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THE NATIONAL ERA.
Q. BAILEY, EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR; JOHN G. WHITTIER, CORRESPONDING EDITOR. f "VOL. IV.-NOTO ~ : WASHINGTON. THURSDAY. FEBRUARY 28, 1850. * WHOLE NO. 165. The Nsilsaal Era It Published Weekly, ta Seeeatk Street, opposite Odd Frllews' Hall, TERsHM. Two d > liars per annum, payaMe ta advanc*. Advertisements not exceeding ten lines inserted three times for one dollar; every subsequent insertion, twentjr-five cents. All communio&tionb to the Era, whether on business of the paper or for publiootion, should be addressed to O. Bailet, Washtnglou, D. C. Kt'KLL * BLANCHAKD, PRINTERS. THE NATIONAL ERA. WASHINGTON, FEBRUARY .5, 1850. [COPY RIGHT aXCl'KID.) THE MOTHER-IN-LAW. A STORY OP T1IE ISLAND ESTATE. RY MRS. EMMA P. t. SOrTHWORTH. XlX?CbsTiroiRP. The fire light, flaring up upots 'he of Su| 8,in .Somerville, showed the features contracted with suffering She gazed st Anna with a confused [ and half-conscious expression of conntenance. 41 Shall 1 assist you to arrange your dress, Miss Somerville 1" 44 Oh! Anna, tell them that I am fatigued? ill!" " In that case, dear lady, your room would be filled by officious and inquiring people?better try to go down." 44 Yes ! I hud 1 But, oh Anna ! if you kaewf" 44 My dear and honored mistress, I do knotc ! \ 1 know all!" said Anna, kneeling at her feet, and 1 taking and pressing And kissiDg both her hands. Susan dropped her head upon the bosom of Anna, aud wept freely?long and freely. The^c were the first teirsshe had shed, and they relieved j her of course. Still Anna, kneeling at her feet with the a'titude and tones of deepest respect and I v^rmest sympathy, still her hands, i spoke, gently, as fjllows? ' lis is not worthy of you, Mies Sotnerville! Oh, believe it! Believe the instincts of affection that assure me when I tell you he is not worthy of you?not wise and strong enough for you. And I would rather see you w eep here, than be the wife of one not fitted to retain your esteem, though thai man were master of the Isle of Rays. And I, Miss Soinorville?I, poor Anna Wood? would rather be the isolated being that 1 am, cut off by education from one class and by position from the other?1 would rather be myself, with my full heart and brain, capable of deeply loving, profoundI SkUbiwn rrr-na 11 rr enffnrintr tKon Kft thftt 1/ luniivii.^, U..V. '"e, ? poor, little bride down stairs, with her brilliant position und her famished heart and head. Yes ! weep ! Grief breaks up the soil of the heart, and tears water and fertilize it. You will have a rich heart?for hearts grow rich by suffering! At least so it seems to tne! You will ^iave a rich heart?a rich mind, perhaps! There is compensation in most things. No tear ever fell, no pang was ever wrung in vain! Those who have spent a life of tears and pains must find consolation somewhere ! Oh, believe this! if you pretend to believe in the justice and mercy of God ' I, Miss Somcrville, with all iny cravings after a full life of affections?and you know that peopjpof my race and color live more through their affections than through their intellects?1 know that I shall have to pans through life alone?alone but for you now, Miss Souierville, and quite alone when you shall be married, as you will be in a few years. Well! 1 shall pass through life alone! 1 am not therefore unhappy! I devote myself to somebody's interests, to some worthy object?and I live! Ah! Miss Soraerville, 1 feel that my words only annoy you now! that you would prefer silence to all this talk. No matter ! you will think of my words hereafter und for the silenct you will have it at last. But now, Miss Somervillc, a duty lies before you?.a duty that you owe to yourself. You must rouse yourself and go below. For days, weeks perhaps, you must mingle with this gay wedding party ; and then wc will go home?to onr quiet home at the Crags?w here we will have profound peace and old books?the comn-iDV of our 1 brave uufortuuatrs'?the heroes and martyrs of the past, whose example will leud us strength to endure our own trials. Come, Miss Susan! let ine uwunge your hair!" Miss Somcrvillc, calmed by her fit of weeping? consoled, too, by the delicate Attachment of Anna? suffered her hair to be re-dressed, and her muslin robe to be re-arranged, and theu descended the stairs to the saloon. Ilritannia and '/.oe, with Gertrude aud Brutus l.ion. met her ut the door. " You are so pale! Are you ill, Susan/" in<|uired '/.op, with interest. This question drew the close atteution of the whole group upon Miss SomerTille. "Arc you not well?" abruptly inquired Gertrude. "I perceive that Miss SomerTille ha9 taken colj, as 1 thought she would," remarked Britannia, drawing Susan's urm within her own. and carrying her off. " My dear Mrs Stuart-Gordon you will do roe a pleasure if you will invite Miss O'Riley to accompany you to the Isle of Rays when we return," said General Stuart-Gordon to his duugh ter-in-law. as his eyes followed admiringly the elegant form and ra liant fuce of Brighty through the room. " Oh, thank you! I will do bo with great pleasure! I had eveu wished to ask your permission to do soP exclaimed Louise, her usually downcast eyea now raised and sparkling. 44 My permission P smiled the General, pleased at her happy acquiescence and amused at her girlish humility. 11 My permission! my dear Mrs. Stuart-GordonP he said, playfully, emphasising her new name and title. "Get accustomed to your new dignity ns a housekeeper, and invite your own company, and select your own society, without dreaming that I shall interfere!" At this moment, Brutus Lion, coming forward with a grave bow, solicited the hand of the bride for the first quadrille, and led her off to the head of the set. "Take Susan, and bring her to make up this set,1' whispered the bride. And in two minutes more Louis stood opposite to them, with Susan Somerville by his side, and her hand clasped within his own. The music now broke forth in peals of joy, but failed to drown the noise of the tempest, which had remed in all its fory. The raging of the storm, the terriLle state of I the roads, and the pitch darkness of .k. ... -j , r.<r yented the return home that night of any of the weeding guceta. XX. # THK KEVfcl.LKK*. "In* loyona fhorda! Bnt who art th>>u, With tb? *had0wy Urfky a W thy |*U r?>+i Uiow^ And the work! uf dreamy floom that lira In the mtitr depth* of thy ?oft dark eyeeT Tim* hut Iwfed, fair flrl: ?boo haat lorel tno well; Thou art mn.rninr now e'er a broken epetl; Th'.u hail poured thy heart'* rl*h trraanre* forth, And art uiirejatd f?r their prtole'i worth. Mouru on. y?t dam* n ?t hare th* wblla, It li but a [>aln to m the* em'U ; There i? not a t >ua la our aoae tor thee Homa, with thy aorrowa, Bee'? Mrs. Araa'rong rang her bell at an early hoar the neat morning. Kate Jumper anewered it. " Let Miaa O Riley know that 1 shall be pleated to see her aloae here, at her earlieat ooavtnienoe," commanded the lady. Kate Jumper handed her mistress her drawing gown, ?nd disappeared to obey her orders. She returned in an instant to say. that Mian O'Riley would wait on Mrs. Armstrong in half *a hour. And, by the time the stately toilet of the dowager was completed. Britannia rapped for admittance. Britannia, in an elegant morning dress of darkblue aetin, with black lsce falls?Brighty always made * uh qraml toilette' whan ebe expected to encounter pride and arroganee in others?so Brighty presented horse f, making her morning salutation with easy dignity. ."Yon may retire, Kate. I sent for you, Miss 1 O'RHcy, to say, that after to-day, as your polices to Miss Armstrong?or, rallnr, to Mrs. StuartGordon?will no longer be retired, your further stay at Mont Crystal can be diapenst-d with. I ! a^Mrare that you are engaged by the year, and i tflmfour or fire mouths remain. Will you draw that writing-desk towards me ?" "If you will excuse me. we. Mrs. Armstrong." "No part of your service, eh! Well, truly, 1 hired you as n govrrueaa, not $ waiting-maid, aud servants of ail grades are great sticklers for rank!" "Excuse me again, Mrs Armstrong, but the desk is in your reach, and out of mine ; besides, I fancy you are stronger in the arm than myself. However "?and Brighty, by a second and better impulse, took hold of the desk, and wheeled it before the lady. "I was about to say. Miss O'Riley," said the lady, unlocking the desk, and taking from it a roll of bank-notes, "that for these four or five months I ain willing to pay you a half-year's salary ." And she tendered Britannia the money. Brighty waved it back : "No, Mrs Armstrong I cannot accept a dollar beyond the amount of my salary up to this day; I shall leave your house to morrow." And, courtesying. Britannia withdrew from the room. Iu truth, the prospects of Britannia were not j cheering. HUaxuuld have died rather than have i accepted one dollar beyond her salary up to the date of her dismissal, or have remained another day at Mont Crystal. Poor Brighty ! Extravagant love of dress and jewellery kept her nearly penniless. And when she regained her own apartment. au<l counted over her slender stock of money, and found only the chtnge of her last half-eagle, she was nearly in despair. Brighty was no heroiue; and you arc not to cxpoct any of the heroic virtues to be manifested in her character or conduct; so she walked about the floor, communing with herself, as follows: j " Well, well, what am I to do ? I might have saved three or four hundred dollurs if 1 had been economical, and worn calico dresses and horn combs; or, being extravagant as I have been, I 'might have atill remained here, if 1 had submitted to Mrs. Armstrong's arrogance. Oh, Brighty, Brighty, sec what you have done by being vain, extravagant, and ill-tempered ! Economy is so commendable, and meekness is so charming, and I do so thoroughly admire both ! Yet the mischief of it is, I can neither fret my senses by coarse olothing, or my temper by other people's urro( gance. Oh, Brighty. you were eut out fur a I prinoess, and sjioiled in the making up! You are a dislocated queen. Now. where away ? 1 shall never, never find another luxurious home, another really superb patron, (for Mrs. Armstrong is that, with all her illness.) or another refined pupil, iu the StaFi^Oh! 1 shall probably find myself governess to nal$ a dozen double-chinned, short-nosed girls ami b4ys, who munch raw turnips in school, and whose mother cuts out her own cloth clothes, and cowhides her own maids. Oh, Britannia, Britannia,see what you hewn done for yourself by your r*gs>T afrst Aw! then you must refuse General Stuart-Gordon I Was there ever such an egregious fool as Britannia O'Riley?" And Brighty thought gratefully aud remorsefully of General Stuart-Gordon. " He is fond of w. at any rate! and after all, is it not as well for a girl like me to be passively loved as actively lowing?" said Brighty, smoothing her ringlets and adjusting her dress. " Brighty I'' said the brnla the saute morning, "there is one greut privilege in having a homo of one's own.'" " You have always had such a home, my love." " In being mistress of a home, then !" " And such a splendid home, Louise !" ' it is that one niav share it with their best friends!" exclaimed the bride, throwing herself in Brighty'r arms. " Oh, Brighty ! come home with me. and be my sister, until you are married yourself" Brighty slightly started at the l ist supposition and looked keenly at, Louise. She only siw the hitherto pale girl with her eyes bright hs starr and her lips apart and dewy with happiness and hope. Brighty smiled in her eyes and caressed w.? i.?: "My love, I thmk you! Hut consider! This is a most unreasonable request of yours!' " Biighty?" exclaimed the brile, in astonishment. " Why, yes, love ! Think of it f You and Louis would be the most insupportable hosts on earth for the next month or two! Think of it! A month with a newly-married bride and groom ! I should expire of ennui!" and, laughing, Hrighty hurried away to escape her farther importunity. Then, hastening back with a sudden impulse, she caressed her? "My sweet Louise, I am grateful for all your love and goodness, indeed I urn! Hut I cmnot accept It, Louise! It is not orjxdunt that I should!" " Oh, Hrighty, if you would be persuaded, I should be so happy 1" " You will be happy, Louise! you arr happy ! and I am so glad to witness it. There is Louis ! Go meet him!" and Hrighty, disengaging herself from the embrace of Louise, hastened away?hastened #Way from the breakfast room, where this conversation took place?to the saloon, in which most of the guests who hod remained all night were assembled. Here she encountered General Stuart-Gordon, who, taking both her hands, and pressing them, looked with a penetrating gaze in her eyes, and began to say? ' Brighty!" "I permit no one utu mc young gins 01 my acquaintance to address mc so familiarly, General Stuart-Gordon !" said Brighty, trying to with draw her hands, and to repress the smile that would gleam out from under her long eyelashes, and flutter in the corners of ber lips. " An r*Mr, young Udy," said the mature lover. gAyly, squeezing both her hands until the jewelled rings upon them dented his fat hands, and, bowing ceremoniously, he let her pass General Rtnart-Gorlon had caught a glimpse of that repressed but gleaming smile, and it was wonderful the effect! wonderful how lightly stepped about that heavy man ! how gayly smiled and talked thatgraveman I?until several matrons in the saloon, wishing to compliment him, said? "The rasrriageof your son restores your youth, General Stunrt-Gordon!" A piece of informa'ion with which the uDgratcful General did not seem to be particularly delighted. " This popular idea of growing old is an Illusion, Mes James !" he auid. " ' Age, is a movable feast.' " " A movable fast rather, General," replied the ladies, laughing General Stuart-Gordon smiled, bowed, and passed out to seek his daughter-in-law, of whom he wu beginning to grow very fond. Britannia had hurried off to the bevy of girls whom she loved well enough to permit to call her " Brighty " Gertrude Lion, Zos Dove, and Susan Somerville, were grouped upon their favorite crimson sofh in the reoeas of the bow window at the farther extremity of tha salo n. Mrs. Armstrong was doing the honors of her house to a group of elderly ladies assembled in the front of the room. At this moment, Louise entered, leaning on the arm of h m r.ik ? l.vnltiniv aa liRtimiflll with her slightly heightened color, her radiant blue eyes, end her fair completion and petit figure net off to the heat advantages by the pale blue ailk of her morning dree* Mr* Armstrong. teeing her blithe oou.iteoanoe, grew black la the face, and muttered to herself? " Thia it la to have a flckle and ungnteful child ! Already the rejoioea in the near prospect of leaving her mother's house for the full liberty of her husband's!" Mrs Armstrong, in her blind pride ami jealousy, failad to reflect that *he herself had left to others t^e task of cultivating the affections of her I child. And indeed the heart of Louise was cx1 panding ns well under the paternaUondncss of General Stuart-Gordon, as in the warm and e?ruest affection of Louia. What are you going to do, Brighty?" inquired the girls as Britannia took her seat with ! them. " I do not know, indeed ! I bare decided on nothing as yet," said Brighty, growing serious in i spite of herself. Susan Somerville had not joined in the inquiry, but now she looked up with interest upon the sobered face of Brighty, and, passing her hand once or twice across her own pala and troubled brow, fell in'o thought. " Miss O'Riley, Brutus and myself would be very happy to hare you pass some months with ! us at the Lair. It is true that the housekeeping : is rather topsy-turvy, and that the old garden has ! ) more rocks, brambles, aud snakes, in it than flowers. fruits, or birds; but then our horses are the floest in the country, and our dogs equal them," said the Ger-faloon, with a blending of rudeness, I urroganoe, and courtesy, that was very strange. Britannia O'Riley bowed courteously, but, be fore she could decline this invitation, Zoe Dove caught her hand, and exclaimed, quite breathlessly ~ -.vs. < -. , ' "No, no! no, no! Come to the Dovecote, Brtgbvy *Pbe housekeeping- fbee* be first rate 1 You Bhall have my little chamber; I have just made a nice blue and white quilt for the bed ; and 1 will sleep on a pallet in father's room." Britannia took her hand and pressed it affectionately, and then said? " 1 thank you both very sincerely, dear girls. But, as yet, my future is all undetermined aud the tears swam in Briglity's eyes, as much from a sense of wounded pride in the thought that heg homeless condition had moved the sympathy of these girls, as from an emotion of gratitwie ror their kindness?and then she thought of General Stuart-Gordon as one who could deliver her from all such mortifications in the present, and protect her from their return in the future; and her heart warmed towards him with the gratefbl but unimpaaaioned affection that the young-loved sometimes feel for the aged-loviug. Susin Somervillc had remained silent ; but as soon as she got an opportunity of speaking to Brighty unobserved, she said? " Will you coine to my room as soon as you can, Miss Odliley I" , " I will attend you thee*. uaw.oI ^ou please," said Brighty. And the girls rwt and sought the ai>artme/it of Miss Somervillc. As soon as they were seated by the quiet, little wood fire, Susan again passing her haud over her brow, like one who tries to dissipate a pertinacious nnd intensely concentrated idea, said slowly, and in a broken voice?still like one trying unsuccessfully to break the bondage of an overmastering thought, and give attention to the subject in hand? " Britannia, after these?these wedding festivities are over, come with me to the Crags. It is wild, blasted?not nioe now?but it will be better in the Rnrinir!' ftnd. without w.iitinir for an an r r 7 O swcr, Susan relapeeii again into thought, forgetting that she had given the invitation. Brighty had penetrated her secret. She gated on that pale and altered brow, those wasted cheeks and hollow eyes?eyes grown twice their natural size through dilation of their pupils?aud the emaciation of the face?upon that collapsed aud quivering frame,and turned abruptly away to hide the tears that suffused her eyes. Not for the world, by any betrayal of her own sympathy, would she have violated the sanctuary of her friend's sacred delicacy. Recovering her own composure, she returned to Susan, aud, by way of arousing her, took her hand, and said cheerfully? 41 1 thank you, dear Susan , and 1 accept your kind invitation very gladly." " It is a dreary waste, a bleak, desolate scene, Brighty, but it has the advantage of healthfulness," observed Susan, in some degree recovering herself. ^ The dinner bell rang, and the young ladies separated to arrange their dreeees. 1 bad occasion to tell you once before, that wedding festivities in the country parts of Maryland and Virginia are conducted on quite a different plan to that adopted in fashionable city circles The houey-moon. usually passed in solitude by fashionable city bride and groom, is here spent in a round of dinner parties, balls, &c. It is an occasion of merry-making that quiet country people seize with great avidity and improve to its utmost extent. Thus our bride and bridegroom were kppt in a continual whirl of dissipation fur five weeks, which brought April before they were finally settled in their beautiful home of The Isle of Rays. END OF BOOK FIRST. LETTER TO HON. WILLIAM J. NELSON, MEMBER OF THE HOUSE OK REPRESENTATIVES New York, February 11, 1650. M y Dear Sir : As one of your immediate constituents, pv runt me to express to you my views on the resolutions lately submitted to the Semite by Mr. Clay. They are skilfully drawn, and their true import seeing to me to he generally misunderstood, and in many instances intentionally misrepresented. Various considerations combine to render these resolutions acceptable to that class of our Northern politicians, who are anxious to be popular at home, without forfeiting their share of the patronage which is dispensed at Washington by the Slave Power. The resolutions are eight in uunitber, aud I will examine them in their order. * lfisT ittaOLl TlO.V I. This proposes the admission of California as a State, without the imposition by Congress of finy restriction on the subject of Slavery, and " with suitable bottndarittP These words imply that the present boundaries are unsuitable, and must be altered. Let me now call your attention to the true union for this reservation about boundaries, and respecting which the resolution is silent. Duriug the war, and before the cession of any territory, the House of Representatives pissed the Wilmot Proviso, prohibiting Slavery in all the Territory that might be acquired. On this, the South, with one voice, declared that they would not submit to the exclusion of slavery south of 3fl? 30'. The Legislature of Alabama resolved that they would not recognise ' anj enactment of the Federnl Government which Las for its object the prohibition of slavery in any territory to be acquired by conquest or treaty, south of the liue of the Missouri Compromise." At a public meeting in Charleston, and ?t which I believe Mr. Calhoun was present, it was resolved that it would be debasing and dishonorable to submit to the prohibition of slavery ' beyond what is already yielded by the Missouri Compromise," and innumerable have been the offers and efforts of Southern politicians to extend the Compromise line to the Pacific. Hence It is not the exclusion of slavry in California to the north of that line that offends the South; and to admit this AntiSlavery State, bounded on the south by 3#? 30/ is doing no more than what the South tuu. consented should be doDf, and is in no sense a com<dj promise. But the free State of California extends south of this line, and hence her southern boundary is unsuitable, and hence Mr. Clay's revolution makes a tacit provision for depriving the State of so muoh of her territory as his Southern fljcnds have resolved shall not be oonsecrated to freedom. Mr. Foote of Misniesippi observe I, in ; relation to this very resolution, " I eee no objection i to admitting all California above the line of 36? | 30'into the Union, provided another new slave | State be Lid off within the present limits of I Texas" To this laying off another new slave State, Mr. Clay's compromise opposes no obsts| cle! Had Mr. Clay proposed the sdmiselon of ! California with ' its present boundaries," his i offer would so far have been a compromise as to ' concede something to rree-lom, na a consideration for the surrender of the Wilmot Proviso. SECOND KBSOLC'TIOS. 2. The next resolution declares that lia? ilatxry don not IXlit by Ion', und u not I tidy to be iniroihif'd ' into any of the conquered territories, the/ should he organized under Territorial Governments, without an/ restriction on the subject of slaver/. The proposed assertion bj Congress that slaver/ dors not exist by laic in the Territo; rice, is hailed as an all-sutficient baloa to the eonsciences of those who recoil with horror at the 1 idea of being In an/ degree responsible for the txirnsion ef human boodsgs And what. let me ask, is this declaration, but the enunciation of n bald truism 1 We >11 know there is no law, Mexican or American, reeogoiaing slaver/ in the Tar* ritorieu. Mr. Clay adroitly avoids drawing an/ ; inference from this acknowledged fact, but expects , | that the good Psopls of the North will draw for themselves the inference, that >*ecsuse slaver/ ' doss not sxist by law, thct'forf it is prohibit- d by ' law Properly in sfephaats does not exist by luw j I iu New York, but atill it exists, bsoause it is not 1 prohibited hy law. Mr. Clay well know* that Mr Calhoun and the great mass of the slaveholders contend that in the riwa of a prohibitory lair. men, women, and children, as well as horses and > sheep, may be held as property in any Territory of the Uuited States ; and this doctrine Mr Clay himself nowhere denies. Nay, further. Mr. Calhoun insists, and 1 believe truly, that slavery never hat bum ettab/ifhed by lair in any country? that iifitr property in man has l>cen acquired, thni, and not before, laws are passed to protect it. The slaveholders ask for no act of Congress authorizing them to carry their property into the Territories. All they ask is, that no prohibitory hm shall be passed, and then they will carry their slaves where they please, and keep them by their own strong hand without law, till in their Territorial Legislatures they shall pass such li.wg on the subject as they shall find needful. Not a word in Mr. Clay's compromise contravenes this legal theory, or prevents its reduction to practice. Slavery did once exist by law in these Territories. Why does it not now? Mr. Clsy aasw>rs the question by telling us that Mexican law *t>o1i?hed it. Now, he perfectly well knows that the Mexican law not ouly abolished but prohibited slavery. If that law was repealed by the conquer, then -'he c.'d law waa revived, and slavery dots now tint by lam. If the law was not repealed by the oooqwast, then the law is still in fore* sn-i,?iaverv is uoir prohibited by larr. Why, then, does not Mr. Clay fairly and honestly declare that slavery is now prohibited by law ? Because this would indeed be a compromise, and would render tba Proviso nugatory, and would secure the Territories from the curse of slavery. The very omission of such a declaration implies a denial of an existing prohibition, and in such denial he well knows the whole South concurs. So far, then, is Mr. Clay's , inconsequential truism from being a compromise, that it surrenders to the South even more than , she has demanded, and throws open to the slaveholders the whole territory north as well as south * of the Missouri line. But to reconcile the North to this total surrender, they are to be favored by , Congress with an opinion that it is not hfoly that ( slavery will be introduced into any part of the con- | quered territory. What is only improbable, is at , least possihl*, and hence this legislative opinion , would, in fact, be a solemn aud official declaration, , that there is no lentil prohibition to the introduction , of slavery. It is not pretended that this opinion , which Congress is to volunteer is to have any legal force whatsoever. But wbwt. v( time shall prove the opinion to have been erroneous, will it be any consolation to the North for having, by their act, , bllghded immense' regions with human bondage, ( that they had been fooled by an opinion? Mr. Downs of Louisiana, in reply to Mr. Clay, asserted that there were already in tho Territories "some four or five hundred slaves,''' and another , member declared that there would now have beeu , plenty of slaves there, had not their masters been apprehensive of the Proviso If Mr. Clay is correct in his opinion, the slaveholders have beam strangely mistaken, it was openly avowed during the war. that the territory to be conquered south of 3G? 30' would bo a slave region, ilefore our army entered the city of Mexico, we were offered all Texas proper, and the whole of N?w Mexico and California north of thirty-seven degrees?an extent of territory equal to nine States of the size of New York. The offer was rejected, and thousands were slaughtered to obtain territory south of .16? 30', to be peopled with slaves. From the first mention of the Proviso, our Northern editors and politicians iu the slave interest opposed it as unnecessary, because, as they assured us, the soil and climate of these territories were unsuitable to slave lobar. The slaveholders knew better, and never endorsed the falsehood of their allies. Mr. Wnddy Thomp son of South Carolina, Minister to Mexico, announced to his brethren, writing ofCalifornia? "Sugar,rice, and cotton, nnd there their own congenial clime. '?RrcolUctiont oj M<sico, p. 234. DM f Km Snnfh mtirA war* n rw\r? Mnri<?n nnlv fn acquire free territory? Is she now threatening disunion and civil war for a privilege she ' is not likely " to exercise ? '- -Upon what does Mr. Clay real his strange, unnatural oj^nion 1 AI moat sclj|Mvr.ly on the exclusion oi slavery from the CafTroml.-wn constttution. lie does not pretend that this exclusion was owing to the unfitness of the soil snd climate for slave labor. We all know that the unexpected discovery of gold suddenly collected in California a large North-rn population, naturally averse to slavery, and jealous of the competition of slave labor, in digging gold. Hut does gold exist in Dcseret or New Mexico? Or is there a large Northern population In California sooth of 3f?? 30'? Is it logical to infer that slavery is not likely to be introduced into these Territories, even with the sanction of Congress, because under totally different circumstances it has been excluded from California? New Mexico is separated by an imaginary line from Texss, snd about half of it is claimed by that slave State, is it likely that Texan slaveholders will not cross the line with their property, or occupy territory they claim as their own ? The settlers in Deseret have formed a Constitution virtually allowing slavery, by not prohibiting it. The gold-diggers in California are concentrated far north of 36? 30', the city of San Francisco is also north of that lino, while south [ of it is a large area, whore there is little to obstruct the introduction of slavery. Under these circumstances, there are probably very few men in Congress who would dare, on their oaths, to nflirm the opinion expressed by Mr Clay. That opinion is Ht best a calculation of chanctt; a calculation on which no man would hsz ird a thousand dollars; yet this miserable calculation is ottered to the North as a compensation for the surrender of all the political and moral blessings which the Proviso would iccurt. Mr. Clay utterly demolishes Gen Cass's argumerit against the constitutionality of the Proviso, and atlirms most positively the right of Congress to prohibit slavery in the territories Put how stands the ijnesticn of duty and moral consistency between these two gentlemen ? Undeniably in favor of the General, lie has not, indeed, undertaken to solve the nice aud diflicult <|uestiou whether human bondage is a curse or a blessing, lie is sensibly alive to the atrocity of flogging two or three Hungarian women, but makes no comment on Ihws which subject thousands of American women to the lash. He calls upon the nation to express its indiguation, at the execu- | tion of a few Hungarian insurgents taken with arms in their hands, bat gives no opinion how far , It would be right or wrong to shoot certain of bis , own countrymen, if taken in revolt against worse than Austrian oppression. Put he contends that j whatever may be the moral character of slavery, Congress has no constitutional right to prohibit it, ! and t/i'r'fore ought not to prohibit it. On the | other hand, Mr. Clay frankly declares that sla- \ very is wrong, "a grievous wrong;" that to propagate slavery is to propagate wkon?. He Httirrns , the constitutional power of Congress to prohibit , this nronairation of wronor. and then calls unon . Congress to permit slaveholders to propagate thin wrong when and where they please over the whole wide extent of our conquered territory, with the single exception of what may he included within the State of California. Itefore God Mud man, Gen Caae'a conclusion from his jtrmurt justified, while the conclusion drawn by Mr Clay from his premises is condemucd as hostile to morality and humanity mien, rotJBTii, kii ru, ?mi xixru kkvij.ijiio.ns ' 3. This resolution merely gives to Texas more territory than she is entitled to, and lout than she demands, and is so far a compromise of territorial \ claims ; hut in no degree a compromise between ' the friends and enemies of hum io rights, since 1 what is to he taken from Texas is to be iuimedi 1 ately thrown open to the slaveholders 4. Texas h ia, before annexation, pledged her ' duties on foreign commerce as security to osrtsin < creditors. These duties, by annexation, were ' aurrendered to the United .States. Mr. Clsy 1 proposes that the United States shall assume the debie due to these creditors. If Texas will relin- I quish her claims on New Mexico. If justice re- i quires the nation to assume these debts, their as- I sumption ought not to depend on the retsion of I territory by Texas. If in justice we do not owe I these debts, their payment by us will in fact be a i gratuity to Texaa for the relinquishment of one < of the moat impudent and fraudulent claims ever < mails. We have oHici il information, commaoioa- i ted hy General Jackson to Congress, that the < Texsus, when defining the boundaries of their < new-horn republic, at flrft determined to include I CWyVrMi", and beyond all question they had then | ae much right to Han Frsnrirco aa they now have < to Hants Fe. The proposition of Mr. CUy is I therefore to pay Texas for territory to whioh be I admits she has no title, and then to throw open i the territory eo purchased to the slaveholders < in this, I can see no oonocaaion to the North t 5 Congress is to declare it inexpedient tuabol- I ish slavery iu the District of Columbia, except I with >h- aenent <>f Maryland and tbe people of i the Dial Hot, and making compensation to the < slaveholders. The unlimited power of Congress t to abolish slavery in the District is folly conceded, yet he calls on Congress not to do, what uiany of its members nnd vast multitudes of their constituents believe it their moral duty to do. In this proposal I can find no other compromise but that of conscience. , 6. The next proposal is to prohibit the importation of slaves into the District for sale. In other words, the inhabitants are to have a monopoly of the trade iu human beiogs. These good people are not to be deprived of the privilege of importing as many slaves as they ue>y want for their own use. nor of selling husbands and wives, snd children, to be transported to the extremities of the Union ; but foreign traders shall no longer be 1 permitted to glut the Washington market with their ware*. The moment the resolution fiat-sea, human chattels will rise in vnlue in the capital of our republic. I ohjeot not to the abolition of the trade, since it will remote one of the many abominations with which slavery bus disgraced the seat of our National Government, but 1 deny that the proposition involves the slightest concession on the part of the slaveholders Says Mr. Clay himself, "almost every slaveholding State in Ibe Union has exercised its power to prohibit the introduction of slaves as merchandise." The power Is exercised or not. according to convenience and as it is thought most profitable to breed or io irn pw * so MTU *r?oLnT?o!?. 7. We now come to ? grand specific for (firing J ease to Northern consciences, for allaying all irritation, and for restoring a general healthful action throughout the present morbid system of the Confederacy! I will give the recipe in full: " Resolved, that more tff'ctval provision ought to be made by law for the restitution and delivery of persons bound to service or labor in any State, who may escape into any other State or Territory of this Union." That I may not be accused of injustice to Mr. Clay in my subsequent remarks, 1 will quote from his speech on this point: "1 do not say, sir, that a private individual is obliged to make the tour of his wholo State, in orJer to assist the owner of a slave to recover his property; but I do say. if he is present when the owner of a slave is nbout to assert his rights and regain possession of his property, thai he ami every one present, whether officer or agent of the State Government, or private individual, is hountl to assist in the execution of the laws of their country." " I will go' with the farthest Senator from the South iu this body to make penal lawa ?</ impose the h'avxest sanctions upon the recovery of fugitive slayer v tad the rca/pr?Jjon pf them to their owners." Such is the panacea, and such is the manner in which our medical adviser proposes to administer it. He must not bo surprised, should some difficulty be experienced iu compelling the patient to swallow the draught. Mr. Clay has long been a favorer of those field sports in which the prey is man, and he has the merit, it la believed, of being the first to conceive the grand idea of securing a national iutercoinmunity in these sports, by means of international treaties. So early its the 19th June, 1S-'G, as Socretary of State, he proposed to the llritish Government to throw the Canadas open for this sport, and in return, to Biitish sportsmen should be accorded the privilege of hunting West India 1 * il.? ...UaIa n.tn?x? f \ f ?kA urgrucc, inruu^iiuuii tuc wuwic caivuv vi ?uc American Republic. But John Bull rejected the tendered reciprocity, find churlishly replied, " The Ihw of Parliament nave freedom to every slave who effected his landing on British ground." About the same time, we requested from Mexico the boon of hunting negroes over her wide area. The desired fivor was denied, but we have since forcibly added almost half h>r N rriory to our own hunting grounds Of all the gime laws in existence, that of lT'J.'l, which regulates the chase of negroes, ts tho moat horrible; yet Mr. Clay is dissatisfied with it, and calls upon Congress to make it k*more effectual," and of course more horrible. Should a Virginian oome to New York in search of hit horse, and find him in the possession of another, who claims him as h<s property, how is he to recover the animal I Only by iirooess of law, and that prooers requires that s lury of twelve impartial men, drawn by lot, shall pass upon the conflicting claims. Neither party has any choice in selecting the jury, nor can either establish his claim by his own evidence. But if tho Virginian is hunting a man. and sees one that will serve his purpose, ami who will fetch a thousand dollars in the Southern market, but who claims to l*doug to himself, how is he to secure him ? Why, he may c itch his man us well as he can, und without wurruut uiay carry him before any justice of the pence whom fbr sntticient reasons he may think proper to select, and swear that the man he has caught is his, and the justice m iy surrender the man to perpetual bandage, degradation, and misery. Various officers besides justices are nuthorxi<d to act, ho th at the Virginian has a wide choice. Surely this is hunting made easy by law, hut it in not found ho easy in practice. Latterly, variouw States bare prohibited their own ujficets from assisting in the chase of human beings, and citirens rarely lend any tinjxiil assistance. Hence a new gimeluw is deemed needful, and Mr. Ci ty, as we haveseen, is pledged to go with "the farthest Southern Senator," the moot devoted lover of the sport, to make it effectual. The Judiciary Committee hav^ accordingly reported a hill, now before the Senate. ''I agree," slid Mr. Mason, one of the farthest Southern Senators, in bis speech on this bill, (28th Jan .) "I ugree that the Federal Government has no pomir to impose. (lulus of ant/ kind upon the officers of Slate (Joimimtnls us suchP Of course, the obligation imposid by the law of 17?3, upon justices of the peace and other State otlicers, to catch slaves, are void, and our Northern Legislatures, It Is Admitted, have a right to prohibit them from participating in slave hunts. Toohviate this difficulty,it becomes necessary to select other than S/nte officers to adjudicate upon (juestio/is of higher import than any, with the single exception of life and death, that ivef exercise the talents, learning, virtue, Hnd independence, of the most august tribunals of any civilixcd country. And who are the grave and reverend judges appointed by this bill to sit in judgment on the liberty or bondage of native-born Americans? Among these judges are twiniy mouse nu poKTMAsrsas I F. ich one of these new judges is authorized to ndjudge any man, woman, or child, black or white, to he a vendible chattel; and this judgment is to be founded on any proof that may be satisfactory to said postmaster in the words of the bill, "either by oral testimony or iffidtTit," nor is the testimony, either oral or by affidavit, of the interested claimant excluded ; and from this judgmeut there is no sppettl! Slavery is no longer confined to one color. The Southern i. Krv.ir.rl with ntlvAPiisAriiOnlfl fiffftwivirt seii wards for fugitive slates, containing the caution, >bat the fugitive will probably attempt to pass for a trhii' person. A few years since a Maryland slaveholder wugbt in Philadelphia a white girl, (M?ry Oilmore,) whom he claimed as Lis turn*. The case was brought before a Pennsylvania judge, and occupied two days, and it was proved by most abundant overwhelming evidence, that the alleged iiave was the orphan daughter of poor Irish rait knts. The mother hail died in the Philadelphia hospital, and the duughter hud never been in Maryland. Ry a pending amendment to this bill, every man and woman who, prompted by the holiest impulses of our nature, shall ' burhor or sonoeal" the prey from the hunter, Is to be visited with fine and imprisonment. A few dsys after Mr. (3l?y introduced his resolutions, Rruen k Mill, slxve tracts in Alexandria, wrote a letter, lines puhlishcJH the newspapers, stating for the information of a free moiiikk in New York, who wished to redeem her natron ikk from bondage, hat they cannot afford to sell "the girl Emily for less than kioiitikm hundikd eoixaae." Why [hi* prodigious price ? They mid, "we have two >r three offers for Kmily from n'.nilmm from the South. Sho is said to be the finest-looking woman n this country." ik:. -i .11_ ....... v.. nuuuiu iuib uctuw<-(i i vi* I in ifiii hci keepers, und he afterwards found conceded in her Bother1* house, not only is aha to ha carried hick ?d<1 subjected to the fate intended for her, hut the mothkk ia liable by the then present bill to but sentenced to pay a One of Ave hundred dollars to the United Ststea, to pay Messrs Hruen 8t Hill me thousand dollars for damages, and be imprisoned sii months. We hepe, for Mr. Clay's repjtation, no "farthest Senator from the South" rill ask for heavier penalties, for if he does, Mr Clay is pledged to vote for " the heaviest sanctions" that may be proposed. Hut suppose this poor girl should And her wsy to PeclukU), In tead of New York, and in your sWno?\ with bursting heart, aak to be sheltered in your house from her pursuers Can you for a si ogle moment jdmit he possibility, that your wife, the mother if your children, could, through f*?r of 'he law, 10 unsea herself ea to turn the trembling fugitive Into the street, or bstray her to the hunters I A thousand times rather would you see the partner of your bosom enduring Mr Clay's "he?*i- i est sanctions." than bring ignominy upon herself, i i and covering her husband and ohildreu with 1 I i shame ami confusion of face, by committing a j crime eo foul and damnable. Mr. Mason, in his speech, insists upon the right of the hun'er * to | enter peaceably any endoeureor dwki.i.ing where such alwTe may tie found, for the purpose of ta| king him." Should this asserted right he inoor| porufed into the ccmjrromise hill, then may Southern ruffians and Northern doughfaces ere long he roaming through our bed rooms and rausnck| ing our closets in search of prey. Should an attempt be made to enforce" the heaviest eanctiou* " for which Mr. Clay is ready to vote, he may be assured the prisons in New York and New England are too few to hold the vast multitude of men and women who would willingly tenant them rather thnn peril their souls by betraying the fugitive, or assisting in his capture. Mr. Clay vrry kindly declines requiring "a private individual to makt the tour of his trhole State n in search of a slave, but he insists that nil rrho nere jtr'smt when the game is started, ought to follow the hounds. Could he but enforce this obligation, we should have some grand turn-oats in New York ?nd New England some like the one fancied hy the poet: "(Joo?l luck to or hunters ! how nobly they ride, In the glow of their seal, and the strength of their pride! The priest with bis psssnek flung tuck on the wind, Just screening the politic statesmen behind? The saint and the sinner, with cursing and pesyer? The drunk and the sober ride merrily there. Ob' goodly and grand is our huntiug to see, In this ' laud of the brare and this home of the free !' Kight merrily hnoting the black wan whose sin Is the curl of bis hair and the hue of his skin. So speed to their hunting o'er mountain and glen, Through cane-brake and forest?the hunter of men! " l?ut the Constitution! This instrument declares, in substanoe, that the fugitive slave shall be delivered up ; but Mr. Clay, 1 believe, is the first lawyer who has oontended that the obligagution of delivery rests upon "private individuals." Even Mr. Mason, in his speech, insists that the mandate to deliver up is "addressed to the jurisdiction of the Slate into which the fugitive may escape'" Of course, individual cititru*, as such, are under no constitutional obligations to volunteer to catch slaves. But suppose a positive law should enjoin each individual to betra^ 01 nil) in P Ihtliriritv iKa fltrriti vo ? flia MSiaatiunAint i.s , ..p, . vp.....V, ,., the Apostles, when legally forbidden to teach in the name of Jesus, would then recur : " Whether it be right, in the eight of God, to hearken unto you more then unto God, judge ye.'' It is not merely the right, but the duty of a Christian to re/usewn <tcdve toaiiisioe to any aud every iaw i of man which he believes contravenes the commands of his Maker: snd then, like the Apostles, to offer no forcible resistance to the penalties attached to his disobedience. Mr. Clay may reat assure J that the bill of pains and penalties promised in his 7th resolution will not have the composing iutiuencc ho anticipates. Filling our prisons with pious, benevolent, kind-hearted men and women, will have little effect in suppressing ngitntion In his compromising anodyne, Mr. Clay has omitted hd important ingredient. Ample provision is to be mode for the recovery of Southern slaves, but none for the recovery of SortU'rn citizthi. If the Constitution gives the Southern planter a right to seize his slave in New York or Massachusetts, equally explicit is the grant to citizens of those States to enjoy a|U the rights of citizenship in South Carolina. Yet, if certain of our citizens, freeholders and electors at homo, think proper to visit that State, a prison is the only dwelling they are permitted to occupy; and should the State to which they belong send an agent to iuquire why they are immured in a jail, and to bring their case before the Supreme Court of the United States, he is compelled to flee at the hazard of his life 1 S. The IhiI item of this grand compromise is virtually a guaranty that the American sluve trade, vile and loathsome as it is, shall be held sacred from prohibition or oluitruction by the Federul Government for all time to oome. The stars and stripes shall forever protsct e tch coasting vessel that shall be frieghted with human misery and despair, and manacled coffles shall, without molestation, be driven across the coutiI uent from the Atlantio to the Pacific. The slave 1 Inub in the niltrii-t tVi-it in tn Ann uifirrta Inarlfi.l Mr. Clay pronounce* "detestable," aud talks with horror of " the corteges which pass along our avenues of manacled human beings." But why this sudden outburst of indignation against a lawful commerce I Is it dishonorable to sell merchandise? 11.is not Mr. Clay himself proclaimed "that is property which the law makes property?" Why does he discard the Washington in .n-merchants ? Is it base to buy and sell human beings? Mr. Clay forgets that this "detestable trade" is. in fact, supported by the gentlemen breeders who sell and the gentlemen planters who buy. But this trade, which issowdetesta ble," and these corteges, which are so horrible on a Very little scale, are now to assumo a national importance, protected and sanctioned by the Government of the whole Republic ! Such, sir, is the magnanimous compromise which so many of our Whig and I'emocratio politicians, now that the elections are our, and the solemn pledges made in tavor of the Wilmot Proviso siiji/iosk! to be forgotten, are willingto accept as a mighty boon to human rights, and a mighty barrier against the further encroachments of tha slave power. In nty cars, the only language addressed by these eight resolutions, to the North, is the cry of the horse-leech?give, give.. No test oan detect in them, no microscope can make visible the most minute concession to human liberty Not one single inch of Territory does the proposed compromise secure from slavery, that is not already rescued from its power. Notone single human being will it save from bondage. The extension of the Missouri line to the Pacific would at least huve rendered all on the north of it free soil; but, siys Mr. Clay, most truly, although with u frankness almost insulting to the North?" I Bay, sir, in my place here, that it is much better for the South that the whole suhjict should he open on both subs nn imiitpui'iry line of 3(P '10', th'In that slavery should he interdicted positively north of 30? 30', with freedom to admit or exclude. it south of 30? 30', at the will of the pe:o]ilef' Hut. Mr. Clay exclaimed, ' no earthly power could induce me to rote for the/nxi/ice Introduction of slavery eouth or north of that line," and at thin heroic avowal tho galleries applauded. Hut the galleries are not deeply versed in Southern tactics. Mr. Clay need apprehend no coercion to extort his reluctant, vote for a purpose no one desires or demands. The South have, with one voice, denied the power of Congress either to prohibit or establish slavery in the Territories. Said Mr. King of Alabama, in roply, "wo ask uo act of Congress to carry slavery anywhere. I believe we (Congress) have just as much right to prohibit slavery in the Territories, as to carry it there. We have no right to do one or the other." Other Southern Senators avowed their concurrence in the doctrine advanced by Mr. King ilence Mr. Clay's defiance of any power on earth to make him do what notaxly wants him to do, was, at least, a rhetorical flourish. Hut if this pretended compromise is, as I contend, a full and unqualified surrender of sll the demands of the North, why did certain ultra Senators object to it? A show of resistance might have been deemed politic, km tending to make Northern mcu suppose there must be something granted to them although th<-y could not tell what. It uny also suit the party purposes of aninn to t.rnlooir the on-m-nt nmlalion that Lhev may manufacture more patriotism for the Southern market And, lastly, if any roally wish to form a separate Republic, In which they expect to hare more power than they now enjoy, they will of course reject nil concessions, however great. Hut it ie incredible that the mere slaveholder*,the men who are only auxioue to open new markets /or the ft ile of their stock, and to acquire more votes in Congress, should be averse to n proposition that otters them all they have ever asked, and nil that Congress can give them, with the exception of the suppression of the right of petition, and the censorship of the Post Otlice; and these are not now in iasue. But we are told that unless we yield to the demands of the slaveholders, they will dissolve the Union. And what are these demands, which Mr. Clay admit* we have full right to refuse I Why, that asms!! body of men, not probably exceeding 100,000* shall be at liberty, lor their own ag. grandiiement, to blight with the curse of slavery our vast |>os*es*ioos south of 36"? 30', and whatever portion of Mexico it shall be found hereafter convenient to seise. Thus, at a time when eruelty and oppression are elsewhere giving way bsfora the increasing intelligence and morality of the qg*, we, the Mode) Republic, are to be the Instrument of extending over illimitable regions, now fr< e, a despotism more aocursod than any other known throughout the civilised world?a deepotih.t not only euslavee the body, but crushes the intellect through whioh man is enabled to distinguish good from tvil?a despotism that annihilates ' a'l rights, sets at naught all the atfeotions of the j heart, end converts a being made in the image of ' Cod, iuto a soulless machine. Tell me not of erC'ptioHx?of *<imc lucky chattel, like Mr. Clay'# negro, referred to in hi* speech. who, in bis rn.utter s well-Mori"! kitchen. hugs kis chain, laughs, and grows fat He is hut a vendible commodity, and to-morrow's nun may behold him toiling under the I ish, his wife given to another, and his children with pigs and mule*. sold at auction to tho highest bidder. Tell me not of exceptions; | "the kind owner" may at any moment he cx- (* changed by death or debts, for the hardened, re; morseless taskmaster, and the law sanction* every i vilhiny perpetrated upon the slave t No. my , dear sir, I cmnot give my consent, and I hope it | will not he given for me by my representative, to enrse a vast empire with such an institution, and to doom unborn millions to itH unutterable stamina- I ; tions, even to save our Southern brethren f'o-n I tho sin and folly of founding a new Republic |!) j upon the denial of human rights, and of rendering themselves a bye-word, a proverb and a rej proach among all the nations of the earth I value the favor of my God. and the salvation of i my soul, too much to take part or lot in sucn I great wickedness. Most fully do I atrrec with | Mr. Clay, that Congmt has no more cons itn | ttonai authority over slavery in the Slates, than i in the Island of Cuh.it and inputJu}\y tip J ^jrree ? , with the admission in hia speech, huf no( ta he /?>?? /1? hts resohrftont, of the right of Congrei? to exclude slavery from the conquered territories. Hence, in my opinion, the refusal to exercise thin right, even to preserve the l>nlonkwon)d he a crim* in the night of God and man. I entertain no apprehension of the severance of the Union, for this cause; hut should the few slaveholders, and the vast multitude of Southern people, who have no interest in slavery, in their madness separate from us, upon them will rest the sin, and upon them and their children will fall its punishment. Let us do what God commands, and leave to Him the consequences Youre, truly, William Jav. A late census in Kentucky reveals the fact, that the slaveholder* in that State own, on au average, twe itjr tw,. slaves. Should this average he applied to the wh'ies'avc region, the number of masters, according to I lie ceuius of ItilO, cannot exceed 117,(Ml! t Our <l"tighf?ce* are always complaining that 'heir em- . ployer* are slandered at the North Let the employers spesk for thems-lve* In Itrr. Repot It, (North ( arolina.) p Jf'-l. 1689, we And the case of Tat Slate va Mann Tba defendant att> mpted to flog a woman slave whom be had hlrel j she retreated: he ordered her to cone to him but she continued to ret'eat; he selxed his gnu, fired a' and wouwtwd her. For this he wo* indicted I be t one* ASd.f * tha' he who hiraa a slave in, for the time being, invrs'rd with all'he power* of therwnrr himself, to en free oledienoe and that the in lietmetit eould not tie sustained. SdM Judga KoflUi, " The pow?r*<if the nMmtt VSiSt be"ah*oiute, " to rsn.ler the submission of the slave perfect. 1 moat s neerety confess m.v sense if the harshness of this proposition I feel it a* deeply a* any insn can; at.tl ai u principle of vunnl right, erenj man in hit retirement mutt repudiate it. lint in the actual state of things it must be so? there is no remedy. This Uisi iplink rxlonos to Klavxbv." Verily, w's are the people to lecture Austria' THE SLAVE QUESTION. SPEECH OF MR. WELLBORN, flF fiEBRGIA, IN THK HOLISK OF KKPKKSKNTATIVKS, Fkidav, Fkphi'aky 1ft, 18ft0, In Committee of the Whole on the atate of the Union, on the Resolution referring the Preiulnu't M'Sitif to the. various Standing Commu ters. Mr. Wellborn said: In rising, Mr. Chairman, to reply to the arguments of the honorable member from Indiana, | Mr. Fitch ] pronounced on yesterday, and tho linnornhlo niemlier from Ohio I M r Hoot 1 wh.? has just taken his seat., I must beg the special indulgence of the Committee. Tbo circumstanced in which I enter upon the weighty topic* now engaging our most aminos deliberations, le ive me little opportunity to observe that order in argument, and that accuracy of language most favorable to a correct comprehension of what I desire to submit to the notice of the Committee. If, however, Mr. Chairman, 1 shall succeed in discussing the perplexing subjects before us with the respect due to opposing opinions and at the same time with the freedom and candor becoming their gravity, I shall b? most hnppv. The honorable member from Indiana [Mr. ? < Fitch] expressed, in the Course of his argument on yesterday, the opinion that the passage of the Ordinance of 17*7 for the government of tho Northwestern Territory, containing a clau?e prohibiting the introduction of slavery therein, was, in effect, tho setting of a just precedent for ita uniform exclusion from all suhsrmi< nt territorial acquisitions of this Union That prnpo-itlon requires a review of a few of the histories! circumstances in which that Ordinance came to bo passed. It will be remembered by tho Committee that it w is enacted by the Congress of the Confederation Now, Mr. Ch drman, when the Articles of Conf< deration weie adopted, the States whieh were parties to them held no other territory whatsoever than that, which was embraced within their respective limits They hsd no territory. I repeat, in the aen-e in which we apply that term to unnpprnpri t"l lands from time to lime held in common by the United States. And if the honorable member who used that argument wilt take the trouble to look through those Articles of Confederation, he will find no remark which can for a moment justify the idea that territorial arquisitionH were anticipated by them When, therefore, pending those Articles, territorial cessions to the States in common came to he made to the States separately, the Congress of the Confederation found itself without tho shadow of rightful authority over them. A new state of things, not contemplated by the Articles of Confederation, hud transpired. It was, Mr. ' Chairman, in these precise circumstance* that the Congress of the Confederation, with very patriotic Intentions, doubtless, hut in n manner wholly irregular, ruaoted and put in operation over the Te-ritory referred to by the honorable member, the Ordinance under notice. Mr. Madison, in the .')8th number of the Federating will be found, in commenting upon this course of conduat on the pert of the Cotigreee of the Confederation reepecting that Territory, to hare held the following langunge: jj "Congress hare assumed the ndminietration of thie stock. They bare begun to render it produc- , tire. Congress hare undertaken to do more; 1 they barn proceeded to form new Stated ; to erect temporary Governments; to appoint ollioere for them ; nod to prerorlbe the condition on which och Statea thall he adndtted into the Confederacy. All thia has been done, Nnd done without. the lenat color of constitutional authority; yet no blame haa been whispered, no alarm hue been Bounded." We thu? perceire the anomalouK nature of this procedure. The Ordinance, howerer, such as It was, hud panned into execution before the present Federal Government was formed. Before pass- , ing from it, I ask attention to the last member of 1 the tJth article of a certain compact expressed in it butwecn the original States, whose Congress enacted it, and the Territory nnd the States contemplated to be formed out ol? it. it is in thiee words: " Provided, alrcnys, That any person escaping into the same, from whom labor or service is lawfully claimed in any one of the original States, such fugitive may be lawfully reclaimed and conveyed to the person claiming his or her labor or service as aforesaid." L?<'i us now, Mr. L DKirinao, proceed more immediately to the consideration of a few historical facte, shedding light on the relation the provisions of the Constitution of the United States hoar to the subject of slavery, and the probable intention of its frnmers touching the bearings of those |?rovisions on the institution in the future. Did they contemplate, as the honorable member from Indiana instate, its exolueiou from all territorial atvpiisilions following its adoption? What is tho evidence on which the nflirmative of this <)uention rests? Is it to he found m the mere silence if the Constitution on the svbjtci ? To rest tho proof of it on this, would be substantially to argue that i whit is not disproved It to be taken to exist. J Let it be borne in mind, that this Ordinance oovi-red all the territory held In ooininon by the State# of this Union on their adoption of the Constitution. Now, I need not repeat to the committee the 'id clause of the yd section of the lib article of the Constitution, providing for tho recovery of slaves flying from service in the Stat.s where they may be held to service Into 8tnteH where slavery is prohibited. By this clause it will be seen that all the protection which, in tho existing condition of things, was practicable con- < sistently with the grand idea of forming a Con- I fodefiicy of Slates, ? </? tt'rtnl us Ukalf of the. injtitutwn of shunji, The framors of our Goveminent could not rtcntl what hud been done by a pnst government in the hrrttor^ so often cited. They could not prohibit the fhattt from adjusting within their "wo limits, on u sc?le of permanent policy, s matter so strictly domestic In its nature as is slavery, without s onuifeet departure from tho whole theory of the Union oontem_ l r?-.1. .l. .....I Tb?.Iia?w i.t it... SHiCU, |YO(U III |Ui umwa -tux irunvi; w? ?uv oion, howew, it r#oogui*?J ^noperty iu th? I luva. Vet it Is ia thv?# clrcuuuiUuowi that the 1