The national era. [volume], January 31, 1850, Page 18, Image 2

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merry sounds, happy surroundings, were suddenly
in dieoord with her?jarring, grating, torturing
i her nervee She did not this*-, ahe only fm.
1 It is at a longdistance that one can look hack and
aualyae emotion?reason upon feeling Instinctively
and mechanically she closed the window
shutters of her room, laid down upon her bed,
and doubled the pillow around her head, and in
the deep darkness and profound silence of ber
chamber, her whole consciousness of existence
merged into one absorbing sense of loss. The
alarum of the breakfast bell did not arouse her.
1 lalf an hour after it sounded, a soft hand laid
.ipon her hand that clasped the pillow over her
ears, a soft voice murmuring close by her side
tinted her to put aside the smothering pillow,
aid look up. Her maid Anna, who had attended
her *o Mont Crystal, was standing by her side,
now looking with sad surprise at the disordered
dress, dishevelled hair, and pale face of her mistress
" You are ill. Miss Susan," said she, taking her
hand, and looking with earnest affection at her j
fallen features.
"No, Anna," replied Miss Somerville, rising
upon her elbow. Anna looked at her keenly, incredulously,
then in her turn growing very pale,
she inquired, hurriedly, earnestly?
"Hum you heard from th<- Craest Has any
thing happened there, Mi-s Susan?'
"No, Anna, nothing And now, Anna, do not j
question me further. Don't look distressed, j
Anna; 1 am not displeased with you, my dear '
Anna?and I?hut 1 am very, very, very tired of
everything, and almost of everybody." And Su- I
sin Somerville slowly arose, gathered up her
long hair in her hands, let it fall again heavily
with a deep sigh, and finally resigned herself into
I Anna's hand- to have her toilet rearranged for
hreakfost. lmmediatelv after breakfast Susan
I Somerville intimated to her grandfather her desire
to return home; and, on receiving his consent
to the proposal, announced to her hostess
their intention of returning to the Crags.
Through the delay of Major Somerville, their
departure was deferred till after dinner, so that
it was nightfall before they found themselves ascending
the rocky acclivity leading to the Crags,
and it was pitch dark when they alighted at the ;
door. Susan went at once to her room, to j
change her dress, and Anna, after helping her
aged m aster to disencumber himself of his great
coat and leggings, and after handing him his j
dressing-gown and slippers, and settling him in
his dozing chair, went out into the kitchen, and
taking her mother aside, said?
" Mother. Miss Susan is very unhappy about
something. Some sudden grief has fallen upon
her Mother, what is it. and what can we do to
relieve her? Miss Susan is wretched! Indeed
she is "
"Anna, perhaps she has discovered the ruin !
that threatens us every hour!'
" No indeed she has not; far wide of it She
knows her father is in debt, at flip mercy of his
creditors; but she does not know how near, how
imminent, how inevitable, our ruin is No, thank '
God! she does not yet know; for even when I t
forget to guard myself, when I manifest anxiety ' g
or grief, the dear giil ascribes it to my condition, j j
thinks I am self-seeking and ambitious She does 8
not know vn?. w , ?- . '?
eorrow preys upon Miss Somerville's mind; and (
it is you. mother, who must tell me how to comfort
her tor von have lived lontr. and know everv
thing?I know nothing."
Harriet was kneading dough. She paused in j 1
her occupation, and seemed to reflect; then she ' ,
asked? !
[ " la Mr Stuart-Gordon at Mont Crystal ?"
" Yen.'' I
" Was he attentive to Miss Susan ?" |
" Yes."
" What do they say about him there?" |
" That he has long been engaged to Miss Arm- j
strong, and that this Chri-'nias party is in honor |
of thfir renewed betrothal." j
I feared so Miss Somerville needed a mother
to watch over her After all. a nurse?one
in n>y position?cannot meet every want in a
young lady's daily life. Hut now, listen. Anna
We must keep our young lady ?)uiet, comfortable, j
and occupied. SuLlue everything to soothe her 1
excited nerves Let "no sunlight into her room. ;
Ho not let the fire blare too brightly?keep all !
loud noises far from her?Temper even your own I
services for her. i-o that they do not Income obtrusive
And now go and set the table, ami make
all things comfortable, my child."
The woman who gave this advice was no com- j
inon. coarse-minled menial. The reader need
not be surprised at this. Delicacy in perception 1
of character and emotion, and in adaptation and (
manifestation of sympathy, is the result of culti- | '
vated affections rather than of educated intel- , |
lect. And Harriet posse-sed the first in a large
degree.
The Christmas party lasted a fortuight at
Mont Crystal. At the end of that time, Louis
Stuart-Gordon and Louise llector Armstrong j
were affianced. Upon the strength of the new
relations, Mrs. Armstrong was induced to accept
the earnest, invitation extended by General Stuart-Gordon
to herself, Miss Armstrong, and Miss
O'Riley, to pass a few days at The Isle of Rays.
It was while the family of Mont Crystal were
staying at the Island palace, that the marriage
day of the youthful couple was fixed for the twenof
the next month h'ebrrmrT. the anniversary
of their birth, when Louis should
complete his eighteenth, aud Louise her six
[ ireui u jtrnr.
I I rc? be CUNTINI'KD I
FROM WISCONSIN,
Madison, Wisconsin, January 9, IViO.
To the Edi'OT of 'he National Era :
Dear Sir : The Wiscnnsin Legislature convened
to-day nt the Capitol, and fully organized.
By the request of Democratic Nenicors, Mr
Gale of Walworth, and Mr. Willard of Raeine,
the two Free Democratic Senators, united with
the Democrats in Senatorial caucus last evening,
when Gen William 11 Smith was re-nominated
Pliiflf flnrlr iiml \1 r I itntu llawrnhun SJer..
gc.ant-at-Arms.
Th? Senate, to-day. elected Mr Smith an<l Mr
Hawrahnn by n unanimous votp Whigs voting
with the Democrat*.
The Democratic and Free Democratic members
of the Assembly, un<ler n csll for nil those
in favor of the resolutions of the Democratic
State Convention, (which <w at net It/ F'f Soil.)
met this morning, at ten o'clock A. M., in the
Assembly Hall, ami nominated Moses M. Strong,
1 of Iowa county, for Speaker, and Mr Gray, of
Rock county, for Chief Clerk At the meeting ,
of the Assembly, both of these gentlemen were
elected by the joint vote of the Democrats and
Free-So tiers.
You will recollect that this same Mr. Strong
made a speech at a Free Soil meeting at this
place, one year ago, in which he stated that the
time had at length arrived which he had for ten
years been striving to stave off. when this question
must be met, and he was then ready to say,
" No more Slave States- no more Slave Territory?no
further extension of Slavery?the abolition
of Slavery wherever Congress hns the constitutional
power Mr. Strong's speech, at the
time, was powerful, and produced a happy effect.
After the organization and receipt of a communication
from the Governor, that his tnpssage
will be forthcoming to-morrow, the two Houses
adjourned over.
J \ni'arv to.
The Senate and Assembly met pursuant to
adjom nuicnt, and the Governor's message presented
and read, a copy of which I send you.
The portion in relation to slavery is on the last
page. He recommends that our determination to
resist the extension of slavery he again reiterated.
The appointment of the Committees on Territories,
the Judiciary. Foreign Relatione. Military
Affairs, Naval Affaire, and IHsfriot of Columbia,
in the United States Senate, hy which a majority
tire given South, according to time cursed
usage, meets with the low curses of all.
The action of the Free Democratic members
of the House are duly approved. Yours, \e.,
W ihi'ommn.
MEMORIAL OF JAMES ROBERTSON.
The Hon. D. S Dickinson presented to the
Senate, on the Mb instant the following memorial,
which was referred to the Committee of
Claims
To th'\ ho no rabb thr S*natt of thr Unit,,I Statts:
Gknti.xmks The undersigned, a citizen of the
fourth Congressional district in the State of New
York, docs hereby most respectfully pray your
honorable body to investigate the following charges
against him
" Threatening Mk. Ci.av.?A man was overheard
In the Senate gallery on Thursday to express
his determination to take the life of the distinguished
Senator from Kentucky, who was bolow
in the chamber; whereupon he was promptly
arrested by the oflioers and taken to the Capitol
watch-room, and an investigation of the matter
was had before Justice Goddard, captain of the
auxiliary guard The Sergeant-at-Arms of the
Senate, Robert lleale, Esq, and one of the messengers
of the Senate, testified to the hearing of
repeated assertions of the arrested mau 1 to kill
Mr. Clay:' and he was thereupon committed to
the county jiil for safe keeping for the present
We learn that his name is James Robertson, of
lUltimore, where he is well known as a harmless,
inoffensive person, and that he is evidently lahoring
under a partial insanity. Robertson is a |
K \\ \0
TI
m*n of low stature and is apparently about thii
ty-fite years old."?R^n/bltc
And j-et yi'Ur seal of disapprobation on the tn
rest and imprisonment of the petitioner in tfa
Washington county jail for fourteen daya, fn
hours, and twenty-fire minutes: for I solrmnl
declare before God that I was not in the gsller
of the Senate on the day referred to, and I nere
in uiy life uttered a Bentence that could lead an
person to justly infer that 1 designed any phyi
icnl injury to Mr. Clay, or any person or persor
in or out of your honorable body. 1 therefor
pray your honorable holy to take the case up, an
examine the parties concerned, and then make m
such compensation as you may deem just an
equitable under the circumstances of the casi
which has not a parallel in any case on record, ti
far ns my judgment will go iu a matter of thi
kind.
And for the pence, health, and happiness t
your honorable body. 1 will ever pray to that Go
who has said. ' I will in nowise acquit the guilty.
J a vies RoBKKrsos.
THE NATIONAL ERAWASHINGTON,
JANUARY 31, lS.'.O,
?'r 1 he labor of condensing the terribly ver
l*>9e speeches of Senators and Representatives i
very heavy. Yhe speech of General Cass fill
nineteen solid columns in the I'nion and Jntrlli
fencer. rI'ho reader will find the substance of i
compressed within two columns and a half on oui
fourth page Mr. Clingman's long-drawn elfori
is abridged in the sauie w iy. A synopsis of Mr
Phelps's speech on the Vermont resolutions was
prepared for this number, but unavoidably
crowded out.
Jj* The Water Cure Reporter, of Utica, New
York, is an interesting journal See advertisement.
?V We call attention to the advertisement by
Lougley & Brother. of Cincinnati, of the /'/<<>n*tu
Aili'ocnte, a semi-monthly magazine published
by them in that city
Bennett's Daocekkkan Gai.li kv.? N. S. Bennett
has opened a new Daguerrenn Gallery on
Pennsylvania avenue. We are much pleased
with his workmanship. Members of Congress
who wish to obtain pictures of themselves before
they are wasted by the harassments of a long session,
would do well to give him a call. See advertisement.
M? w;s Chase and Bi ii.eh ?Certain Senn!urs
from the South are in the habit of attempting
o browbeat new members from the free States,
apposed to entertain anti-slavery opinions. Mr
Iale had to run the gauntlet, but how well he has
inrvivpil it nnr r.m lcrg tunul riot ItP tnl.l \1 r
n-ward hi a (vrf? x.\s<\"W %ut watt**; o;
itfenaive invective, and he will doubtless take
.-are of himself at the right time. Mr. Ciiask.
laving been thus assailed two or three times by
Mr. Butler of South Carolina, whose impetuosity
lot unfre?|uently drives him to the disregard of
proprieties which in his cooler moments he is asliduous
in observing, felt called upon last Thurslay
to check the freedom of the Senator's comnents
We refer our readers to the report of the
tcene under the Congressional head. It is accu ate,
but does not convey the spirit of theencouner
The severe dignity of Mr. Chase's manner,
md his comuiauding boldness, made retort imposlible.
and imposed upon his assailants the necessity
of being respectful to him, if from no other
reason, from a respect to themselves. We think
lis position in the Senate is ascertained.
PROI REDIMiS IN THE SENtTE UN TIESIIAV
The proceedings in the Senate on Tuesday, on
Mr. Clay's Compromise resolutions, were highly
interesting Attention will be given to them
next week. There are two phases of Non-Interveution?that
of General Cnss. that of General
Taylor. Mr Clay's resolutions present rather
the Cass phase.
WHO IS RESPONSIBLE I
Wheu intelligence reached the States, last
summer, of the proclamation of General Itilev,
his disregard of the local legislature of San I- rancisco.
his assertion of the claims of the Govern
ment (h facto, his assumption of the functions ol
Civil Governor in virtue of a Mexican law or
usage, his notification of the times ami places of
holding elections for delegates to the Convention
called by him. we could not help denouncing
what we regarded as a usurpation of power. We
did not then know who was responsible?General
Riley, or the Administration that appointed him
Since then, the present Administration has been
condemned by some of its opponents, for its presumed
sanction of his acts, and the call of Mr
Venable upon the President for information was
designed to bring to light all that lmd been done
in California by Presidential sanction, so as to
furnish grounds, first, for an attack upon his Ad
ministration, and, secondly, for successful resistance
to the admission of California as a State
Could it be proved that the People of that country
had been constrained, so that the Constitution
adopted was not one of choice, but necessity, the
Slavery Kxtensionists calculated, doubtless, on
being able to unite the South and enlist some
Northern fhmocrnls, in opposition to her application
fur ndtnission.
After the first intelligence of the calling of a
Convention in the Territory, we carefully exam
ined the accounts hy every arrival, mixious (o ascertain
whether there was a general and cordial
concurrence in the measure. That there was
such concurrence, our readers well know. The
San Francisco Government, while protesting
agiinst the arbitrary assumption of power by
General i!iley, agreed to waive its objections, on
account of its devotion to the great object aimed
at by nil parties And. after this, no constraint
was imposed upon the People they elected whom
they pleas d , no attempt was made to influence
the deliberations of the Convention ? in a word
from the election of delegates to the promulgation
of lh? Constitution hy the Convention and
its final adoption hy the People, they were entirely
unfettered in the expression of their w ill.
The Message of the President, disavowing
interference with the independent action ol the
People of California, must he satisfactory to all
except to those who hoped to find some valid
ground for contesting its claim to admission The
Message and accompanying documents show that
the preceding Administration and the officers
acting under it are chiefly responsible for the existing
state of things in California.
The first assumption of civil authority by nnj
military officer in the Territory was made bj
General Ma-on, August 7th, 1 s IS. the day after
the intelligence of pence rescind him. Tin
proclamation in which he assumed civil power*
was communicated to the War Department on
the y:iI of November, IMn, and acknowledged
without comment, on the'dTtli of January, 1M(?
1 he Administration ol i>tr. I\>lk, nficr having
the subject iimler consiibVation two months, thut
virtually sanctioned his act*, ami assumed the re
sponsibility of them.
In doing ?n, it pursued the policy disclosed ir
the letter of Mr. Iluchnnan, d ited 7th of October
"The termination of the war," he writes
"left an existing Goirmmait?a (lovmim-nr th
farto?in full of>rratiori; and this will continue
with the presumed consent of the People, until
Congress shall provide for them a Territorial
Government. The great law of necessity justifies
this conclusion. The consent of the People it
irresistibly inferred from the fact that no civil
ixed community could powsihly desire to abrogatl
an existing Government, when the alternativi
presented would he to place themselves in a stab
of anarchy, beyond the protection of all laws
and reduce them to the unhappy necessity of sub
milling to the dominiou of the strongest."
Again:
"The President urgently advises the People 01
California to live peaceably and quietly undei
the existing Government, lie believes that thii
will promote their lastiug and best interests. I
it be not what they could desire, and had a righ
IE NATIONAL ERA,
r- to expect, tbey cm console themselves with the
reflection that it will en lure but for ? few months,
r- Should they attempt a change, or amend it during
le this brief beriod, they most probably could uot
'e accomplish their object before the Government
y eeetahlished by Congress would g?> into operation,
y In the mean time, the country would be agitated,
>r the citizens would be w ithdrawn from their usual
y employments, and domestic strife might divide
j- and exasperate the People ngaiust each other;
is au l this all to establish a < Jovemmcnt which, in
e no conceivable contingency, could endure for a
d single year."
e October !>th, Mr Mvarr, Secretary of War,
' writing to Colonel R. II Mason, commanding the
^ United States forefs in California, repeats and
is fully endorses the views of Mr. Buchanan, and
adds:
" Li th' mow tun-, J trill he lit* July/ o/ the com~
tttanJer of a million/ four lo recognise th' present
Gonrhm>-ui J'facto ; 'o resp-ct the officers of J. no J
to / ml the out of the military potrer to prOl'Ct th 1
* nehis of jteisoas anil property oj the uJmhi'ants of j
the Territory. Thongh he has not the right to change (
or moJify ih> t ruling cinl VovcruM'Ht, it trill h- his
Jmy to regaril a at an e.jixtuig (Joinawnt, until it
is changed by competent amhority "
On the 1 .'ith of April. IS-19, General Mason
was relieved of Lis command by General Riley,
" who proceeded to carry out the policy of the Ad
ministration, lie recognised the existing Government,
the Government Je facto?an other Words,
precisely that form and machinery of Government
that had been established by Mexico, and
came into operatiou the moment pence wns declared
As by this Government the commander
of the military forces in California was also civil
Governor. no ten uminu iu nmiiuic
and also to sustain tbe existing Government
against the attempts of portions of the People to
supplant it hy local Legislatures. In all this he
could plead the explicit instructions of the Ail- i
ministration that hail uppointed him
But he went one step further. Jaiiuuty VO, |
16I9, the Commanding General of tbe Pacific :
Division. General Saiim, wrote to the War Department,
as follows
"Under the hope that some act of the last
Congress had provided, or at least defined, the j
Government of California, it was thought pru
dent to wait intelligence of the close of the session,
and then, if nothing had been done in Washington.
to put in action the machinery of the laws
already existing here, and at the same time propose
to the people of California to form a State '
Constitution, and present it at the next session of
Congress, when their admission into the Union j
as a .State would at once solve so many ditticul- !
ties; and while it removed a cause of disagree- !
ment at home, would give them an opportunity of i
legislating for themselves.
" Tbe steamer Kdith has been sent to Mnzutlan i
for the necessary intelligence. and, on her arrival !
with information that no other than a revenue
law had been passed, Geneva1. t'aVy Vfevc1 ^ >
proclamation for tjie election of tbe necessary ,
executive and jnd'tmt omcers under the existing
laws, and recommending, at the same time, the 1
election of delegates to a Convention to form a |
Stale Constitution. Mr. King arrived at the time
these proclamations were altout being issued, and
it was matter of great congratulation that the
Government, by anticipation, had approved of the '
latter measure. Kvery means will be used to
give the people of California an opportunity of
expressing their wishes on this point, and of
bringing the matters to a happy conclusion."
It seems, then, from this correspondence, that
the i<lca of proponing to the People of California j
the formation of a State Government originated j
i with the military officers in that country, holding !
their appointments and acting under instructions '
from Mr Polk; that the proclamation calling a 1
; Convention, and regulating matters concerning
the election, was the work of General Uiley, who
hud anticipated the wishes of the Taylor Administration,
and that the special agent of this Administration
arrived just in time to assure the
General of the upprohation of the Chief Executive.
P.y what authority did General itiley issue
his proclamation 1 This will La known when we
shall know more of the powers of a Civil Governor
in California, under the Mexican Government.
That Government was recognised n? the
Government de facto?the General was directed
to sustain it?it authorized him to act as Civil
Governor, and he did so ? and we must presume
that in calling a Convention of the People
and proposing to them to form a State Constitu]
tion, be did nothing more than he was authorized
! to do as Civil Governor.
For all the transactions, therefore, leading to
the organization of a State Government in Cali;
fornia, the last Administration is responsible.
! General Taylor merely followed iu its footsteps,
and added his sanction to what had been done
and projected by its agents. For example, Mr.
Clayton, iu his letter of instructions to Mr King,
April 3d, 1S49, thus recognises the existing laws
of California and New Mexico
"The laws of Culiforuia ami New Mexico, iih
they existed at the conclusion of the treaty of
fiiiHtlilupe Hidalgo, regulating the relations of
the inhabituuls with each other, will necessarily
, remain in force in those Territories. Thrir relations
with their former Government have heeu
dissolve'!, and new relations created hetwoen them
' and the Government of the United States; but
the existing laws, rigulating the relations of the
people with esch other, will continue, until others
lawfully enacted shall supersede them. Our naval
Mini military commanders on those stations
will be fully instructed to cooperate with the
i friends of order and good government, so far as
their cooperation can be useful and proper.''
i Precisely the same ground as that taken by
1 Messrs lluchanan and Marcy One part of the
instructions is rather obscure. Says Mr Clayton,
" YOU IHI fltllt/ JIOSS'SSIll 0/ illr Pf'Mllt Ill's It'll*,
and can with propriety suggest to the People of
California the adoption of measures best calculated
to give them fflcct. These measures must,
of course, originate solely with themselves. Assure
them of the sincere desire of the Kxecutivc
of the United Stabs to protect and defend them
in the formation of stiy Government, republican
in its character, hereafter to be submitted to Coui
gress, which shall be the r>sult of their own deliberate
choice, but let it be at the same time
distinctly utpleislond by them that the plan of
i such a Government must originute with them
1 selves and without the interference of the Kxecn(
i vt>
Aa "the Pri si dent's views" were rnmmuniI
eated to Mr King, iwe shall probably
never know v.hat they were, to their lull extent
Undoubtedly, some of thun are communicated
; to Congress, in the following paragrajh, by the
President himself
, " I did not hesitate to express to the people of
I those Territories my desire that each Territory
should, if prepared to comply with the requisitions
of the Constitution of the United States,
form a plan of u State Constitution, and submit
t the same to Congress, with a prayer for admission
iuto the Union as a State ; hut 1 did not anticipate,
suggest, or authorize the establishment
of uuy nueli Government without the assent of
' Congress, a or ihil 1 authorize out/ tlocn mia nt ttyi *t
' or iiflictr to inltrftrr trilh oi t n rci.w any in/imncr or
control orrr tin rlrftion r/ tlrligah.r, or ovrr any
Corn nl to n, hi iiiiihnOi nioililnun; thnr ilotimtic insltlu'iOH*,
or any of tin: jnoi tunns >>/ thin aronosnl
1 Constt!Hi ion}''
1 We learn from this, that the President communicated
to the People of N?w Mexico and California
his desire for the organization of a Stair
Uoi era an nt m rath of tknu, and he disavows having
4 authorized any Government ofliccr o.r agent to
use any influence to induce any Convention of
the People to modify in nuy way their domestic
1 institutions. We accept thin aa a total disclaimer
of having attempted to influence the People of
C alifornia or Ntw Mexico, to silence in regard
to .Slavery, or to action for or against it. It
imsms this, or it menus nothing. We were under
' the impression that governmental influence had
' been exerted, to induce the People to form a Cnn'
Hlitutiou, omitting any reference to .Slavery ; hut,
' if the foregoing disclaimer 1 c honestly intended,
' if it mean what the legitimate construction of its
5 language makes it mean, our impression was
' groundless.
It is somewhat remarkable that New Mexico,
i notwithstanding tbe desire of the President that
' her inhabitants should form a State Constitution,
decided on the establishment of a Territorial
Government, which, bo far from settling the <(uest
tlon of Slavery, left it open for the action of
^ Congress What influences were put in re<|iii?if
tion to conduct them to this decision t It is snid
t that they are averse to Slavery. Why did they
'I
WASHINGTON, D. (
not prohibit it ? They are numerous enough to
constitute a State Had the/ formed a 8tate Con
stitution, with a clause prohibiting Slavery, they
would have received the fuvor of the President,
and a bill woul I have passed, admitting them into
the Union To form merely a Territorial Government.
and virtually to lay open their Territory
to Slavery, was to expose themselves to the
chances of no Government at all. Why, in view
of such considerations, they should stop short of
a State organisation, is to us a mysteryj
THUGS II OHIO.
Public opinion in the State of Ohio has long
l>een settled in favor of the Ordinance of 1787.
Two years ago. the chief managers of the Democratic
Party having committed themselves to
General,Cass, whose opinions on the Proviso even,
at that tiuie, were questionable, found themselves
placed in a very awkward predicament. Public
Sentiment on the Slavery Question was to be satisfied,
and at the same tirue such a position taken
as should uot involve the condemnation of General
Cass Accordingly, iu the S'tate Convention
of January 8, 1*47, resolutions were adopted
pledgipg the Party to use all constitutional means
to prevent the extension and finally to procure
the extinction of Slavery, while no expression of
opinion was given concerning the natureor extent
of those constitutional means. The declaration,
it was thought, would he sufficient to satisfy the
demands of Public Sentiment and retain the AntiSlavery
portion of the Party iu its ranks, and
yet, should General Cuss choose to deny the constitutionality
of the Proviso, convey no censure
of his opinions.
The General assailed its constitutionality, was
nominated for the Presidency, and the Democratic
leaders in Ohio lahored to rally the Party to his
support. We know the result. Although he
carried the State hy a plurality, there was a majority
against him of nineteen thousand , and
this would have been still greater, had unt the
Democratic presses and leaders generally repudiated
the peculiar creed of the caudidate they were
supporting.
So well convinced were large sections of the
Parly that the Principles announced by the Buffalo
Convention were the only platform on which
the Democracy could reunite und rise to complete
ascendency, that they began to affiliate with the
Pree Democracy, sometimes openly uniting, sometimes
adcptiDg its candidates. Meantime, Hunkerisra
was zealous for the old platform, furious
against all new forms of political association)
nnd found, wrc doubt not, powerful support in
Ex-Senator Allen
Preparations were everywhere made for controlling
the action or the Convention which was
to assemble on the 8th of January of this year, at
Columbus. The Hunkers mustered in their
strength,and Mr. Allen was on the spot to superintend
proceedings. What these were is fully
and fairly set forth in the following address from
the Delegates of Summit ami Medina counties to
their coustituents.
In.in the t ree Oeiuocratic Standard.
Action nnd pout ton of the Rmlical or Ft" D>morrntic
Dtleqatts in the late Sth o) Jnnvurij Cow > ntion at
Cn I,
To OH* CoNSTlTl'KNT8 :
The undersigned, having been appointed Delegates
to the Democratic State Convention, held on
the 8th inat.,and having attended said Convention
and dicharged our duties according to the bent of
our abilities, feel called upon, in view of the result,
to render an account of our doing. Well knowing
it was your wish that the Democratic party of
the State should rally on the side of freedom, and
plant itself in deadly hostility to the ext. usion of
slavery, and to its continuance of the disgraceful,
unchristian, nnd wicked slave trade in tho District
of Columbia, we, at an early day, addressed
to each prominent candidate the following questions
:
" 1. Are you in favor of prohibiting the further
extension of slavery in our country ?
" 2. Does Congress possess the power to prohibit
slavery in the Territories.
"3 Is it eipedient for Congress to exercise
that power ?
" 4 Should Congress abolish slavery in the
IMstrict of Columbia, or else remove the seat of
(iovernment to a free State '
"5. Are you in favor of admitting any more
slave States into the Confederacy ?"
To these questions four of our candidates re
sponded to our satisfaction ; but we are sorry to
I say that J udge Wood, the nominee of the < "(invention
is not one of the four: he made no answer
We ure further Hurry, that a knowledge of the
fact, thut the other hud answered in a manner
ttiTomhie to freedom, contributed materially to
lessen their votes for a nomination
Keeling still anxious to preserve harmony in the
Democracy of the .State, with which we and our
constituents had long acted, we concluded to make
an earnest effort for the adoption, hy the Convention,
of such resolutions as would meet your
wishes and the demands of freedom at this time.
In this we utterly failed. The committee upon
resolutions refused to "report any upon the sul?ject
of slavery except those adopted hy the State
Convention two years ago; thus showing that they
had made no progress on this subject during the last
two years. These resolutions are as follows.
" Rrsohnl, That the people of Ohio now, as
they have always done, look upon the institution
of slavery in any part of the Union as an evil, and
unfavorable to the full development of the spirit
and practical benefits of free institutions: ami
that, entertaining these sentiments, thiy will at all
times feel it to hethtir duty to use all power,
clearly given by thetermsof the national compact,
to prevent its increase, to mitigate, and finally to
eradicate the evil. Hut he it further
" H'.'nli'il. That the Democracy of Ohio do, at
the same time, fully recognise the doctrine held
hy the early fathers of the Republic, and still
maintained hy the Democratic party in a'l the
States, that to each Slate belongs the right to
adopt ami modify its own municipal laws; to regulate
its own municipal affairs ; to hold and maintain
an equal,in independent sovereignty with each
and every other State; and that upon these rights
the national Legislature can neither legislate nor
encroach.
It will he seen that these resolutions do not acknowledge
any power in Congress to abolish slavery
or the slave trade in the I >istrict of Columbia
nor upon the high seas, nor even any to apply
the Ordinance of 17*7 to the territories acquired
from Mexico. On the contrary, any onecaii adopt
them and oppose all notion hy Congress tor these
purposes. In order that the first resolution might
he made specific. hltd mean something, vrr tried to
get the committee to strike out the word "all''
Hntl iusert the word " the," so that the resolution
would d< clare that we deemed it out duty louse
the power clearly given l>y the terms of the
nation! compact to prevent the inereuse, &c., of
slaveiy, hut even this smendnient was denied us
When the resolutions were adopted hy the
Convention, we asked them to adopt the following
I Rtsolvrd, That the Ordinance of I7K7, drafted
originally hy the hand which framed the
Peclaration of Independence, derives its chief
excellence from the Pemncratic principle developed
therein?that id' uncompromising hatred to
all tyranny over the mind or hody of man.
' i Hmotr*(I, That the principles of said ordinance,
conservative of freedom, may he extended
hy Congress to all the Territories of the United
States, without any violation of constitutional
law.
:t K'solm!, us the sense of the Pemocratic
party iti Ohio, That it is both lawful ami expedient
that said principles he practically opplied to all
ot said territory, with the least possible delay.
I R'solctl, That we hold to radical l>ctnocracy,
to Liberty, to Kuuitlity and Fraternity, and to
I he inrxt universal in>li viilu>?l freedom, only rest
mint d by just and e<|iinl laws.
!i. Reiohrd, That the principles of Democracy
are always the same, yet we intend to progress in
their application to alt measures of public policy
until liberty aud equality universally prevail.
The two last above resolutions were w ithdrawn
by the mover, on a suggestion that thn balance
could be passed by the Convention
We lelt we could ask no less, in the present
ennditiou of the country, thsn that the Democracy
of Ohio, in S ate Convention assembled, should
express their determination that the Jeffersoniau
Ordinance, under which we have (trow n and prospered,
and which has saved us from the curse of
Slavery, should shed forever its benign influence*
! upon our newly acquired possessions?but this
j was denied us.
When this was done, as a lust resort, one of
the Delegates from Summit, believing the friends
of our late distinguished Senator would approve
his conduct iu voting for the Wilmot Proviso, especially
when given under instructions from a
Democratic Legislature, dieted the following resolutions
" JLueft*/, That the services of William Allen,
in the Councils of the Nation, entitle him to the
confidence of the American Democracy , and
' Rtfoh<"i, That the Democracy of Ohio deplore
Lis absence from the Senate of the United Stales '
1, JANUARY 31, 18?
Keen tbia approval waa nhwd, and the whole
resolution stricken out, by a rote of 147 to 1!S).
In your behalf, we reino net rated against these
proceedings, #o contrary to the spirit of the age
and the genius of our free institutions?and now
refer the whole matter, with the action of your
Delegates, to you, for your consideration.
R. P. Spalding,
Ij. iv merce,
L. L. Howard,
H. N. Oillett,
Delegatesfrom Summit.
P. Thompson,
R Warner,
C. B. Prentiss.
E. L. Warner,
Ddeqattsfrom Medina.
As Judge Wood declined (o answer any questions
before his nomination, as his nomination
was probably secured in consequence of this
silence, as the Convention that select* d him as
the candidate refused to recoguise the Wilmot
Proviso, or to affirm that their resolutions unbodied
the principle of that measure, it cannot he expected
that he will now take a position different
from that of the body which put him in nomination.
The Free Democrats, therefore, have a
\ plain path before them. Their distinctive prin|
ciples have been repudiated by the Convention of
the 8th of January ; and the candidate of that
body, whatever his private opinions, is bound by
the views of those who nominated him. To support
him, under such circumstances, will be to
support the policy of that Convention. To vote
for him will be to disregard the j>olicy of the Ordinance
of 1767, for the purpose of subjecting the
State of Ohio to Hunkerism.
We do not believe the Free Democrats will so
far forget what is due to their cause, their country,
themselves, as to do any such thing.
We shall soon see what construction the Democratic
members from Ohio, in Congress, will put
upon the action of the 8th of January. Some, we
know, are true as steel on this question ; others
are uncertain. If thus* nish to seal the fate of thiir
Party in Ohio, Irt th'tn /oin trvh John K Miller,
ami vote directly or indirectly against the Proviso.
i\ i ii niif iih niM i ill,*.
So far as we can see, the Whig party has
changed its position since the messtige of General
Taylor in favor of non-intervention. What we
mean by this may be learned by the following
editorial from the Albany Evening Journal:
"This important document will awaken the
profound attention of the people, it is clear, explicit,
and patriotic. Its positions are at once
emphatic and conciliatory. Kxcept upon a single
point?the duty of inimtifiuttfy providing Territo>
rial Governm0*^0 ? r ^ t **.-z4cc :z*
I it con^s fully up to the free^toii seutimcnts o^f the
I uKion. 1 ne reasons given Tor tnis single point of
1 difference will have great weight with the people
| The President has official information that NewMexico
will, at no distant period, ask for adrnis|
sion into the Union ; and we know that the people
j of Deserct have already framed their constitution.
But, in making these suggestions, the President
| expresses no doubt of the right of Congress not
merely to give New Mexico and Deseret Territorial
organizations, but to preclude slavery from
i those Territories, if it so please. The admission
! of this principle?the very 'corner stone' of this
| great subject?will disappoint those who have
been predicting that this message would contain
an avowal of his determination to veto any bill
| recognising the Proviso. Kven the Evening Post
I has the frankness to say that 'General Taylor
! asserts the unlimited legislative authority of the
j Federal Government over the Territories.' Hav!
ing assumed this position, and thus given a guarantee
of his readiness to cooperate w ith Congress
in nny course which it may adopt, we shall probably
hear no more of his determination to prevent,
by the exercise of the veto, the restriction of slavery
within its present limits.
"The President, it will be seen, is, as no one who
knew him doubted he would be, equally emphatic
in regard to the admission of California, with the
constitution her people have already provided. In
assuming this position, he places himself in direct
conflict with the disunionists. But the arguments
he adduces in support of his position are irrefutable
and conclusive, and will receive the hearty approval
of every true man in the Union."
The Journal, it must be remarked, has always
professed to occupy a high anti-slavery position
in the Whig party. Other leading Whig papers
of the North go beyond the Journal in praise of
tho message, finding nothing in it at variance
with the Free Soil Sentiment of the country.
l.Pl us see
General Tsjlor says that " under the Constitution
Congress has power to make all needful
rules and regulations respecting the Territories
of the United States."' So says General Cuss,
but these " needful rules and regulations," he
holJs, do not include any rule or regulation
respecting slavery, On this point, then, the
President?is no more identified with the Free
Soil Sentiment than with its opposite.
Tha Journal s tys that the President " expresses
no doubt of the right of t'engross to preclude
slavery frutn the Territories." This is Jesuitical.
The President expresses no opt mo n whatsoever on
this point, and the Journal understands this very
well.
The same paper suys that the President "has
otlicial information that New Mexico w ill, at no
distuut period, ask for admission into the Union,'"
uud it thinks this will havegroat weight in reconciling
the people of the North to the recommendation
of the President to waive all action in
regard to New Mexico. The fact is just the
reverse; for the lauguage of the President is.
" The reasons for my opinion that New Mexico
will, at no very distant period, ask for admission
into the Uuion, are founded on unofficial informati, n
which. 1 suppose, iv common to nil who have earn! to
make tht/uirus on that subject.11
The Jonrtwl speaks of the President as having
"given a guarantee of his readiness to cotjwratr
with Congress in any course which it may ailojit.''
He has given no such guarantee; he has not conimitttd
himself at all in regard to a Territorial
bill, should it contain the "Wilmot Proviso
The President, says the Journal, is "equally
emphatic in regard to the admission of ('alifornia
with the constitution her people have already
prepared"
Yes, and he is equully emphatic in regard to
the admission of any other Territory claiming
admission ns a State, no matter if its constitution
tobratss slavery.
This is the position of the President Let the
people of a Territory decide for themselves
whether slavery shall be tolerated or excluded?
let them apply for admission as a State?and it
will become the duty of Congress to admit, even
though they constitute a slaveholding State The
Journal anil the rist of the Whig papers, glad of
an opportunity to get rid of present peril by an
expedient, assent without qualification lo this
position, and thus commit themselves to the sup
I>ort of the admission of IVseret as a State, with
a constitution toloratir g slavery, and preclude
themselves from consistent opposition hereafter
to the application of New Mexico ami Jacinto,
should they apply for admission with constitutions
tolerating slavery. Ami this they call
coming fully up to the Free Soil Sentiment of the
country !
i I laving assume*] this position, how long will it
he before they will he called upon to acquiesce in
the annexation of divers other slate States, inj
eluding Cuba ? The truth is, they h ive abandoned
the Free Soil ground. They are about
aiding in the reversal of the time-honored policy
of the Government?the policy of slavery rcstric|
tion by action of Congress. They have consented
1 to setHside the Ordinance of17S7 as a precedent
ami establish the precedent of non-intervention
by which the General Government shall be hound
to ntify the decision of the people of any Territory
on the slavery question, no matter how
directly it may conflict with the virws and interests
of the great majority of the States.
1 here are slaves in iJeaerei. iter constitution
does not prohibit slavery. Hrr application for
admission is to come before Congress. The Whig
members of Congress, if they follow tha lead oi
the Whig press, will rote for her admission
New Mexico, in view of this, will proceed to
form a State Constitution?a constitution tolerating
slavery?and next year will see her a member
of this Union. And then will come Jacinto;
0.
unless, Indeed, it should get the start of all the
reet.
If ever the friends of Free 8oil were called
upon to eet with rigor, they are called upon now.
Let them bring the House to a rote on the Wilmot
Proriso. Two or three decisive rotee,
demonstrating that the imtjority are in favor of
that measure, that they will nerer abandon it,
will show Leeeret and New Mexico that, if they
expect to take rank ua States of this Union, they
must come with constitutions up to the demands
of the age, not tolerating a system which almost
all Christendom has condemned as barbarous.
EIROPEAN CORRESPONDENCE.
Bekun, Dtctmb-r 31, 1S49.
To thr EJaoi of tkf National Era:
'I'Ka iirrwotil inn.l.inoo r\f L'a?n iwJitSoo Auti.
uot be properly taught in occasielfeal letters on
current events. Bon mots on Turkey, indignant
paragraphs on the couduct of the Austrian* in
Italy and Hungary, hoping ones on France, and
complicated ones on the twisted affairs of Germany,
may all be well enough in their places;
hut it is well to lookltack from time to time, to
connect events of to day with those of last year,
and the movements in Austria with those in
France. We propose, then, presenting a connected
view of European politics in the year
which has jiibt closed, that the reuders of the Era
may have a stand-point, from which to look on
the great political events which are doubtlees
reserved lor the next few years.
The revolution which swept like a hurricane
over Europe in the early part of 1848, was powerful
for destruction, but not for creation. Rotten
old political fabrics fell into ruins, but nothing
was erected in their stead. The leaders of
the popular movement had been all their lives
studying the best means to tear down, and were
capable of nothing else. When the people rose
up, they threw themselves at its head, not exactly
knowing whither to lead, but determined to keep
in advance. They performed their appointed
work of destruction, and no more. As soon as
their ignorance had led to the Paris massacre of
June, they were thrown aside. The counterrevolution
took the lead.
The counter-revolution attempted to produce a
reaction in the popular rniud, and met with a
temporary success. But the result of its efforts
has been to deepen and strengthen the principles
of the rerolution in the hearts of the people. If
the revolutionists had remained in power, there is
no 'oubt but that their excesses, ignorance, and
folly would have led to a reaction which might
t??w? ^ul%t tt>? nf a long time in
the old world; they lost i*ower in time to save the.
cause. The counter-revolution of is 19 has been,
without intending it, the best friend of the principles
of the revolution of 18d8.
What waa the position of political affairs in
Europe at the beginning of the year l S t9 ?
The cause of the revolution had been compromised
by the June Insurrection. The massacres
and horrors of those bloody days at Paris had
shocked and paralyzed the courage of the people,
and separated from their cause all who had property
to defend. Fright united the bourgeoisie in
a strong league agaiust the socialists. They had
favored a political revolution, but were prepared
to resist to the death a social one.
France placed at her head the dictator Cavaiguac,
a sincere republican, but bred in camps, and
unable to comprehend any mode of restoring
tranquillity than the state of siege and the institution
of courts martial, with the restriction of
the liberty of the press, and of the right of public
oral discussion. Nor was he politician enough
to detect and defeat the intrigues against him
and the Republic.
The alliance between the Orleansists and Legitimists
was effected by Thiers and others. They
met on the neutral ground of Bonapartism. At
the election of December 10th, Cavnignac was
set aside, and Louis Napoleon elected by an overwhelming
majority. All parties voted for him,
for each s?w in him the representative of its own
views, and a passive instrument of its purposes
He had promised each party what it wished.
The new President appointed, as Prime Minis- j
tor M O.lilnn Bnrrnt He htil filled tl.e name
pout in the Inst Cabinet of Louis Philippe. On
scleral decisive occasions, he had already shown
his incapacity and want of presence of mind.
The first step of the. new minister was to earnest
an alliance with Thiers, the representative of the
selfish and heartless conservative policy of the
country. At the end of the year 1848, the
French Constitution had been reduced etfectively
to a uullity, and the policy of corruption and
intrigue which had governed France under Louis
Philippe had been restored to its full vigor.
In Italy, the couuter-revolution had three points
of support the Austrian influence, the Catholic
hierarchy, and the Neapolitan absolutism.
In the beginning of 1819, the different States
of Italy preseuted very different appearances. In
some, the revolution was yet in full power, while
in others, the counter-revolution had obtained
the victory.
Sicily rnjoyed a perfect independence on Naples
She had offered her crown to the younger
sou of Charles Albert, King of Piedmont, but
was provisorily governed by a council of her own
citizens 1 ler continued independence seemed to
be guarantied by the friendship of England. and
the troubled state of affairs in Naples.
Ferdinand had repressed, by force of arms, the
insurrection of the J5th of May, and had been
since occupied in cancelling, one after another,
the concessions he had made, seizing and imprisoning
his enemies ami repressing the local insurrections
which broke out at short intervals, in
every part of his kingdom. .
Rovi" was at the heael of the movement in Italy,
ami the only representative of its three great
ideas, the eipulsion of the Austrians, the separation
of the church hierarchy from the administration
of the Government, and the national unity
The Pope, by his vacillation unJ apparent duplicity.
had lost rapidly the favor of the people,
which he had once enjoyed to so great an extent
After the iusnrrection of the 15th and 10th of
November, in which Rosm, his Prime Minister,
fell, he invited Galletti and Mamiaui to forma
Cabinet; but on the '.21th, he tied in the disguise
of a footman to Gaeta, ami placed himself under
the protection of Naples The llomans did not
depose him, but appointed a Commission to govern
until his return, and appropriated a large
monthly salary to supply his wants They took
immediate measures for calling a Constituent
Assembly by the universal suffrage and for raising
an arinjr to oppose Austria.
In L'/yvr Jta/y, Radetsky had rc-compiered
Lombardy, and forced Charles Albert to demand
a truce. Venice had proclaimed the Republic,
and elected Marrin to the Presidency The people
of Lombardy, Piedmont, and, in fact, all It
were anxious to recommence the combat with
Austria. No good result for Italy was to be
hoped for from the negotiations at the Brussels
Congress, agreed to on the invitation of England
and Prance. A renewal of the war was inevitable
The Duke of Tuscany went with his people, hut
the Pukes of Parma and Modena had fbd.
OerwuiHi/ had two objects to strive for. which
were the same with those of the Italians?politicil
rights and national uuity. But, instead of a religions
hierarchy, devoted to the interests-of a
ehurch, she had an aristocracy bent solely on the
preservation of its personal privileges, and deter.
mined to annihilate the revolution, coot what it
might. Thin selfish aristocracy watt aided or u?ed
by the individual Government*, each of which
controlled an armed force.
The first bold step taken hjr the counter-revolution
in Germany was the refusal by the different
Governments to permit their troops to take
the oath of allegianoe to the Lieutenant General
of the Empire, who repreaented the revolution.
A second and more decisive step was the tmoe
of Malmoe, concluded by Prussia, on the Vfith of
August, IMS, with the Danes, in direct opposition
to the order of the Lieutenant General of the Empire.
Although thistruce was a dishonorableaban
1
VOL. IV.
A
Jonment ofthe Duchies of Schleswig I iolstein. and
a forfeiture of the promise of the Frankfort National
Assembly, this body did not dare to censure
Prussia and annul the truce. The Frankfort Assembly,
by approving the truoe, sealed its depen
dencc on the Governments of Germany, and separated
itself from the people From that day, the decline
of its moral power may be dated. The fatal
vote was given on the 16th of September. After it,
the Assembly became the football of the Princes,
and a by. word among the people. Soon after, the
commissaries of the Assembly were pent back with
contumely from Austria , its advice was contemptuously
treated by the Brandenburg Prussian Ministry
; and oue of its principal members Robert
| Blum, was shot at Vienna. November 9th.
The svmnatliira nf 1
_ -j ?r " HUH CiUntt |0
the Constituent Assemblies of Prussia and Austria,
which the counter-revolution was preparing
all its strength to attack. This wuh made more
easy of execution by the jealousy of the Frankfort
Assembly for its sisters. In its ignorance of
the true state of thiugs. it ?up|to?*d that it would
regain its former influence if the public attention
were not diverted from it by the existence of
Chambers in the separate States. It pursued its
work of framing a Constitution while the cannons
of Windiscbgratx were buttering down Vienua,
and the state of siege w is declared at Berlin
The Constitution, with all its rhetorical
flourishes, was completed, and proclaimed on the
28th of December, as the fundamental lnw of all
f rmany. About this time, Austria, who had
now become master of North Italy, had recon(|uered
Vienna, and was at leisure to devote its
military force to I lungary, declared ber resolution
not to be prescribed to by the Frankfort
Assembly, and that she would consult with the
other Governments of Germany on the subject of
a Constitution. This declaration found the Assembly
without power to resist. It had long before
abandoned the People, to attach itself to the
Governments. An Austrian Prince. wa? at the ~
head of the Kmpire,au Austrian minister (Schmerling)
at the head of the Cabinet. The Assembly
did nothing Schmerling resigned his office, and
Henri de Gsgern became prime minister in his
place.
Gageru's first proposition was that th% Assembly
should declare that Austria had excluded
herself from the Union which shnnlrt he
without her. This was virtually declaring the
powerlessuees of the Assembly. If the plan had
been carried out, eleven millions of Germans
would have been excluded from the Empire, and
the foundations laid for a permanent schism.
Austria did not fail to protest against the proposition
of M. Gagern. !Sbe wished the Assemldy
to disperse, and intrust all to the Governments.
Thus had all the hopes of Gcrmau unity and
freedom been shattered before the beginning of
1849, by the incapacity and timidity of the Frankfort
Assembly.
In Prumn, the Government had refused to let
the army swear allegiance to the K.mpirc, and
the aristocracy had held their convention " for
the protection of the rights of property-owners "
Government and aristocracy were firmly allied.
s - Cl^rr. ' Von Wtangel
had been appointed commander of the military
forces at llerlin and in the province of Mark.
A pretext of action was only waited for. This
was found in the action of the Prussian Assembly
for the abolition of royalty " by the grace of
God,'' aud the xulwt.itution of that ' by the grace
of the people,'' and for the abolition of all the
privileges of the nobility. The formation of the
llrandenburg ministry, the dissolution of the Assembly,
the abolition of the Burgher Guard, and
the proclamation of the state of siege, followed
immediately. On the 5lh of December, the King
published his plan of a Constitution.
While the bourgeoisie submitted to the violence
of the Government, in the hope that with tranquillity
would come commerce, n rise in stocks
and in rents, thcpcople retained its sense of right
iuiu us priuuipit-s. 11 uHti iuhi uu coiinucDce id tt
Government which hn<] so often deceived it,
and felt that on itself depended the building up
of its liberties.
In Antli\n, both the revolution and the counterrevolution
had a different foundation, a different
object, and different means.
In the rest of Germany, the object of the revolution
was to melt different States into one; in
Austria, it was to procure political independence
for different nationalities in one State. In the
rest of Germany, the counter-revolution reposed
on the interests of the different dynasties, as opposed
to those of the nation ; in Austria, on the unity
of the Government, and the differences and jealousies
between the various nationalities. The
promises made by the A ustrinn Government were
never sincere, hut intended to be broken.
The flight of the Kmperor Ferdinand to Innsbruck
was the first attempt of the connter-r*volution.
This appeal to the provinces was not successful.
for the tire of the revolution burnt hrinrht- a
, ly all over the country. The Government then
sought to become mutter of a Hingle point, and
directed all its energies against Italy, which, from
various causes, did not possess the sympathies of
the rest of Austria.
in the mean time, no opposition was made to the
Democracy in Vienna, and the most liberal con
cessions of legislative and administrative independence,
as well as of the incorporation of Croatia
and Transylvania, were made to the Hungarians
Their enemy, Jellachich, wnR, June 10th,
deprived of all bis offices and dignities, and the
slaves in Bohemia had been suppressed by force
of arms.
The Austrian Government was not yet decided
whether to repose on the Maygnr-Germanic or
on the Sclavonic nationality. This hesitation
continued until the 22d of July, when the large
number of Sehrvcsat the Imperial Diet, and their
readiness to serve the purposes of the Govern
ment, induced it to embrace their party. Jellachich
was permitted to make his preparations of
war. and on the 20th of September, the ministry
published a proclamation against Hungary, revoking
all previous concessions.
The danger for the Gertntns and Magyars
caused them to enter at once into a tacit alliance
against the Government The assassination of
the Austrian Commissioner, Count Lamberg, the
appointment of Jellachich as Dictator of Hungary,
the dissolution of the Hungarian Diet, and
he declaration of the nullity of all their proceed
ings, lighted up the flames of war, not only in
Hungary but in Vienna. The insurrection of
Vienna commenced on the Oth of October, and
the veteran armies of Jellaehieh and Windischgratz
moved against that devoted city. Vienna
made a heroic defence, hut Hungarian nid appeared
too late, and when the Austrian capital w 4s
bleeding under the sword of . the Fzeqnes and
Oroates. The counter-revolution multiplied its
terrors in Vienna and in Italy, and, feeling now
secure, insulted the Imperial Commissioners and ;
put to death the pa'riot, llohert Blum.
As the weak and irresolute Emperor Ferdinand
considered himself hound by his promises, the
Court party persuaded him to abdicate in favor
of his nephew, Francis Joseph, the son of the intriguing
Archduchess Sophia. This young EraperoT
mounted the throne on the 2d of December,
and firmed the ministry of Sch w.artzenhurg and
Stadion for the prosecution of the counter-revolution.
Hungary had recognised neither the last ordinances
of the Emperor Ferdinand nor the accession
of Franc's Joseph. In the last month of
the year the war against this noble nation
had been commenced. The armies of Jellschich
and Windischgratz had already, before the beginning
of the year Is lit, (>ccupied a considerable
part of the country. It seemed probable that the
Magyars would be shortly subdued.and the Austrian
Government sj'ain in the enjoyment of its
power.
The above is a sketch of the position of affairs
in Europe at the beginning of the year 1819.
Tl.n I I V.
Hr wmiiMTTCTiiiuuun iinu rTirywucrc urguii,
nn I had made such advances that already it seemed
certain of the victory; the power of the revoIution
was everywhere broken?here, by n desperate
combat, and there, as it appeared, without
any opposition. But the victory on the one aide,
and the defeat on the other, were only apparent,
for the principles of the revolution of 1848 had
sunk deep in the hearts of the people, and the
counter-revolution found no basis on which to
reerect former political fabrics, or even new ones
Some States of Europe had Almost entirely escaped
the general mmmotion. England h*d seem
ed to have no sympathy with the popular con
quests of the year is js ; she looked with distrust
on the strivings in Germany after unity and freedom,
favored Denmark in the Schleswig war, nnd
gave a deceptive support to the Sicilians, proba
hly in furtherance of her own material interests
llussia suppressed its antipathies against the
revolution, and seemed disinclined to exert its
strength in any foreign war. At last, when the
insurrections in the principalit cs of the Danube
brought the revolution to her very borders, she
interfered with Turkey for its suppression, declaring,
however, solemnly, its indention to preserve,
in every other^ontest, the strictest neutrality.
No attempt at insurrection had been mads
in Russian Poland.
8paia and Portugal had remained almost undisturbed
by the revolution. Belgium and Holland
had revised their Constitution! in a literal sense,
and Deo mark became a constitutional monarchy,
in HweJen, important reforms had been introduced.
In our next wa shall resume the history of the.
Kuropeau revolution at this point, nnd attempt to
eoatiane it to the end of the year 1S49, thus giv- I
a connected view of the w hole poller of the 4
European Governments W- B.
J