not sometimes maliciohs.
It is insisted that their prcscnee would in
jur o and displace white labor and white labor
ers. If thoro oyer could be a proper time for
mere catch arguments, that time surely Is not
now. In times like the present men should
utter nothing for which tney would not wil
lingly be responsible thrbugh time and in e
ternity, Id ft true, then; that•eeiored people
can displace any moro White' labor, by being
free, than by remaining iWves t If they stay
in their old plaCe, they j<stie no white labor
ers; if they le&vetbeir eld places, they leave
theth Open to whitr laborers. Logieii IV, 'there
is neither more nor less of ft. Emancipation,
even without deportation, Would probably en
hance the wages of white labor, and, very
surely, would not reduoe them. Thus the
customary umountof labor wonld still havo to
be performed ; the freed people would surely
not do more than their old proportion of it, and
very probably, for a time, wonld do less, leav-'
lug an increased part to white laborers, bring
ing their labor into greater demand, and con
sequently wages of it.
with deportation,- even to a limited extent,
enhanced wages to white labor is mathemati
cally certain. Labor is like smy ether com
modity in the market—increase the demand
for it, and yen increase the price of ft. Be
duec the supply of black labor, By colonizing
the black laborer' out 6f the country, and, by
precisely so much, you increase tho demand
for and the wages of whiee labor.
But it is dreaded that the hoed'people will
swarm forth and cover {he whole, land. Art
they not already in the land t Will liberation
make them rhj more numofoufc f Equally
distributed among the whites of the whole
country, and there Wonld bo but ope colored
•°*®#J r Mtes. Gould the ono, in any way,
greatly disturb'the seven T There are many
communities now having moro than one frs*
colored person lose van whites; and this with
out any apparent consciousness of evil from it.
The District of Colombia and the' Stales of
Maryland and Delaware are ail in this condi
tion.
The District ho* more than one free' colored
*° * *Mtw, and yet in its frsqdoitt petitions
to Congress I believe it has never presented
the presence of free colored persons as one of
its grievances. But why should emancipation
south send the freed people ntarth f People
ofany color seldom run nplesp there bo torn#-
thing to run Heretofore oolofed people,
to some extent, have fled north froaf bondage,
•adl now, perhaps, froMr both Bondage and
deititution. But if grmAM emancipation
asportation be adopted, they will haVe neither
o flee from. Thsir'oldfoasteifo will give them
at least until at# laborem can bo off
cured j- and the fraud men, in turn, will gW
& give their labor for tho Wags* till *
homos ca& ha found for them in oougenlsl
thtoas, and with people of their Ows blood
and race. This proposition can bo trusted pn
the mutual interest* involved. Audi' ♦ V