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No Time to Disarm Let’s Get That Straight With a first-class powder magazine near explosion in Shang hai, two dismal farces are being staged in Washington and ' Geneva. In Washington a pacifist gentleman named Collins, who by some peculiar working of our political system is on the Military Affairs Committee of the House, wants to reduce our Army by 2,000 officers and 8,000 men, abolish the Citizens Military Train ing Camps and cut down the appropriations for the National Guard. He defends this interesting program—at a time when the international horizon is more clouded than it has been since August, 1914—0 n the ground of economy. Mr. Collins reminds you of a man whose house is next to a burning building and who selects that moment to save a few cents by canceling his fire insurance policy. You wonder whether this novel form of logic will appeal greatly to the people of his country. The scene is not vastly different at Geneva. We have a dele gation over there at a disarmament conference which had to postpone its meeting to consider the war in China. Every nation represented, except our own, is keen for dis armament—that is, disarmament of the others but SECURITY for itself. Our taxpayers are putting up several hundred thousand dol lars to enable our delegates to’ learn this simple truth. It seems a fairly good price to pay for information which every one knew beforehand. Americans who can still think re spectfully suggest that the money, plus the millions thrown away for prohibition enforcement and similar foolishness, would be better spent on American DEFENSES. George Washington probably would suggest something of that sort if he were alive today, and the country probably would trust his judgment as much as that of our international busy bodies—or Mr. Collins. Too Many Shootings Pass the Weapon Laws In the last few days Washington has been the scene of several shootings. Two high school girls are shot down as they walk along the street. Thirty minutes later a citizen is shot in front of his home. In another shooting affray, in which one man was hit four times, all of those involved seemed to be pretty well supplied with weapons. And still neither the Senate nor House District Committees has taken any action to expedite the anti-weapon bills pend ing before them. There is at present no effectual control or regulation of the sale of weapons in the National Capital. Any person, nd matter what his character or police record, can walk into a store and buy anything from a small caliber pistol to a machine gun. Police are powerless, under, existing laws, to obtain any satisfactory record of the weapons sold. Whenever some of our so-called “gangsters,” pewees imi tating the big shots of other cities, get into an arguement they are always armed. But the police know nothing about their guns until after they have spoken. Enactment of a strong and drastic weapon law, giving the authorities some measure of control and some knowledge of where guns are going would mitigate, even if it did not cure the evil. Senator Capper and Representative Norton should at once hold hearings on the gun bills, listen to the pleas of peaceful and law-abiding citizens, iron out differences over the bills and start them on the way to enactment. The District Fund Bill Stick to the Old Basis With the District subcommittee of the House Committee on Appropriations about to start hearings on the District supply bill the question arises as to whether that measure should be predicated upon the Mapes fiscal program or upon the basis which has heretofore prevailed. There is not the slightest reason either in law or in com mon sense for applying the Mapes proposals to the appropria tion bill. It would, of course, be asking too much to request the House to follow the existing law and formulate the bill on the 60-40 basis. But even in its intense desire to place upon local residents the burden of maintaining the Capital of the entire Nation, the House should not do less than follow the custom of recent years and prepare the appropriation bill on the basis of a $9,500,000 Federal contribution. Even though the Mapes bills, providing new forms of taxa tion and repealing the 60—40 provision, were the most ad mirable pieces of legislation ever contemplated, they are not yet the law and by no feat of legerdemain can the House make them the law in time to apply them to the District appropriation bill. The bills, it is true, galloped through an indifferent House, but they have been slowed down in the Senate. It is possible that under the onslaught of District citizens they may die in the Senate, or at least be given life only in a radically changed form. They therefore should not be given any consideration by the House District subcommittee when it gets around to the local appropriation bill. Prohibition’s Development Wet-Dry Auto Plates Auto plates which tell where you stand on prohibition will soon be on sale in automobile accessory shops. The one designed by the prohibitionists reads, “Help the President With Law Enforcement.” That designed by the antis says, “Repeal the Eighteenth Amendment For Prosperity.” The “dry” plate is red, with white letters and a blue border. It costs 25 cents, or the price of a glass of beer. The “wet” plate is white, with red and blue letters. It costs a dollar, the price of two shots of whiskey. If you are a private citizen you can take your choice. If you happen to be a member of Congress you will want both— one for the front of your car, one foe the rear. EDITORIAL PAGE OF THE WASHINGXONTIMES Black Eye—By the Japs B * T E Powers (tai \ # KA ® oSLsm ' ; Z 4/ A’//\ ' •? a I I lausahhe. » \\ || I CONFPR.BNCE lA V. A W A/? : c?\ \] Y / OJ rsa ft [JAPANES£ H aI 1% | De.LEqATe-5 I l\y Iff ) W I I 4 w. /?/£■ LISTEN, WORLD! By Elsie Robinson J Here’s a letter. You’ve read dozens like it lately. Per haps you’ll agree with it. Per- ■ML ELSIE ROBINSON haps you, too, think it would be a great thing in gen eral if mar ried women were forbid den to work. BUT WOULD IT? Oft WOULD IT CHEAP EN ALL FEM ININE LA- B O R... BLOCK ALL FEMININE AMBITION... KEEP WOMAN WORKERS IN THf OFFICE BOY CLASS? Read this letter. Think it over. “Dear Miss Robinson— “l am taking this means of asking you what you think of THE MARRIED WOMEN IN OUR GREAT CITIES, WHO ARE WORKING WHILE THEIR HUSBANDS HAVE GOOD JOBS. One of Many “I am a graduate of the High School of Commerce . . . just one of many, of the class of 1930/* I have looked for work in offices and department stores, as bookkeeper, stenog rapher or clerk, and nine times out of ten my interviews will be with some married woman, and when I ask for work, her answer will be ‘Nothing today.’ In our city hall there are twice the number of married to sin gle women, perhaps with hus bands working in the same office. “You speak to these women and say the depression is ter rible and their answer will be, ‘We don’t feel it. OF COURSE THEY DON’T FEEL IT! WHY SHOULD THEY? THEY HAVE IT SOFT WHILE THE SINGLE GIRLS STARVE. “Now I ask you! DON’T WISE WORDS Virtue’s achievement, Folly’s crime, Whate’er of guilt or good the past has known. Not e’en the Sire of all things, mighty Time, Hath powei* to change or make the deed undone.—Pindar. But the gods hear men's hands before their lips.—Swin burne. If you wish in this world to ad vance Your merits you’re bound to enhance; You must stir it and stump it, And blow your trumpet, Or, trust me, you haven’t a chance. —Sir W. S. Gilbert. Heaven wills our happiness, allows our doom. —Young. Willows are weak, yet they bind other wood.-s-Prov. A few strong instincts and a few: plain rules.—Wordsworth. ♦ YOU THINK THAT WHEN A WOMAN GETS MARRIED, SHE SHOULD STEP DOWN AND LET THE YOUNG GIRLS HAVE A CHANCE? “IF THEY’RE SO FOND OF WORKING, WHY NOT HAVE THEIR HUSBANDS QUIT THEIR JOBS, SO SOME OF THE REST OF US COULD EAT? HAZEL.” Sounds like a hard break, doesn’t it? And you’ll be sym pathizing with Hazel, just as I am. But suppose she had her way... suppose all women had to quit work when they mar ried ... WOULDN’T EVERY S WOMAN, SINGLE OR MAR RIED, SUFFER? Take Hazel herself. She has ambition. She is looking for something more than a small immediate job with beginner’s pay. She doesn’t intend -to stay a file clerk or stenog. She has prepared herself for serio as work...for a position with a future. Some day she hopes, just as a man hopes, to be a Big Shot in some large com pany. Just Suppose That’s fine. That’s the way a girl should feel about her work. The whole human race will profit because working girls feel that way. BUT SUPPOSE A GIRL HAD TO STOP WORKING IF SHE FELL IN LOVE AND MAR RIED? What would happen, then, to her ambition? How would that affect her standing in the busi ness world? HO'V V’OULD IT AFFECT A MAN’S STANDING. He wouldn’t have any stand ing, under those conditions. He’d remain a transient worker —in the office-noy class. It takes time and money to train workers and Big Business doesn’t groom people for im portant positions if it knows that they will step out just when they are getting good. That’s what would happen to the man worker if he retired when he married. And that is what would happen to woman workers—to all women workers if retirement on marriage were compulsory. Woman’s Job At present some of our most serious and valuable work is performed by women. BUT NO WOMAN WOULD HAVE A CHANCE TO DO SERIOUS OR VALUABLE WORK IF A LAW WERE PASSED AGAINST THE MARRIED WOMAN WORKER. For no employer could tell when a woman might marry. Therefore no em ployer could bank on a woman worker’s permanency—or would bother to train her for a larger program...or trust her with heavy reponsibility IF THE MARRIED WOMAN IS NOT PERMITTED TO WORK, NO WOMAN WORKER WILL BE TAKEN SERI OUSLY. Is THAT a happy solution for the working woman’s prob lem? (Copyright 1932. King Features H Syndicate. Inc.l MARRY-GO-ROUND By Helen Rowland— Junking the Husband ♦ With Dakota and Nevada making faces at each other, this “Land-of-the-Free-and-Grave of the-Home” bids fair to blossom with a bumper crop of “de serted wives,” when spring comes. “Desertion” is the most po lite ground on which you can divorce a husband. It is even more polite than “cruelty”; since It implies nothing except that one of you didn’t care to have the other around, any more. Tn some States, if a husband insists on sitting in another room, in order to concentrate on his newspaper, it constitutes “desertion.” But, in others, you have to prove that he went as far as the club or, speakeasy and wouldn’t come back when you DARED him to. “Desertion” is an india-rubber term, warranted to stretch over a multitude of sins, running all the way from a golf-complex to a blonde-complex. It comes in the usual 57 varieties, all tastily prepared and put up—by your lawyers. There are husbands who sneak away stealthily, those who run away defiantly, and those who just go out and bang the door never come back again. There are those whose wives have to pack their grips, order the taxi, and make their reser vations for them, before they will consent to “desert.” And those who just cheerfully turn over the Pekinese and the ONCE-OVERS Be Thankful ' If you have a fair job and re muneration is steady, be thank ful. Perhaps you do have to work harder to earn it these days. Some of the work which used to be done by others may have been added to your job, but what of it? . In some instances it may be true that men are imposed upon in the naine of present depression, and compelled to do. more than their share, Notwithstanding, you should still consider yourself lucky to have work. Thousands of men more capa ble than you would be pleased to accept your place and would keys to the apartment and go off pleasantly and live at the club. There are husbands who take "the little woman” to Paris or Mexico and help her to PROVE that they are “deserters” and “brutes” —and all that sort of thing. And there are those who “de sert” by merely staying at home and looking after the dog and the garden, while their wives go to Reno, for the climate. But probably the most popu lar and painless form of deser tion is simultaneous desertion, when you help pack each other’s trunks, divide the books, the shoe-trees and the bridge prizes—and then go off to Paris and California, respec tively, after a warm good-by and the solemn promise to post card each other. Everything chummy—and no misunderstanding! After all, why be rude or in sulting to a man just because you can’t stand him around | | Illi I! g© W the house? THINK of the beautiful things in the Metro politan Museum that you wouldn’t care to have around the house! “Desertion” is the modern substitute for paris green, ground glass and shooting-irons —just as “arbitration” is the civilized substitute for war. A divorce, “by any other name,” would not be half as sweet! Happy landings! (Copyright, 1932. King Features Syndicate. Inc.) consider themselves lucky to have such a job. It is true that every man should be provided with the opportunity to work for a living and they should not be required to do more than a fair amount of work In order to earn it. But exceptional conditions have made this impossible. Output must be curtailed, If It can’t be sold, with decrease in labor required, hence the difficulty in finding employ ment. In times like this the man who gets work of any kind should rejoice. He should put forth his best efforts to be worthy of the place, and do it happily. (Copyright, 1932. by Internationa! featur* Servica, Inc.) WASHINGTON, D. C.> FEBRUARY 6, 1932 A Truce to Bunk: A Nation, the Starving By Claude G. Bowers Author of “The Party Battle* of the Jackson Period,” “The Stru-vle for Democracy in America," "Jefferson and Hamilton,” "The Tragic Era,” and other important work*. THESE are days when political bunk is intoler able. In normal times, when the economic and social ma chinery of modern civiliza tion is running smoothly, and everyone is reasonably satisfied, men aspiring to national leadership may in dulge in platitudes and in articulate rhetoric without inviting a rebuke, but these are days of serious crises. It is a boast of ours in America that whenever a crisis comes destiny brings forth a leader to meet it. It always has. But the choice of the leader has never been made in the dark. Never have politici ans and statesmen, and fre quently they are one arid the same thing, indulged in such plain talk as in critical periods of our history; never have they been more daring or frank. And the people, hearing them, determine which they will follow —and always the choice has been made because of the posi tions they have taken. The campaign this year must be one of straight thinking and plain speaking, for no class of people, all suffering and a little alarmed, has the patience for mere bunk. The feeling is that he who is too cau tious as an aspirant will not be sufficiently courageous as a responsible leader in power. The American people have a right to know where men stand. No Repetition of the Hoover Campaign Four years ago everyone knew where Smith stood on everything; and no one knew for certain where Mr. Hoover stood on anything, except that he stood for a “chicken in every pot” and “sanitary plumbing” and radios, and electric washing machines. In North Carolina he stood for prohibition and in New York is was whispered that he stood against it; and he hid behind the promise of a commission to investigate. But in 1928 “business” was “booming,” as the super ficial thought, and never has the American appetite for bunk been so keen as it was then. But never has the popular impatience with bunk or double meanings been so pro found as it is today. The campaign this year must find leaders getting down to cases, discussing principles, pitching the argu ment on the higher plan. There can be no repetition of the Hoover campaign of 1928. Hoover’s Record Now Speaks For Him No one yet knows where Mr. Hoover stands on any thing, positively, unless it is on prohibition. He is satis fied with existing conditions and wants no change. But it does not matter much this time whether he expresses himself articulately or not; his' record now speaks for him. But he has the advantage of being in. The Democratic candidate, whoever he may be, is out and must make it plain to the people why he should be in. He must have a policy, clearly defined, and based on principles, and must battle for it militantly, not gingerly. Unless he shows by his frankness and earnestness that he believes in himself, he cannot expect a disillu sioned public to believe in him. No Candidate Can Pussyfoot Three are now three candi dates in the field avowedly; for while Mr. Baker has not announrtfed and probably will not, his recent statement is tantamount to a declaration. He rendered a service in eliminating the League as a possible issue; and now Gov ernor Roosevelt, who has re frained thus far from expres sions on national policy, has just taken a position defi nitely on three things. He is not in favor of enter ing the League of Nations. He is not in favor of the “cancellation” of the debts. And he is against the tariff act which has contributed mightily to the economic chaos of the world and the loss of our foreign markets. His speech to the farmers in New York more nearly met his duty as a candidate than the formal noncommit tal declaration to the people of Dakota. And Governor Ritchie’s views have been frankly ex pressed on everything. Before, and long before, the Democratic convention meets, it will be found that no candidate can pussyfoot his way to the nomination; each must fight his way by standing definitely on the issues that are real. Must Know the Attitude Os Candidates It is imperative that the American people know the attitude of candidates or. the transfer of the debts of 14 nations from the people who “hired the money” and used it to the taxpayers of this country. There is a droll unanimity among the debtor nations that the so lution of all problems de mands that we pay their debts—pay them by adding billions in taxation to a people seriously burdened now, whose government faces an enormous deficit. Neville Chamberlain, the British chancellor of the Exchequer, has officially an nounced in the Commons that this is the expectation and the policy of the British government. Mussolini announced it as his policy some time ago. M. Laval announced it on his return to Paris. It is the policy of Europe —and it is not the policy of the United States; and America will not knowingly put in power any man or party that favors the policy here. Nothing Has Been Done For the Desperate Millions Had we gone to Paris, and, after the fashion of the debtor nations, grabbed Ger man territory, and exacted reparations, something might be said for the Chamberlain plan; but we took no repara tions and we cook not one inch of territory, and we are not going to pay sll,- 000,000,000 for the privilege of taking nothing. For months we have said in these columns that the problem of human beings who are suffering and starv ing because of economi: conditions for which they are not responsible, can not be indefinitely ignored. Had* Mr. Hoover had the time last summer, when the .Administration was dis tressed over the unfortunates in Europe, to summon Con gress in extra session for the floating of a prosperity loan to furnish work, there would be no need for ap propriations from the Fed eral Treasury for direct re lief to the unemployed, their women and children. Had this and the previous Administration not prevented for three years the enact ment of the Wagner Em ployment Stabilization Bill, the work' could have been launched immediately. But the Administration has utterly ignored the hu man equation; and if gov ernment is concerned with banks, railroads, and the profits of big business to the explusion of people, it is a new wrinkle in the American concept of the purposes of government,