The national era. [volume], February 21, 1850, Image 2

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the United St Ate*. and ought to be resisted st ?tIry
hazard, sod to any extremity.
101 m> JBmiW. That the Governor be requested to
^^^vtypoint ? number of delegates to meet at Nashville
in Southern convention, in June next
jFhe national era.
WASHINGTON. FEBRUARY 21. 1$:>0
Cf Debates iv Congress.?We hare no room
this week for notices of the speeches of Messrs
Fitch. Root, and Mann, iu reply to the numerous
speeches in support of the claims of Slavery. We
shall attend to them in our next.
D" The Cmsts? May we not ask our friends
torciew their exertion for the extension of the
circulation of the Era in this important crisis.
Never bcfsre w is it so vital to have the Public
correctly ami fully informed of the movements in
Coulees. Of the four political pipers issued in
this place, the L a is the ODly one which presents
and advocates the views and claims of the nonslaveholders
of the country on this great question
of Slavery.
Vr No. or the Exx.?Those subscribers
who do not file their Era, and have copies of No.
Hi on hand, will confer a fovor by remailing
them to this office.
NOTICE TO THE HBL1C.
xjt.. ,? rxr -/ ii/i/i."??
Woodwth, dictated, in now petltiouiiig Congress to extend
hU Pa'tnt for a Planing Mae'in* tor another long term.
AH thoM oupeaeO to tb>e Monopoly, and the injustice ot the
JtEPlJL TXD EXTZSlUQtSS 'f th?t Puttnt* a re re(neeted
to fur ard th?ir rau?>n?trance? against the same to
the r respective Sena; r? and Represebtatives In Congress,
srttbout any deal/. Feb. 14?3t
DEBATE IN THE SENATE ON THE 11TII.
THE RIGHT OF PFIITIOW-TIIE DISSOLUTION
OF THE UNION.
We present on our fourih page some account of
the Debate in the Senate on the 11th of February,
on the question of receiving a petition offered by
Mr Hale on a former day, in relation to a desolation
of the Union. The petition set forth th&t
the Federal Constitution, in sqpporting Slavery,
violated the Divine law; that the experiment of
uniting Slavery and Freedom under one Government
had failed ; and closed by respectfully asking
"Congress to propose, without delay, some
plan for the imuiedi do and peaceful dissolution
of the American Union"'
The petition was respectful in its hngunge and j
tone. The. signers to it did not ask Congress to
Tihwl** - * '/"p* fn'
dissolution, evidently under the impression that
such a movement was within its constitutional
powers. Is this impression correct?
Awi/vll* t\f fKft pAnfllihltiAn v.rAui.lnu o a
?v ?W- r<v<?n> <?
* follow?:
" Congress?, whenever two-thirds of either
House shall deem it necessary, shall propose
amendments to this Constitution ; or. on the application
of the Legislatures of two-thirds of the
several States, shall call a Convention for proposing
amendments, which in either case shall be \
valid to all intents and purposes, as parts of this
Constitution, when ratified by the Legislatuies of
three-fourths of the several States, or by Conventions
in three-fourths thereof, as the one or
the other mode of ratification ini?y be proposed
by Congress; provided that no amendments
which may be made prior to the year 1608 shall
in any manner affect the first and fourth clauses
in the ninth section of the first article ; and that
no State, wi'hout its consent, shall be deprived of
its equal suffrage in the Senate."
The signers to this petition have doubtless noticed
that in the proceedings of Legislative bodies
it is common for a member to move to amend a
bill or resolution, by striking out all after the enacting
clause, or the word molved, and inserting
athibstituto; nnd, observing that, by the Constitution,
Congress, by a majority of two-thirds in
each House, is empowered to propose amendments
th*re?'i, they may have inferred that it could pro?
po?!\ to amend by submitting a substitute, con
temphting, for cxujpple, the formation of two
separate Unions.
No Senator adverted to this possibility ; none
seemed to think of inquiring how far Congress
could go in proposing amendments. All who opposed
the reception of the petition assumed that
it prayed Congress to abolish th' Union?a thing
so manifestly and wholly beyond its power, that
it was right to reject the paper at once. This
was the assumption made by Messrs. Davis and
Webster of Massachusetts?an assumption utterly
groundless, as the petition nsk?d simply that
Congress would propose a plan of dissolution. Is
this manifestly and wholly beyond its power?
It is a question with two sidee?it admits of argument.
The language of the article respecting
amendments, quoted above, raises a presumption,
at least, that Congress, by the requisite majorities,
is competent to submit such a proposition.
What, then, was the dictate of common
sense, in relation to the petition ? To receive it;
and, jf no disposition prevailed to aot upon it in
any way, to lay it upon the table; but, if otherwise,
to refer it to an appropriate committee, with
suitable instructions. Should the Senate decide
that it hud not the power to execute the request
of the petition, tlat decision would bo a good
reason for denying the prayer, but uo reason at
all for refusing to receive the petition.
Could we be surprised at any notions put forth
in Congresa, we should be surprised at the notions
of several learned Senators concerning the
Right of Petition. Judge Uuderwood defined two
imitations, as he called them, upon this right?
1st, Want of power in the body petitioned; v'd,
Exemption of the persons petitioning from the
operation of the exercise of power jetitioned for.
Where Congress had uo right to grant tho prayer
of n petition, it ought not to receive it; nor ought
it to receive u petition praying for action or nonaction,
where neither could affect the petitioners!
On one or the other of these grounds he would
refuse to receive nearly all the petitions touching
the Slavery Uuestion. For example, he would
reject one, pruyiug the abolition of the interState
slave trade, in consequence of n want of
power to uct on that subject; and another, pruying
the abolition of slavery in the District of
Colombia, because such abolition could in no
way affect the petitioners residing out of tho District.
These would be reasons to urge against grunting
the praytr of a petition, but no reasons at
all for ^fusing to hear it. To i'/usc to htar. is a
violation or abridgement of the right of petition)
and is not demanded by the rights or dignity of
Congress. To nfu<e to grunt, after hearing, is no
invasion of the right of petition, is a sufficient
safeguard of the rights and dignity of Congress,
nnd of the provisions of the Constitution The
examples referred to show tho unreasonableness
of any such limitation, limitations unknown to
?? ! nnwaw VArtAflrnidAi) Ku unit
1U?" VvVJIlM llUllOUj nuu Ut IU IVVV^I.IBVU *.,J ,m*Mj
Government. In regard to the inter-State slave
trade, Publie Opinion is not settled. It is a subject
admitting of apparently strong arguments
for and agaiust. M r. Uuderwood doubtlese denies
the power, hut it would cost him an elahorato argument
to demonstrate that it does not exist.
Then as to Slavery in the District of Columbia
its abolition, (he slaveholders of the States
say, would be a blow at the stability of their peculiar
institution: although not citizens here
their rights, they insist, would be indirectly damaged.
Oa tie other hand, the People of the
North say, that as Slavery exists in this District
by art of Congress, a Congress in which they are
represented, they ;.ro involved in the legislative
suppoit of what they believe to be wrong Besides,
they ??y the existence of Slavery here
gives an undue advantage to the supporters of
Slavery, annoys tho Representatives from the
free States, and fetters their freedom. For theee
aud other reasons tbey Insist upon its abolition,
asserting that it would exert a most favorable influence
on their lights and interests.
Now, hero are conflicting demands, conflicting
interests?hut Mr Underwood, without paying
the least attention to them, says that petitions
Concerning Slavery iu the District from citizens
^ THE
beyond ita limits ought not to be revived, because
the existence or abolition of Slavery here nffects
nobody but tkosf hnng here t
Member* of Coagnse are bat agents of the People.
Their portion does not relets* them from
the obligation of giving reasons for their netsNothing
is more common than differences of opinion
in relation to the powers conferred by the
Federal Constitution. These differences are legitimate
subjects of discussion. Iiecause I hold
One view of the C!nn?titiilinii I kuva nn *iwh? In
refuse & hearing to an opposite view, respectfully
presented. Senators and Representatives are not
above the People. When respectable citizens sub- :
mit to them a petition, the presumption is that
they believe their request reasonable, and believe
that Congress has power to grant what they pray
for. Senators and Representatives may hold a different
opinion?but this is no reason forrefvswg to
>ntertum the petition. If they may refuse to reee've
| it because they believe they have no power to
grant its prayer, they may do the same thing, because
they regard the prayer unreasonable or ini
expedient. Refusal to receive in the latter case
would be no greater abridgement of the right
of petition, than it would be in the former. The
right of petition on one side presupposes the duty
of receiving on the other. A Senator believes
the thing asked for, improper?the petitioner bc1
lieves it proper. Very well; let the former first
he.ir, then consider, and then state to the petitioner
why he declines to grant his prayer. Senaim
s believe th?* V-* ">.?? >? Jo a certain
act; certain petitioners, believing that they
have, ask them to do it. What is the plain duty
of the former ? *To hear, to consider, and then to
' state to the petitioner their decision, with the
reasons therefor.
We know that snoh is the opinion of the great
majority of the American PtMjple. Such was the
view of John Quincy Adams, which, through
many }enrs or toil ana persecution, ueconunuaiiy
urged upon the House of Representatives, until at
last he procured the abrogation of the twenty-first
rule, and reestablished, so far as that branch of
the National Legislature was concerned, the right
of petition.
Against this view, the Senate of the United
States, three members alone excepted, has planted
itself. It has assumed authority to abridge the
right of petition. Messrs. Davis and Wkbster,
Senators from a State, whose most intrepid son
won the warm sympathies of the world by his het
roic struggle for the restoration of this sacred
right, now pour contempt upon his memory, by
virtually charging him with folly. For, if a legislative
body may refuse to consider, to hear, to
cecwsve petitions from the People, because it
XmllAt -v dMfrUUlu VllUVUI. vual it
has no power to grant their prayer, we should like
to know what John Quincy Adams contended
for?
We hope the People will observe the position
of these gentlemen, and of the other Senators
from the free States. They do not want a Dissolution
of the Union, but they know that the best
way to strengthen the popular feeling against it,
is to observe scrupulously, sacredly, all the guaranties
of rights in the Constitution. They may
doubt whether Congress has the right to propose
any plan of Dissolution, and would regard with
abhorrence any attempt on its part to do so, but
in all this they will find reasons, not for refusing ]
to recive petitions on the subject, but for sternly re- j
jecting their prayer. They will recognise no au- t
tnoriiy in an American senate to Dreak down one l
part of the Constitution on the pretext of preserving
integrity of the whole. '
^ v
THE SOUTHERN CONVENTION.
The project of a Southern Convention fails to v
command the unanimous support of the South. 8
The R chmontl (Va) \Vhii( is evidently hostile to
it, but acquiesces in the modified report of the 8
committee on the subject in the Virginia Legislature,
which merely recommends the appoint- a
meat of delegates by the People, t?n<i tloee net pro- ''
pose to clothe them with any authority. 11
The Rame paper says that the press of all par- *
ties in Western Virginia is out agaiust the move- 8
ment. 8
The Ralngh (N, C ) R'gister asks?
" What, then, is the Convention to be called
for ! Why do not the individuals who are pressing
the movement tell us what is the object? Until
satisfied on this point, the State should hesitate
a long time before committing itself, by the
hands of a few men, to abide whatsoever cours* they
may think prop'r to crtaptn
The Greensborough (N. C.) Patriot Buys?
' If dissolution is not aimed at, we do not clearly
sec the necessity for the Convention. It could
effect no more perfect unanimity of sentiment
than exists at present, and could not express Southern
sentiment more strongly than it has already '
IKTU uuuc vj iuv Ljrgiamiuica ui muni ui iuc |
Southern States. I
" If dissolution is the object of the Convention,
we Bubntit that the State of North Carolina will
hardly he committed to the project by a set of 1
irresponsible delegates. They must be clothed (
with more authority and go under more solemn j
sanctions than can be conferred by the usual
hasty process of court-house and cross-roads
meetings "
The National Intelligencer, which is laboring
manfully for the preservation of the Union, contains.
in its edition of the Jtith, extracts from
twenty-three prominent Southern newspapers,
in Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, Georgia,
Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi, Tennessee.
Kentucky, and Missouri, expressing the most de.
voted attachment to the Union, and hostility to
all projects of Disunion. From our own exchanges
in the South we could add many more.
For one, we shall not condemn in advance the
Southern Convention. It will be time enough to ^
denounce it as treasonous, when it shall have committed
some overt act. That the People of any
section of the country have a perfect right to
meet in Convention to consult upon their supposed
grievances, and the appropriate remedies for
them, no tnao in his senses will deny. And we
have 110 objection that such Convention should
calculate the value of the Union. Americans are
a calculating People. We know nothing so sacred
that it should command our blind veneration.
The Union we would cherish, not as an end, but a
means?a means for the establishment of Justice,
Peace, Trau<|uillity, for the extension and preservation
of Free Institutions. Fatting in these
respects, it would be worthless. We do not believe
it has thus failed?it has subserved these
high ends, imperfectly it may be, but yet better
than nuy other political organization that could
have been formed in this country ; and we hope
that it will be reudcred still more ePicacious for
the accomplishment of these noble purposes. This
is our calculation. Were it not so, did we believe
with certain citizens of the North that it was subversive
of Justice and Liberty, or with certain
citizens of the South that it was used as a mere
instrument for the aggrandizement of Cue section
at the expense of another, an 1 the overthrow of
State rights, we should be a Disunionist in principle,
and stand prepnred to avow and defend our
convictions.
Let the value of the Union be calculated?we
have no fear of the result. Let the Southern
Convention be held?let the wisest and best cititens
of the South meet to take into consideration
the question whether the substantial interests of
that section and of the whole country can be
promoted by a dissolution of the compact that now
[ binds the States in one Republic. Let them caloulutc
the vulue of the Union, and the consequences
of Disunion. A committee of the ablest
men of the South might be constituted to inquire
into the relations of the Union, to
The Growth of Clvilizition on this Continent
The Power nnd Wealth of the Republic.
Its exemption from Foreign intrigue and interference.
The Cause of Peace
The Cause of Free Trade.
The LslublLhmcut of Justice and Domestic
Tranquillity.
The Maintenance and Lxteusion of Free Institutions.
And also into the probable consequences of
Disunion in relation to 1
1 ?
: NATIONAL ERA, 1
Peace, Trade, Social connection between the
divided States.
Their Ability to resist Foreign Aggression.
The Amount and Cost and Results of the Military
Establishments that would then become necessary.
The augmentation of Executive Power at the
expense of Popular Sovereignty that would be
required in the new Governments.
The Disposition of the Territories of the
United States.
The Extradition of Fugitives from Service or
Labor.
The Permanence of Slavery.
The Question of the Navigation of the Mississippi
River.
And divers other important matters.
it might not be amiss to extend their inqoiries
a little farther, and ask, how the question of the
annexation of the Canad&s to the Northern Confederacy,
and its relations to the free British
West Indies, would be Hffected ; and how. ou the
other hand, an attempted annexation of Cnha by
the Southern Confederacy, without any naval
power, would be viewed by Great Britain.
We repeat, it would gratify us exceedingly to
see all these important Questions fully and candidly
exathined by a Committee of the ablest
Statesmen of the South, appointed by the Nashville
Convention. Their report, we have no
doubt, would do more to settle the agitation in
the South in regard to the Union, than indignant
Senatorial dennwief ions of the schemes of Dissolution.
and patriotic Senatorial rejections of petitions
for Dissolution.
The very best thing that can be done to perpetuate
the Union is, coolly and carefully to calculate
its value.
BLUNDERS.
Members of Congress do not always speak by
the book. We have sometimes wondered at the
coolness with which they make the most unfounded
statements.
Mr. Inge of Alabama, a few days since, while
speculating on the advantages to the South of a
dissolution of the Union, fell into several gross
mistake?. A few we shall advert to, as mere specimens
" Our exports," he says, "are now about double
those of the North."
The following table from official returns will
show the value of exports from the free States
and slave States in the year ending June 30th,
1818:
Dam. Product Far'n. Produce. TotalFree
States 556,727,716 519,1187,725 $76,115,441
?\ove States 76,176,4^ 1,744,590 77
la^rslatioa fc iLe An
iwn Bwiinns app nenrlv euual. As it reirards the
exports of domestic produce, more than two-fifths ,
is from the free States, less than three-fifths from 1
the slaveholding. What becomes of Mr. Inge's
statement, that the South exports double the j
amount exported by the North ?
Again: of the exports credited to the South
forty millions' worth is set down to the account i
of Louisiana; hut at least one-half of this comes !
from the free States of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, !
Wisconsin, and Iowa, a large portion of the pro- |
luce of which is sent to New Orleans for export- ,
ition ; so that the value of exports of domestic j
produce of the free States is really twenty millions
rreater than that of similar exports from the
davcholding States
The same enlightened gentleman also remarks.
' The Federal Government raises annually
rom imports more than thirty millions of dollars, !
ehich go into the National Treasury ; ami indiectly
an immense sum is levied upon the South,
or the benefit of Northern manufacturers. This !
evenue is expended chiefly in the North; and
rhile the South pays tribute to this Government. '
he is scarcely permitted to share in the largest"
In the first place, at, the North numbers
bout twelve millions of consumers, while the
louth numbers scarcely more than nine millions;
nd as two-thirds of the white people, who are by 1
?r the heaviest consumers, r?e?-fo in the North, it
* obvious that the North pays, relatively, the
arger portion of the burdens imposed in the
hape of customs. And in the second plnce. it is
iheer folly to assert that this revenue is expended
:hiefly in the North; for of the whole thirty
nillions, three millions are expeuded in support
if the various Departments of the Government in
Washington, nnd of the Diplomatic Intercourse
if the country; nearly twenty millions in the supjort
of the military and naval establishments;
ind three millions for miscellaneous objects, in
vhich the States are equally interested , while
he rest goes to the paymeut of the interest on
,he public debt, the most of which has been contacted
in the attempt to please the people of
Florida, by expelling the Indians, an 1 in the
prosecution of a war with Mexico, brought about
by Southern influences.
These are mere specimens of the reckless
Mntements which ure so common in the Halls of
?K<,f ikav tinvp eppjipil to excite the aur
OVUJItf-, J
prise of the experienced members of that body.
VIOLENT RESISTANCE THREATENED WITHIN
THE HALLS OF CONGRESS.
The threats of violent resistance to the passage
of any act, which the pro-slavery men nuy deem
unfavorable to their interests, is quite common
in the I [alls of Congress.
Mr. Davis of Mississippi thought it best, if
Northern men persisted in their policy, that the
inflict should begin " here anil now "?that Is, in
>be Senate and House of Representatives.
Mr. Clingman, alluding to some suggestion
made as ho said in a Northern paper, that members
determined to disorganize the House should
be expelled, invited the Northern members to try
their hands at such a measure, admonished them
that this was slaveholding territory?uour own
territory "?and that such an attempt would not
leave n quorum to do business!
8ouie. other Southern member?we f.irg.t his
name?intimated that, in the event of a contlict,
in a few moments three hundred armed men
would make their appearance in the 11 til of the
House.
Mr. Inge of Alabama w is even more palpable.
Front the closing paragraph of his speech, delivered
the other day in the House, we extract the
following open invocation to civil war:
41 From this consideration alone, the present
admission of California would meet with determined
and unmeasured resistance. Will the representatives
of the North attempt, by the power of
numbers, to outrage the Constitution and degrade
the South by thp admission of this Territory hs a
State, without the offer of some equivalent ? I
suggest to them to remember that we are sworn
to support the Constitution, and could scarcely sit
i/i*c/v.ir>' imd tritnrit U t on, ,i and shunt'ful
violation Th? attempted consummation of such an
ac' would W the oV'rthrotr o?,tbr Constitution, which
tht jwoplt if' represent would resist byforc of arms. We
arc h're as the representatives of the po)d>, hut are
our obligations to the Constitution und the South
less than those of other individual citizens, who, in
the afstriate, are the juoplt f We assume athliI
tonal obligations when we come as rtpresrntativas ;
but are we relievedfrom those which res'nl upon us
as private citizens / My individual opinion is, that
if the South' rn jnople ought to resist a measure of aga
resston, after its consummation, we h're are under
the sum' or a higher obligation to r>stst its consummation
These suggestions are made, not in the
nature of threats or menace. 1 do not underrate
the firmness of the North , as a mutter of discretion,
it is always proper to assume that your antagonist
is firm, even if the fact he doubtful Hut
th' course proper to be pursued in any and every event
is for the determination of South-in members. I am
willing to suggest, and if my course i.t not approved,
to follow any path of honor n hu h may be pointed out
hy those who are older and wiser. 1 trust that ire shall
stand together as one man. and present our breasts as
the. shuld of the Constitution "
if this mean anything beyond mere bravado, it
is a direct call upon the Southern representatives
in the House, to rise up, nnd by brute farce prei-nt
the majority of that body from voting in obedience to
their convictions of duty.
We are far from believing that Southern representative*
generally sympathise with these brutal
threats, but they should manifest their abhorrence
of them otherwise than by ailenoe. Every
Northern man of any spirit must regard such
menaces with utter contempt. There will always
- - - ?-- ------ - - WASHINGTON,
D. C.,
be reasonable min enough in Congress from both
seotions, to take proper care of those who should
attempt to regulate its deliberations by the BowieKnife.
THE CO.VPROUISE OF !HR. CLAY,
The compromise resolutions of Mr/ Clay are
generally repudiated by the Whig press. His
motives are commended, his courage, patriotism,
and ability, are admired, but his plan finds
scarcely any favor. The Whig papers of
Ohio are nearly all decided in their condemnation
of it. The Ohio Siult Journal of Columbus,
says:
"The resolutions of Mr Clay are producing a
profound impression on the public mind. 1 hey
will be read with interest throughout the length
and breadth of this land. There can be no mistake
about their reception in Ohio. With all
their regard for Mr. Clay, with all their admiration
for his splendid career as a statesman, and
his long and valuable services as a Whig, our
citizens do not endorse the sentiments of his resolutions.
They sty this 'more in sorrow than in
anger;' but say it they must, though it severs
ties long existing and dearly cherished."'
Preceding these remarks, says the Cincinnati
Un 2 fit t:
"We find a call for a public meeting of the
W higs of Franklin county, and of the State, to be
held at Columbus, on Monday evening next, 'for
the purpose ofobtaining an interchange of opinion,
and an expression of sentiment in reference to the
present and proposed action of Congress on the
subject of slavery, and especially in reference to
J the resolutions rocai')f introduced hv Mr Clay
i on that subject in the Senate of the United States;
; to utter the Toice of the people of Ohio, at this
important crisis' "
That i? right --The people o.C .free .State*
have been reposing quietly, iu the belief that
their representatives in Congress would carry
out their oft-expressed determination on this
question. Now, that they see some of them
giving way, and others entertaining insidious
plans of compromise, they will gird themselves
again for the conflict. Cra^gn-hearted representatives
may waver, but the people who sent :
them here have do fear of shareholding and i
disunion conventions. We do not believe that
they will abandon the ground they have taken,
whatever the consequences may be.
It can be no degradation to the South, to
preserve by act of CoDgecss freedom in free
Territories. It will be an infamy to the North)
should they suffer free to be converted into
[ slave Territory. It can be no degradation to
the South to apply the Jefferson Ordinance of
1787 to Free Soil; it will be a perpetual degradation
to the North, should it suffer itself to be
driven hv intimidation to an abandonment of the
Ordinance.
GENERAL CASS AND THE RIGHT OF PETITION.
We hope our readers will pay some attention
to the report of the debate in the Senate on the
Hight of Petition, published on our fourth pageThe
coarse of General Cuss is grossly inconsistent.
On the 6th, an account of the proceedings
of a-meeting in North Carolina, remonstrating 1
against action by the United States designed to '
limit slavery, and threatening disunion in a cer- J
tuin contingency, was presented by Mr. Mangum. j
The usage of the Senate has been, to raise the j
question of reception on all papers touching the
question of slavery, except where emanating from j
State Legislatures, and to lay that question upon
the table. Among the most rigid in the observance
of the usage is General Cass Mr. 1 lale, although
opposed to the usage, deemed the occasion offered (
by the presentation of these proceedings a fit one f
for testing the impartiality of the Senate towards t
North and South, and accordingly raised the jquestion
of reception, and moved to lay that ^
question on the table. The motion was lost, t
Messrs. Douglas and Bradbury alone voting for
it. General Cass, go prompt in voting against all t
petitions, memorials, or remonstrances, on the t
subject, coming front.the free States, with his p
accustomed reverence for the South, voted to^ j,
receive these proceeding* from worth Carolina # t
The very next d?y Mr. Hale presented the t
report of the proceedings of an association of 8
Friends, in Philadelphia, containing the follow- c
ing prayer
"We however ask you, possessing, as you do,
the legislative power, to prevent the increase of
this dreadful evil, by the non-admission of new
States into the Union, or the non-erection of new
Territories whose constitutions or organic laws <
do not contain express prohibitions to the estab- ]
lishtnent or the coutinuance of slavery within
their limits."
Here was a petition asking the Senate not to ,
act in any way for the extension of slavery. ,
The question of reception was raised, and on the
motion to lay that question on the table, General
Cass voted ym. \
Thus, one day he votes to receive the proceedings
of a .North Carolina meeting, praying Congress
not to act against the extension of slavery,
and the next day he votes against receiving the
proceedings of a Philadelphia meeting, praying
Congress not to act for the extension of slavery. ,
A very consistent fair-minded, impartial states- ,
man, is he not I
Mr. Hale thus exposed this gross inconsistency: ,
I lit1 IlUDOrllUie onim-Wj ?" lUU uiatuuiiu.iimu (
which he applies to papers to be received by the , .
Senate, says, if they ask that which we have palpably
no power to graut, they should not be received
; but he says, if any of the citu >ns of this i
couutry apprehend actiou on the part of Congress j
which they think will be dangerous and detri- ,
mental, they have a right to remonstrate against
that action, and we are bound to receive that remonstrance.
How frail, sir, is human memory!
On Thursday last, 1 had the honor to present
precisely such a paper aa that to this body?the
remonstrance of some members of the association
of Friends?coming here, and not asking for any
action on the part of Congress, but simply, in the '
words of the honorable Senator from Michigan, t
remonstrating against action which they antici- t
pated?the admission of any more slave States, or
the extension of slavery intolhe Territories.
" Mr Cuss. The object of that petition was to '
induce Congress not to admit any new States into i
' the Union without a prohibition of slnvery I
"Mr.llale. No, sir, that was not it. Itwasa (
petition against action, and comes within the definition
laid down by the honorable Seuator from 1
Michigan. 1 appeal to every Senator who hears f
me, if that is not the case? It is a difference of i
words between us; but I ask the common sense (
understanding of the whole people if it is not ?
" Mr. Cass. Was not the object to prevent
California, or way ether naw State, from being '
admitted into the Union without such a prohibi- ]
tinn ? It DMA ask i no us to do what we ennlil nnt
do?that is all. 1 have not another word to say.
' Mr Hale. It was remonstrating against no- [
tion."
There was another rule Central Cass laid ; <
down, which he coolly disregarded in practice 1
In his speech he said?
" If we have no power to grant the prayer of
the petition, why should such a petition be received?
And our time thus prefitlessly spent
might be devoted to useful and national purposes. '
I am not speaking, sir, of a doubtful question?of <
petitions for incisures of doubtful validity and ,
abrnt which reasonable tnen may differ, an i do
differ. These should be respectfully received and
considered Ilut I speak of applications for the 1
exercise of powers which we have clearly and un
deuiably no right to assume?like this for the
dissolution of the Union, or for the annihilation ,
of a St ate of this Confederacy."
Pit awns for matures of doubtful validity ought <
he says, to ht: r> spttctfully rtcivrd and considrrtd
The petition, the question of reception of which
he voted to lay on the table, asked Congress not
to admit any State, or erect any Territory, whose
organic law did not exclude slavery. The great
majority of the people of this country believes in
the validly of suoh non-action a minority denies
it. Even some of the minority hold that Congress
have the (tower to admit new State# or refuse
them udmig.-ion. at Us discrttion. The first resolution
of the seriea submitted by Mr. Foote, is as
follows
"1. Rcsolrtd, That Congress possesses, undeg
the Constitution, full ami 'lelusm pourtr to admit or
rt/'usf to admit nme Statu into lh* ( aioa, of i/i own
ducntiOH, whieh discretion, though, ought in no
case to be exercised arbitrarily, unjustly, or to
the injury of any of the sovertdgn member# of the
Confederacy, or to the injury or disparagement of
any of their reserved rights '
In view of theee considerations the non-action
prayed for by the petition, being held valid by a
FEBRUARY 21, 18?
' it
majority of the people, and invalid by a minority,
must be regarded by General'Case ae coming
within the oategory of measures defined by him to
be of doubtful or questionable validity. And,
therefore, on hie own principle, he was bound respectfully
to receive and consider the petition.
But the remark of Mr Hale, in relation to the
Senate generally, appliee with special forc^ to
General Cass " the usage is to receive everything
from the South, and reject everything from the
North, without asking the nature of it."
m
* for the National Kra.
SABBATH I0RXIM.
BY MISS PHiXBR CARRY.
Another Sabbath o'er the earth
Come* softly down from Eden's bower*
And tn my spirit I can feel
The hallowed influence of its hour*.
Ami now this earnest prayer goes up,
That on my lips should ever be?
II ttih* i #li*f I mtirht sirs, to-dav.
My heart, and life, and soul, to thee 1
1, that by prayerful love was brought
Almost the fold of life within,
And from a Saviour's pleading arius
Went backward to a world of sinWent
back-to fsel a deeper shame,
A threatened reckoning, yet more dread,
Kur all the alighted prayer* and tears
Pound out upon my guilty head.
Vet, l-ord, thy cup of vengeance stay,
Hold yet the uplifted hand divine,
Till, by repentance at the croas,
My stubborn will is bent to thine.
lirant that thy trembling steps may be
?s?t ?< ?,)? vn 0," if<? a o/ Ki^ht ,
Before tby striving Spirit takes
Ita upward, everlasting flight.
I fain would bold the angel fast,
Nor still without his blessing go,
Since the sweet mercy offered now
May be the latest sent below.
^j^^And should this earthly Sabbath be
The last my dying soul may keep,
O, shall another dawn for me,
When the summons breaks my sleep!
HEARING FROli THEIR CONSTITl'KNTS.
We published a few weeks ago extracts from
newspapers in the districts of Messrs. Duer and
Clarke, rebuking them for their votes to lay the
resolution of Mr. Root on the table, when it was
first introduced.
Mr. Gilmore of Pennsylvania, who pursued a
similar course, is thus noticed in the Blairsville
(Pa.) Apilachian of January 23d
OUR REPRESENTATIVE IN CONGRESS.
Messrs. K'litors of tkt Ajxiluchuin :
.v..J8f '""t l-'ea that Mr. Gil
more, the Representative in Congress from th^ts i
district, has proved recreant to Democratic principles
and his pledge to the Free Soil men of the
district. He voted with the South to lay Mr
Root's resolution on the table?it beingatcst vote
on the Wilmot Proviso As you have, supported 1
bim and assisted in getting him elected, I think it
your duty to call on him for an explanation of his j
vote on this occasion. He certainly could not have |
t>een elected in this district if we had known that
ue was opposed to the Wilmot Proviso being apjlied
to our free Territories ; and I call upon you 1
is honest meu to let the Democracy of this dis- ]
rict see how Gilmore votes?how he fulfils his
)ledge.
Alexander Irvin took the Southern hook when ,
here was a good fat bait on it, but Gilmore has
aken the hook without any bait. A. I
The editor of the Apalachwn remarks? 1
Mr. Gilraore's vote in this case, taken in con- '
lection with his answer to the interrogatories of i
he Free Soil committee, when he was a candidate (
or Congress, places him in an unenviable posi- ,
ion. Justice to himself, as well as bis constitunts,
would seem to require some explanation of
lis reasons for casting a vote so much at variance I
nth the views he expressed previous to the elecion."
I
The explanation, we presume, is to be found in <
be fuct, that Mr. Buchanan, who wishes to be 1
t
he next Presidential candidate of the Democratic j
arty, and is looking to slaveholders for success, (
as been here for several weeka, o?wUi-B - i
ernal supervision over the Pennsylvania delega- J
ion, striving, we suppose, to persuade them to
mpport his favorite compromise?the extension j
if the Misoouri line of 30? 3W to the Pacific.
POLITICAL CONVENTIONS IN CONNECTICUT.
The Free Soil men of Connccticdt, at their recent
State Convention, put in nomination the fol- 1
owing ticket:
For Governor, John Boyd; Lieutenant Governor,
Julius Clarke; Secr^ary, Joseph W. i
White; Treasurer, George Reed; Comptroller, 1
William Alexander.
The Old Line Democrats held their Conven
ion at Middletown yesterday week, and nominated
the following ticket:
For Governor, Thomas II. Seymour , Lieutenmt
Governor, Charles H. Pond; Secretary, Hi am
Weed ; Treasurer, Henry D. Smith ; Comprollor,
Rul'ua G. Pinney.
The Democrats at the last election carried the
State* by.adopting substantially the creed of the
llutl'alo platform. They have gone back this time
:o the "beggarly elements'' of old Hunkerism.
Fhcir Convention last week refused to give any
siiprcssiun of opinion at all on the Slavery Quesion!
The Whig Convention was to be held yesterlay.
We doubt not that it will take strong
tround on the subject of slavery, and the result
vill be the overthrow of the Democratic party.
Or, rather, their candidates for Congress
MASS CONVENTION IN MASSACHUSETTS.
The Free Soil members of the Legislature of
Massachusetts and other leading men of the pary
have issued a call for a State Mass Convenion,
to be holden at Faneuil Hall, Wednesday,
he 27th of February, at 11 o'clock, A. M. The
eason assigned for this gathering of the People
s, the peril in which the cause of Freedom is
ilaced through the faltering of the Whig and
Democratic parties. Nothing, they say, can "ar eat
the triumph of the slave propagandists and
lave the cause of liberty and humanity but the
" 9
nstant, prompt, and decisive action of the Pkoile
>f the free States."'
Massachusetts will not be alone. There will
> an uprising of the People in every Stale, ami
party organizations will be disregarded. Ohio is
ilready preparing for a similar demonstration,
tnd other States will not be slow to follow.
Traitors in Congress may prove false to their
. onstituents, but speedy retribution will overtake
.hem
THE WHIGS OF OHIO.
The indications are that the Whigs of Ohio
bave determined to carry that State at the next
election by adopting the faith of the Frce-Soilers;
tnd the false position in which the Democracy of
Ohio has been placed by its Convention of January
Sth will aid them greatly in this policy.
The Whig meeting at Columbia, on the 4th,
was called under the auspices of the leading politicians
of the party, and was doubtless intended i
to give an impulse to the party throughout the
State. Mr. Auditor Woods addressed the meet- 1
ing in a long speech, the character of which may
be inferred from the following account of it by
the Columbus correspondent of the Western Reserve
Chronicle:
' He began his speech by saying the crinix had
com'. Every m.'n out; hi to act. not for party merely,
bin for principle. He said he disapproved utterly
and entirely with the non-interi^ntion doctrine
AVOWED BY THE PRESIDENT. He could
not submit to the doctrine, that the President
ought to govern the vast Territories of this Union,
through his military power instead of the civil. !
Mr. Woods wanted Territorial Governments, so
that the true prinoiple of the Constitution of the
United States may be applied. That the military
should always in time of peace he tvhotdtnnie to
the cniJ power. He said the President's recommendation
to Congress, in his message, looked to
a SUBVERSION of that great principle. Mr.
Woods said he had labored for the election of
General Taylor, and cherished a devotion to and
admiration for lleary Clay as profound ss any
man, bat, thank God, (said Mr. Woods,) I am free
to orrosi rots on these questions, so vital, and
r I*
>o.
/a/ar aAaw prfrry principles of party. lie DE- j
M ANDED, In the language of the Whijyesolu- I
tions of 1848, that the territory be free, and that
civil and military Governments be ]Arided for
them. That the prinoiples of the OraTnance be
at onoe adopted, and the slave trade, inter-Stotc !
and in the District, be at once abolished. Such
(said Mr. Woods) are the sentiments of the peoof
Ohio; and they were emphatically his own, 1
and he wished to act upon them as indispensable
principles."
The resolutions adopted were iu accordant*? '
with these sentiments, and in direct opposition to I
both to the policy of the President and that of (
Henry Clay.
BIT1UNAX vs. WILM6T.
Mr. Buchanan and his creatures are laboring |
hard to overthrow Mr. Wilmot, whom they seem
to regard as the most formidable obstacle to the
hopes of that Presidential aspirant in Pennsylvania.
They have succeeded thus far in getting upj
a few pro-slavery meetings in that State, and in j
arresting the action of its Legislature on the Slavery
Question ; but, Wilmot still sits in the gate, i
and nothing can satisfy them till he shall be hung
as high as llaman intended to hang Mordecai the
Jew. Their hearts'desire will not be fulfilled;
Mr. Buchanan is in a fair way to put the rope j
round his own neck, but Wilmot was never made |
to be hung by traitors to the cause of Freedom !
His course inrelation to the election of Speaker j
aud Clerk, meets with the approbation of bis constituents,
who do not seem to have been greatly
moved by the maledictions of theamiable and forgiving
Fortey.
A County Convention of" the party " in Brad
pifil County W.IH bPJll fit J tTWAD'JA _O0 H)B .?ID. LO
elect delegates to the next Democrati<?State Convention,
when resolutions thoroughly approving
Mr. Wilmot's course and condemning his assailants
were passed by a vote of 46 to 5. The following
is one of them :
"4. Resolv.d, That the firmness with.which
the Hon. D. Wilmot adheres to the principles of
the Jeffersonian Ordinance, and the unflinching
boldness with which he advocates the preservation
of free Territories from the establishment
of slavery therein, justly entitles, him to the
thanks of the Democracy of this county, whase
views he reflects." %
NEW YORk.
The Empire State has at fast spoken through
her Legislature, all the arts of the Hunkers on
both sides having been utterly bafiied.
Tho following resolutions originated in th?
Senate, where they were amende^ on motion of
Mr. Stone, a Democratic Senator, and by the
votes of 14 out of 15 Democratic Senators, so as
to declare that Congress ought to relieve itself
from'all responsibility for sia/ery. This anienu-"
ment in the first resolution is indicated by being
placed in brackets.
They were then adopted, sent to the Assembly,"
and referred to a special committee, a majority of
which was composed of Democrats. This majority
reported, in place of them, a batch of miserable
resolutions, which soon found mates in resolutions
submitted by Mr. I)?k and Mr. Monroe,
tvho seemed anxious to have New York back out
from the position she had formerly taken. The
Whig minority of the committee through Mr
Raymond reported back the Senate resolutions.
The second of these was amended at the suggestion
of Mr. Root of Herkimer, so as to command
.he, support of himself and Mr. Green, two of the
three Democratic members of the special Comnittee.
This amendoymt, indicated by being en- |
dosed in brackets, adds to the force of the resolutions.
1
These resolutions, as amended, were adopted
i&st Thursday, as follows:
" RtsolwtL, (if the Assembly concur.) (That as 1
he Federal Constitution was formed and adopted <
jxpressly to secure the blessings of liberty to the I
jeople of the United States, and their posterity; .
hcrefore the Federal Government ought to reieve
itself from all responsibility for the exist- '
mce or continuance of slavery or the slave trade '
*berev?? ?? has the constitutional power oyer
hose subject,s ; J and our Senator* in OnngrenLaxe j
jereby i?Whrted, and our Representatives are
requested, tnvise their best efforts to procure the
passage of laws that will effectually and forever .
put an end to the slave trade in the District of 1
Columbia."
Yeas 74 ; nays 10?all of the nays, but 2, be- .
ing Democratic. i
" R'soh ed, (if the Assembly concur.) That the
determination indicated in the Governor's mes- ,
sages, and the resolutions of various slaveholding
States, and by the Representatives of such States 1
in Congress, to extend domestic slavery over the '
territory acquired by the late treaty of p^ace with
the Republic of Mexico, we feel bound to oppose i
by all constitutional means; |*nd conceding the
constitutional power of Congress to prohibit by ]
positive enactment the extension of slavery into t
free territory, our Senators in Congress and our <
Representatives are hereby requested and in- t
jtructed to use their best efforts to insert such
positive prohibition into uny law for the Government
of the Territories in Question."!
Yeas 70, nays 20?all of the nays Democrats,
but 2.
" Resolved, (if the Assembly concur,) That our
Senrttogs in Congress be instructed, and our Representatives
requested, to resist firmly and to the
itmost of their ability, and bysuch positive legisation
as may be necessary, the extension of hunan
slavery, or the jurisdiction of Texas over any
part of New Mexico." t
Yeas 67 ; nays 24?all of the nays Democrats, <
but 2. i
" Resolved, (if the Assembly concur.) That we f
have learned with great satisfaction that the people
of California have adopted a Constitution
ahich is entirely in accordance with the spirit of
free institutions of our country ; and our Senators
in Congress are hereby instructed, and our
Representatives requested, to aid in the passage
)f such laws as may be necessary to admit that
State into the Union." i
Only one negative, and that Democratic.
-"Resolved, (if the Assembly concur,) That the (
seople of this State are desirous of preserving in- (
riohte the Federal Union?and that they will i
itrenuously oppose all attempts, from whatever
lource they may emanate or under whatever pre- ,
ence they may be made, to etTect its dissolution."
No opposition. i
it d/;r the A wtemhlv concur ) That the I
Governor be requested to transmit a copy of the ,
Foregoing resolutions to each of the Senators and I
Ryirrsentatives of this State in Congress. I
No opposition.
It is hardly necessary to say that the Democrats j
voting in the negative were Cuss men.
The resolutions went back to the Senate, and
with the amendment, were concurred in?yeas <
',>6, nays 1.
So New York stands erect.
CRAVE CONSIDERATION.
' Had Mr. Clay, in so nobly tendering the 1
olive-branch, been authorized or enabled to speak '
for the South, his plan would have been entitled 1
to the gravt-at consideration on the side of the
North.''?A'en- York Trrktint. %
Recollect?"his plan"' proposes to pass more !
rigid laws for the reclamation of fugitives from
labor, though they arc already denied jnri/truil
and the habeai corjmr; to perpetuate slavery
!n the District of Columbia indefinitely; nml
to give Territorial Governments to New Mexico
und Deseret without the Wilmot Proviso?precisely
what the slaveholders have constantly
demanded, and the non-slaveholders as
constantly refused. Why, sir, this is the plan
which the South has proposed all along. Why
have you not taken it into your grave consideration
before? Perhaps you may say it differs in
this?that it recognises the fact that slavery does
not exist now in the Territories by law, and is
not likely to be introduced there No?this is
in the resolutions, but is not intended to he incorporated
in the bill. If the resolutions be adopted,
the declaration will amount to a mere expression
of opinion, as to the present condition of the
Territories, but will have no binding force
against the introduction of slavery. Let the expression
of the opinion, that slavery dots not txist
m ikt Ttrritorus by law, be inserted ia the prsemble
of m bill for the establishment of Tsilllsrtsl
Governments, with this addition?"and anmot txist
tkTnn savt by posutot lawthen the plan might
be worthy of the grave consideration the Trthmi i
talks of. _ (> 1
%
# * - A
VOL. IV.
Free Colored PicorLE ok Louisiana.?The
'laws of Louisiana reepecting the free people of
color are more liberal than in any other slaveholding
State, or some free States. They constitute
a class of citizens whom the law reoognises
and protects, aud whose social position is better
than that of free people of color in other sections.
i
The Netc Orleans Picayune of the 17th ultimo
contains the report of a case decided by the Supreme
Court of the State, which held that tbt-y
were competent witnesses in trials of white persons,
and also assigned the reason therefor, as
follows?Judge King delivering the opinion:
" Our legislation and jurisprudence upon this
subject differs materially from those of the sUve
^tates generally, in which the rule contended for
prevails. This difference of public polic yhas no
doubt arisen from the different condition of that
class of persons in this State. At the date of our
earliest legislation as a Territory, as well as ?t
the present day, free persons of oolor constituted
a numerous class, in some districts they are respectable
from their intelligence, industry, and
habits of good order. Many of them are highly
educated, and the instances are by no means rare
in which thov are larce Droocrtv holders Sn fo?
from beiDg in that degraded state which renders
them unworthy of belief, they are such persons
as courts and juries would not hesitate to believe
under oath. Moreover, this numerous class ig.
entitled to the protection of our laws, but that
protection wduld in many coses be illusory, and
the greatest offences against their persons and
property might be committed with impunity by
white persons, if the rule of exclusion contcndtd
for were recognised. They ore also included in
article 2.260 of our Civil Code as oompetent persons
to testify in civil matters.''
A Generous Sentiment.?At the late annual
meeting in this city of the American Colonization
Society, Robert Scott, of Virginia, made a speech,
which is reported in the African Repository for
February, and from which we extract the following
generous sentimeut. Mr. Scott is referring
to the Government of Liberia:
" I am very particular to announce that there
is a feature in that Government that marks it as
one of the highest degree of wisdom. It forbids
a white man a single foot of soil in Liberia, a* J
would forbid the black man a single foot of soil in the
United Slates. They have taken care to follow the
command of Htm mho corimuiuds all things."
That must be a new commandment communicated
by special revelation Jo Mr. Scott. We
think the old revelation is on this wise: that
uGod has made of one blood all meu to dwell
up?n all the face of the earth." The Supreme
Court of Louisiana, quoted above, holds very
different language from that of this peculiarly
benevvlent gentleman,
Whe? we denied that Mr. Chase was elec
tioneenng lor Mr. tsrown. ror tne apeaaersinp,
we said that the support of that candidate by the
Free Soil members did not meet with his concurrence.
A letter from Mr. Durkee, in the Wiieonsiit
Freeman, reminds us that we were partially
mistaken, as he did think it proper that the Dtmocratic
Free-Soilers should vote for him. That
he electioneered for him, however, is a gross
falsehood.
The Hamilton Cocnty Controversy.?The
Hamilton county controversy, which has driven
that most enlightened, sober-minded State of the
West to the verge of anarchy, was terminated on
the 1st iaataut, by the adoption by the Legislature
of s proviso to the apportionment law, as
follows:
" Provided, That nothing therein contained
shall be so construed as to impair any right, privileges,
or franchises, supposed to be acquired under
said provisions above repealed.''
Correction.?It seems that the True Democrat
of Cleveland, f om which we copied the address
>f the Summit and Medina delegates concerning
:he Columbus (0.) Convention, made* mistake in
printing it. The error was transferred to our
paper, and we are now asked by one of our Ohio
sxchangcs to correct it
The error wneisted in sUting thAt the following
two resolutions offer*! In ?n? ommnion
were stricken out:
" Resolved, That the services of William Allen,
in the councils of .the nation, entitle him to the
jonfidenceof the American Democracy: and
It* D.?^J I TL..* el ~ n AL:a .1 -
jxcduii r.u, x uai tuc i-zt-ujucragj ui \jiiiu urplore
his absence from the Senate of the United
States."
They were not stricken out, but substituted and
adopted in place of the following resolution, offered
by Mr. Bierce of Summit, which was stricken
lut by .a Tote of 147 to 120:
" Resolved, That we approve of the vote given
in the United States Senate, by our late Senator,
William Allen, on the application of the Wilmot
Proviso to the Territories; and we recommend
:o our Senators aud Representatives in Congress
o engraft the same principles upon all bills for
he organization of Territorial Governments."
The Boston Chromotype has ceased to exist.
Its talent, wit, and courage, made it a favorite
with a largi circle of readers. We hope its worhy
and independent editor may find a still wider
sphere for the exercise of talents that have been
levoted to what he believed the best interests of
lis race.
Thf. Democrats have called a Convention of
he counties of Portage, Summit, and Medina,
)hio. on the 22d of this month, to consult on
ncasurcs proper to be taken in view of the
State Democratic Convention at Columbus.
IIO.V ALFRED (ilLUORE.
Washimoton, Pa., Ftbruary 15, 1850.
To the Editor of the National Era :
1 see that you speak of the district in this State
epreaented by Mr. Alfred Giltnore, as a proilavery
district.'' Allow me to correct you ou
hat point. His district is composes! of the eoun:ies
of Butler, Armstrong, Indiana, and Clear5eld?counties
which embrace not only a large
lumber of, but some of the Tery best antiilavery
men in the State. Much anti-slarery
labor has been expended.there, and there is
lot, probably, a district in the State in which
iiore unanimity prevails in favor of the Wilmot
Proviso. If you will turn to the columns of the
Era for 1S4S, you. will find, somewhere during
ihe progress of the Presidential campaign, ? loiter
from Mr. Gilmore in which he pledges him*elf
unreservedly to the support of the Proviso.
It would be well to republish that letter, and l?t
his constituents be prepared to hold him to a reckjning.
I notice with regret that the member frrtm this
district, Dr Reed, did not vote on Mr Root's revolutions,
although in his seat a few minutes afterwards,
voting on Giddinga's resolution W hen it
is considered that he is very anxious to sustain
the Administration, and the devoted friend of
Henry Clay, he will admit, himself, that his net
voting on Root's resolution gives room for a suspicion
that he was dodginf. I do not charge hira
with this, but when so many are proving treacherous
he must not he surprised to find his oonstituerfls
desirous of knowing all about such matters.
1 Ie stands pledged to the Proviso beyond all hope
of honorable escape, and we are not disposed to
release him.
t* - nr.iA 1. ?oWnL
i he memner irom rmBourgn ?w ?
*hen the rote on Root's resolution was taken.
A1k>uI the name time, I saw a letter published in
the Pittsburgh Journal, written from Washington
city, in which the writer urges that if the North
insists on the Proviso, she will lose the Tariff,
and that to wave the Tariff the North ought to
5ive up the Proviso. This letter is written a good
eal after the style of Mr. Hampton, the Whig
member from Pittsburgh. Is it /?/t, put forth
to test the safety of abandoning the Proviso ?
This letter in the Journal assumes the ground
that slavery cmnot pouMy be planted in New
Mexioo, and thereby it is uaeleea to insist upon
a prohibition of it. I hear, also, that letters have
been received hare from onr member, arguing that
sin?ry cannot, by any chance, be turwUd to the
Territorm, and henos it is only exasperating the
South to no pwrpoee, to onset the Proviso.
These things make me afraid that there is a
settled design on the part of the Whig members
to give up tan Proviso, on the flimsy ground that
there is no nan for it.
If no, nil I nek. is, let then thow their hands
fairly, at onoe. Tk* eUction t /<p Congrats, ?* Asm
York, Ohio, and Ptnutyltania, come on mtrt fall,
tor one I do not hesitate to avow that I will vote
for any Democrat who ia reliable on thin question,
la preference to n Whig whs yields to the tempter
on the first opportunity. In saying thin, I have
no donbt I utter the determination of tens of
thousands, who, like me, are watching with Intense
anxiety the developments 4hat are being
made at Washington E.